Latest news with #MEE
Middle East Eye
2 hours ago
- General
- Middle East Eye
‘My journey to get aid in Gaza was like Squid Game'
Editor's note: The following personal account of Yousef al-Ajouri, 40, was told to Palestinian journalist and MEE contributor Ahmed Dremly in Gaza City. It has been edited for brevity and clarity. My children cry all the time because of how hungry they are. They want bread, rice - anything to eat. Not long ago, I had stockpiles of flour and other food supplies. It's all run out. We now rely on meals distributed by charity kitchens, usually lentils. But it's not enough to satisfy the hunger of my children. I live with my wife, seven children, and my mother and father in a tent in al-Saraya, near the middle of Gaza City. New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters Our home in Jabalia refugee camp was completely destroyed during the Israeli army's invasion of northern Gaza in October 2023. Before the war, I was a taxi driver. But due to shortages in fuel, and the Israeli blockade, I had to stop working. I hadn't gone to receive aid packages at all since the war started, but the hunger situation is unbearable now. So I decided I would go to the American-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation aid distribution centre on Salah al-Din Road, near the Netzarim corridor. I heard that it's dangerous and people were getting killed and injured, but I made the decision to go anyway. Someone told me that if you go once every seven days, you might get enough supplies to feed your family for that week. Dark and deadly route It was around 9pm on 18 June when I heard men in the next tent preparing to head out to the aid centre. I told my neighbour in the next tent, Khalil Hallas, aged 35, that I wanted to join. Khalil told me to get ready by wearing loose clothes, so that I could run and be agile. He said to bring a bag or sack for carrying canned and packaged goods. Due to overcrowding, no one was able to carry the boxes the aid came in. My wife Asma, 36, and my daughter Duaa, 13, encouraged me to make the journey. They'd seen in the news that women were going to get aid too, and wanted to join me. I told them it was too dangerous. I saw at least six other martyrs lying on the ground I set off with five other men from my camp, including an engineer and a teacher. For some of us, it was the first time making the trip. We rode in a tuk-tuk - the only means of transport in southern Gaza, along with donkey and horse-drawn carts - with a total of 17 passengers. It included children aged 10 and 12. A young man in the vehicle, who had made the trip before, told us not to take the official route designated by the Israeli army. He said it was too crowded and we wouldn't receive any aid. He advised us to take an alternative route not far from the official path. The tuk-tuk dropped us off in Nuseirat, in central Gaza, and from there we walked around a kilometre towards Salah al-Din Road. The journey was extremely difficult - and dark. We couldn't use any flashlights, or else we would attract the attention of Israeli snipers or military vehicles. Palestinians gather at an aid distribution point in the Bureij refugee camp in central Gaza on 9 June 2025 (AFP/Eyad Baba) There were some exposed, open areas, which we crossed by crawling across the ground. As I crawled, I looked over, and to my surprise, saw several women and elderly people taking the same treacherous route as us. At one point, there was a barrage of live gunfire all around me. We hid behind a destroyed building. Anyone who moved or made a noticeable motion was immediately shot by snipers. Next to me was a tall, light-haired young man using the flashlight on his phone to guide him. The others yelled at him to turn it off. Seconds later, he was shot. He collapsed to the ground and lay there bleeding, but no one could help or move him. He died within minutes. Some nearby men eventually covered the man's body with the empty bag he had brought to fill up with canned goods. I saw at least six other martyrs lying on the ground. I also saw wounded people walking back in the opposite direction. One man was bleeding after falling and injuring his hand in the rough terrain. I fell a few times too. I was terrified, but there was no turning back. I'd already passed the most dangerous areas, and now the aid centre was within sight. We were all afraid. But we were there to feed our hungry children. Fighting for food It was coming up to 2am, which is when I was told access to the aid centre is granted. Sure enough, moments later, a large green light lit up the centre in the distance, signalling that it was open. People started running towards it from every direction. I ran as fast as I could. I was shocked by the massive crowd. I'd risked my life to get closer to the front, and yet, thousands had somehow arrived before me. I started questioning how they got there. Palestinians line up to receive a hot meal at a food distribution point in Gaza City on 27 June 2025 (AFP/Bashar Taleb) Were they working with the military? Were they collaborators, allowed to reach the aid first and take whatever they wanted? Or had they simply taken the same, if not even greater, risks that we had? I tried to push forward, but I couldn't. The centre was no longer visible because of the size of the crowds. People were pushing and shoving, but I decided I had to make it through - for my children. I took my shoes off, put them in my bag, and began forcing my way through. There were people on top of me, and I was on top of others. I noticed a girl being suffocated under the feet of the crowds. I grabbed her hand and pushed her out. I started feeling around for the aid boxes and grabbed a bag that felt like rice. But just as I did, someone else snatched it from my hands. Some begged others to share. But no one could afford to give up what they managed to get I tried to hold on, but he threatened to stab me with his knife. Most people there were carrying knives, either to defend themselves or to steal from others. Eventually, I managed to grab four cans of beans, a kilogram of bulgur, and half a kilogram of pasta. Within moments, the boxes were empty. Most of the people there, including women, children and the elderly, got nothing. Some begged others to share. But no one could afford to give up what they managed to get. Even the empty cartons and wooden pallets were taken, to be used as firewood for cooking. Those who got nothing started picking up spilled flour and grains from the ground, trying to salvage what had fallen during the chaos. Soldiers watched and laughed I turned my head and saw soldiers, maybe 10 or 20 metres away. They were talking to each other, using their phones, and filming us. Some were aiming weapons at us. I remembered a scene from the South Korean TV show Squid Game, in which killing was entertainment - a game. We were being killed not only by their weapons but also by hunger and humiliation, while they watched us and laughed. I started wondering: were they still filming us? Were they watching this madness, seeing how some people overpowered others, while the weakest got nothing? We left the area just as the boxes had emptied. People carrying sacks of flour walk past a water puddle along al-Rashid street in western Jabalia on 17 June 2025 (AFP/Bashar Taleb) Minutes later, red smoke grenades were thrown into the air. Someone told me that it was the signal to evacuate the area. After that, heavy gunfire began. Me, Khalil and a few others headed to al-Awda Hospital in Nuseirat because our friend Wael had injured his hand during the journey. I was shocked by what I saw at the hospital. There were at least 35 martyrs lying dead on the ground in one of the rooms. A doctor told me they had all been brought in that same day. They were each shot in the head or chest while queuing near the aid centre. Their families were waiting for them to come home with food and ingredients. Now, they were corpses. I started to break down, thinking about these families. I thought to myself: why are we being forced to die just to feed our children? At that moment, I decided that I would never journey to those places again. A slow death We walked back in silence, and I arrived home at around 7:30am on Thursday morning. My wife and children were waiting for me, hoping that I was safe and alive, and that I'd brought back food. They were upset when they saw I'd returned with barely anything. It was the hardest day of my life. I've never felt humiliation like I did that day. I hope food can get through soon and be distributed in a respectful way, without humiliation and killing. The current system is chaotic and deadly. I don't even care if the war keeps going - what matters is that food gets through There's no justice in it. Most end up with nothing, because there's no organised system and there's too little aid for too many people. I'm certain Israel wants this chaos to continue. They claim this method is best because, otherwise, Hamas takes the aid. But I'm not Hamas, and many, many others aren't either. Why should we suffer? Why should we be denied aid unless we risk our lives to get it? At this point, I don't even care if the war keeps going - what matters is that food gets through, so we can eat. My son, Yousef, is three years old. He wakes up crying, saying he wants to eat. We have nothing to give him. He keeps crying until he gets tired and falls silent. I eat one meal a day, or sometimes nothing at all, so the children can eat. This isn't life. This is a slow death.
New Indian Express
4 hours ago
- New Indian Express
Eravikulam ranked India's best national park
KOCHI: In a major recognition for Kerala's conservation efforts, the Eravikulam National Park in Munnar has been ranked the best among all national parks in India, as per the Management Effectiveness Evaluation (MEE) 2020–25 conducted by the Union Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change. Eravikulam scored an impressive 92.97%, sharing the top rank with Dachigam National Park in Jammu & Kashmir. The MEE was conducted across 438 Protected Areas in the country over multiple phases by expert panels, following global criteria laid down by the IUCN and the World Commission on Protected Areas (WCPA). Evaluations were based on 32 parameters grouped under six key aspects of conservation management, a release said here. Notably, Kerala emerged as the only state to receive a 'Very Good' rating, with a total score of 76.22%, outpacing states like Karnataka (74.24%), Punjab (71.74%), and Himachal Pradesh (71.36%), which were rated 'Good.' Two other protected areas from Kerala's Munnar Wildlife Division also made it to the top tier: Mathikettan Shola National Park (90.63%) and Chinnar Wildlife Sanctuary (89.84%). The 97 Eravikulam Park, located in the high-altitude shola-grassland ecosystem of the southern Western Ghats, is home to the largest surviving population of the endangered Nilgiri Tahr, and is known for its rare kurinji flowers (Strobilanthes kunthianus), which bloom once every 12 years. The evaluation praised the park for its eco-tourism model built on strong community participation, its clean management, and its innovative use of technology. Eravikulam also hosts India's first Virtual Reality Nature Education Centre, allowing visitors to experience biodiversity without entering sensitive habitats. The park includes an interpretation centre, orchidarium, fernery, and segregated tourism zones to ensure minimal ecological disruption. Highlighting the achievement, Kerala's Forest and Wildlife Minister A K Saseendran congratulated 'officers and staff across the Forest Department who worked tirelessly for this.' Chief Wildlife Warden Pramod G Krishnan noted that the recognition was especially meaningful as Eravikulam celebrates its Golden Jubilee this year. The Western Ghats landscape—linking multiple protected areas across Kerala and Tamil Nadu—is described in the report as a critical biodiversity corridor. The Eravikulam model, it concludes, demonstrates how conservation, tourism, and local communities can coexist without compromising ecological integrity.
Middle East Eye
13 hours ago
- Politics
- Middle East Eye
'Vindicated': Unscathed by war, Gulf states look to capitalise on Israel and Iran's losses
The Gulf states see two losers in the conflict between Israel and Iran, analysts and Arab officials tell Middle East Eye. Having squeaked through the hostilities with little damage themselves, leaders in the energy-rich Gulf are now in a position to tap their relative advantages in Israel and the Islamic Republic. Watching the smoke rise from Tehran was a change for leaders in Saudi Arabia and the UAE, who just a few years ago were fending off drones and missiles launched at them from Iran's allies, the Houthis in Yemen. Israeli warplanes made hay of Iran's weak air defences. Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps generals were assassinated, and ballistic missile launchers and arms factories were destroyed. The war culminated in the US bombing Iran's Fordow, Natanz and Isfahan nuclear facilities. And that is the aspect that US and Israeli officials are hammering home about the conflict in their interactions, three Arab officials told MEE. New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters But for the first time in a generation, Arab rulers got to see how Israel would fare against a conventional army. Israeli encroachment stopped 'The Israelis showed strong spirit in supporting their military…They were brave. However, the home front in Israel couldn't take more than two weeks of missile strikes,' one Arab official told MEE, sharing an assessment of the war review in a leading Arab capital. MEE spoke with officials representing three Arab capitals for this article. All said that in their country's corridors of power, the assessment is that Israel was the first to signal it was ready for a ceasefire after having exhausted its list of military targets and seeing that the Islamic Republic was not facing collapse. 'Benjamin Netanyahu was on a rise until now,' Bader al-Saif, a professor at Kuwait University, told MEE. 'Of course, Israel demonstrated military superiority over Iran's skies. But Iran stopped the Israeli encroachment and hit back. The image of an invincible Israel with flawless air defence is broken.' 'The image of an invincible Israel with flawless air defence is broken' - Bader al-Saif, Kuwait University The perception of Israeli vulnerability is important to understand how the US's Arab allies will approach Israel in the future, experts say. It could give them more leverage with Israel, including states that normalised ties with it in 2020 under the Abraham Accords. The same goes for Tehran, the Arab officials told MEE. They expect Gulf leaders to offer investments to Tehran and are not ruling out high-level visits in the coming months. In April, Saudi Arabia's defence minister and brother of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman visited Tehran. Despite saying Iran's nuclear programme has been 'blown up to kingdom come', US President Donald Trump says his administration will restart talks with Iran. Iran says its nuclear programme is "badly damaged". Either way, the Gulf states backed the nuclear talks, and their sway in Tehran could increase even more now, Arab officials told MEE. 'The Gulf gets a hearing in Washington. At the end of the day, that remains the tremendous leverage it has with Iran - calling up Trump in the middle of the night and him answering the phone,' one Arab diplomat told MEE. The UAE, Qatar and Saudi Arabia sealed deals for hundreds of billions of dollars with the US when Trump visited the region in May. At the time, they appeared to get concessions. Under pressure from Saudi Arabia, Trump stopped US attacks on the Houthis in Yemen, MEE revealed. He also lifted sanctions on Syria. 'The Israelis were brave...[but] the home front couldn't take more than two weeks of missile strikes' - Arab official The Gulf states were unable to stop Israel's attack on Iran. For a moment, it looked dicey. Although the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Qatar have differing priorities, experts say none of them wanted to see the US directly join Israel's offensive. In the end, all the Arab officials who spoke with MEE characterised the US strike on Iran's nuclear facilities as 'limited" or "minimal". Iran's retaliatory strike on al-Udeid military base in Qatar was coordinated well in advance with Gulf states, MEE reported. 'This crisis has really elevated the Gulf states' leadership,' Ayham Kamel, Middle East president at Edelman Public and Government Affairs, told MEE. 'They were able to play a behind-the-scenes diplomatic role and avoid any significant attack on their territory. They triangulated their cooperation to be inclusive of key states in the broader region, particularly Iran, Turkey and Israel,' he added. Sympathy with Iran? For years, the US tried to recruit Gulf states into an alliance with Israel to counter Iran. When Hezbollah dominated Lebanon, Bashar al-Assad ruled Syria, and the Houthis were lobbing missiles and drones at Saudi Arabia - that pitch was attractive. It reached its peak before the Hamas-led 7 October 2023 attack on southern Israel, when US Central Command tried to create a 'Middle East Nato' linking Israel to Gulf states and Egypt's air defence. But when Israel and Iran came to blows, instead of joining in Israel's offensive, the US's Arab allies lobbied Trump to stop the war. 'Right now, even among the ruling classes, there is more sympathy with Iran than there has been in a long time' - Patrick Theros, former US ambassador Israel and Iran exchanged direct fire twice in 2024. The US did receive some Saudi and Qatari support defending Israel last year. But Iran choreographed its missile barrages then. This round was the first bare-knuckled battle between them, with Israeli jets pounding Tehran and Iran hammering major cities like Tel Aviv and Haifa. Qatar, the UAE and Saudi Arabia all condemned Israel's attack on Iran. Qatar has historically maintained closer ties to the Islamic Republic, in part because they share the world's largest natural gas field. But this conflict saw the UAE and Saudi Arabia publicly and privately press for a ceasefire, two Arab officials told MEE. 'US and Israeli officials may not have anticipated how serious the Gulf is about de-escalation. They know now. Saudi Arabia is on the top of that list,' Patrick Theros, a former US diplomat who served as ambassador to Qatar and a high-ranking official in the UAE, told MEE. 'Right now, even among the ruling classes, including Saudi Arabia, there is more sympathy with Iran than there has been in a long time,' Theros said. Israel and US modified F-35s to enable Iran attack without refuelling, sources say Read More » Not so long ago, Israel may have been able to convince Saudi Arabia to join in its attack. In 2018, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman compared Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei to Hitler and said he was trying to 'conquer the world'. Then, Saudi Arabia became bogged down fighting Iran's allies in Yemen. In 2019, two major Saudi oil facilities were attacked. At the time, President Trump shrugged off the assault, which emanated from Iran. In the following years, Saudi Arabia moved to patch up ties with the Islamic Republic. In 2023, China brokered a rapprochement between Riyadh and Tehran. It worked for everyone during the war. The Strait of Hormuz, which China relies on for its oil shipments, remained open. Iranian oil exports soared despite Israeli attacks, and Saudi Arabia's oil installations were safe again. 'The Gulf isn't where it was at in 2019,' Saif, at Kuwait University, told MEE. "We [the Gulf] feel vindicated that we did not join the war.' Gaza ceasefire and normalisation The Gulf states' main focus is reducing their economies' dependence on oil revenue. Saudi Arabia has pushed through liberalising social reforms and is pursuing an ambitious Vision 2030 agenda that includes luxury Red Sea tourism. Both Riyadh and Abu Dhabi want to build AI data centres. One overlooked element of the change, Theros told MEE, is that the sectarian tensions that feed into the rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran in spheres of influence like Yemen and Syria have ebbed, as Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman pursues modernising social reforms. 'Now that Mohammed Bin Salman has de-Wahhabised Saudi Arabia, the rhetoric out of the clerics about the Shia has been curbed,' Theros said. 'That makes it harder for Israel to bring Saudi Arabia along.' If anything, public opinion in the Gulf has turned more negative towards Israel over its war on Gaza, where over 56,000 Palestinians have been killed. A poll released by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy in the first months of the Gaza war revealed 96 percent of people in Saudi Arabia oppose normalisation with Israel. Trump signalled on Wednesday that he wants to build out his fragile ceasefire between Israel and Iran to Gaza, where he said 'great progress is being made' to end the war. Ending that conflict is a prerequisite to any talk of normalising ties between Saudi Arabia and Israel. Under Saudi pressure, Trump refrained from lobbying the kingdom to cut a deal with Israel during his visit to Riyadh in May, but told Saudi Arabia, 'you'll be greatly honouring me' by doing so. Saudi Arabia says it needs to see Israel take irreversible steps towards a Palestinian state to normalise relations. Diplomats say that after the Israel-Iran war, the price Saudi Arabia will demand is going up. 'Saudi Arabia has a very good sense of where the Arab street is going,' one Arab official told MEE. 'It will insist on something serious.'
Middle East Eye
13 hours ago
- Politics
- Middle East Eye
Zohran Mamdani faces racist smears and calls for citizenship to be stripped
Zohran Mamdani is facing a barrage of racist attacks this week and a call by a Republican lawmaker for him to be stripped of his citizenship after his 24 June victory in the New York City primary election for mayor. The pro-Palestinian Democratic Socialist won the Democratic nomination for mayor with a clear majority after 93 percent of the votes were counted. Before his victory, he faced racist attacks from New York City councilwoman Vickie Paladino and Congressman Randy Fine, both from the Republican party, while after the win, Republican Andy Ogles called for Mamdani to be deported and denaturalised. In a post on X on 26 June, Ogles said: "Zohran 'little muhammad' Mamdani is an antisemitic, socialist, communist who will destroy the great City of New York. He needs to be DEPORTED. Which is why I am calling for him to be subject to denaturalization proceedings.' Ogles also attached a letter to attorney general Pam Bondi, accusing Mamdani of procuring his citizenship through 'willful mirepresentation or concealment of material support for terrorism'. New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters The comments drew condemnation from several of Ogle's colleagues, including Democratic Congressman Shri Thanedar and the House Homeland Security Committee Democrats, as well as Muslim American members of Congress. 'This type of racism has no place in America,' Thanedar said in a post on X on 26 June. 'This type of racism has no place in America. Immigrants make our country great, and I strongly condemn this blatant, anti-immigrant bigotry from Andy Ogles'. The House Homeland Security Committee Democrats referred to his comments in a 26 June post on X as 'Racist drivel.' Democratic Congresswoman Rashida Tlaib on Friday posted a statement on X from Muslim American members of Congress condemning Ogle's "anti-Muslim" attacks. "The vile, anti-Muslim and racists smears from our colleagues on both sides of the aisle attacking Zohran Mamdani cannot be met with silence," the statement read. The statement was signed on to by Tlaib, Congresswomen Ilhan Omar and Lateefah Simon, and Congressman Andre Carson. Corey Saylor, research and advocacy director at the civil rights and advocacy organisation Council on American-Islamic Relations (Cair) told Middle East Eye that the attacks on Mamdani were part of an entrenched decades-long perspective on Muslims: 'The anti-Muslim bigotry that has erupted online in the wake of New York City's Democratic mayoral primary is as dishonest as it is dangerous." Mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani fends off hate as he inspires New Yorkers Read More » He added that it was 'nothing new' to the American-Muslim community. 'The politicians, influencers and hate groups unleashing a wave of irrational Islamophobic talking points are weaponising the same tactics that have been used for decades to manipulate Americans into fearing any Muslims engaged in political life,' he added. 'Islamophobia is the last widely accepted form of bigotry in American political life, and this must change before it leads to more discrimination and threats of violence against American Muslims pursuing public office". But it wasn't just lawmakers who have been targeting Mamdani since his victory. Stephen Miller, the White House assistant chief of staff, who is frequently referred to as the architect behind Trump's immigration policies, alluded to Mamdani in a post on X on 25 June, saying that 'NYC is the clearest warning yet of what happens to a society when it fails to control migration'. Miller himself is the grandson of a Jewish immigrant who fled religious persecution from modern-day Belarus to the United States. Prior to his election success, Mamdani had already been the target of a smear campaign that painted him as an antisemite, funded to the tune of $25m by a Super PAC called "Fix the City". He even faced death threats, with his office receiving voicemails including a threat to blow up his car. Mamdani teared up when speaking of the impact of such attacks during his campaign, saying he had received a message saying, 'The only good Muslim is a dead Muslim'. Mamdani is an Indian-origin Muslim who moved from Uganda to New York City when he was seven years old and became a naturalised citizen in 2018.
Middle East Eye
14 hours ago
- Politics
- Middle East Eye
US Supreme Court limits judges from blocking Trump order on birthright citizenship
The US Supreme Court has curbed the power of lower court judges to pause executive orders issued by US President Donald Trump, while hearing a case that looks to end the automatic granting of citizenship to people born in the country. In its 6-3 ruling on Friday, which was ideologically divided with liberal judges dissenting against the ruling, the court said nationwide injunctions or pauses issued by district court judges "likely exceed the equitable authority that Congress has granted to federal courts". The ruling sets a broader precedent that removes a roadblock standing in the way of Trump's often highly controversial executive orders and has far-reaching ramifications for the judiciary's capacity to rein in executive power. The top court did not rule on the constitutionality of Trump's executive order to end "birthright citizenship", which is automatic citizenship rights for nearly anyone born on US territory. Under the 14th Amendment of the US Constitution, all children born in the US automatically become US citizens, but the Trump administration is looking to abolish that right. New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters Trump on Friday called the ruling a 'Giant Win' on Truth Social and organised a White House briefing on Friday to celebrate. He hailed the decision a 'monumental victory for the constitution, the separation of powers, and the rule of law in striking down the excessive use of nationwide injunctions interfering with the normal functions of the executive branch'. Trump accused 'radical left judges' of 'a colossal abuse of power' which he said had only happened in 'recent decades'. 'We've been hit with more nationwide injunctions than were issued in the entire 20th century together,' he said. Federal court judges have been instrumental in blocking many of Trump's executive orders and have been consistently criticised by the president. 'Profoundly dangerous' The Trump administration maintains that 'birthright citizenship was meant for the babies of slaves. It wasn't meant for people trying to scam the system and come into the country'. During a White House briefing on Friday, attorney general Pam Bondi said that the birthright citizenship question will 'most likely' be decided by the Supreme Court in October. In her dissent, liberal Justice Sonia Sotomayor said the 'decision is nothing less than an open invitation for the Government to bypass the Constitution. 'Unprecedented crisis': 100 days of human rights under Trump Read More » 'The Executive Branch can now enforce policies that flout settled law and violate countless individuals' constitutional rights, and the federal courts will be hamstrung to stop its actions fully. Until the day that every affected person manages to become party to a lawsuit and secures for himself injunctive relief, the Government may act lawlessly indefinitely.' Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson also expressed deep concern. "The Court's decision to permit the Executive to violate the Constitution with respect to anyone who has not yet sued is an existential threat to the rule of law,' Brown Jackson said. 'The majority's ruling thus not only diverges from first principles, it is also profoundly dangerous, since it gives the Executive the go-ahead to sometimes wield the kind of unchecked, arbitrary power the Founders crafted our Constitution to eradicate'. During the briefing, Trump also added he had 'numerous policies' that he could now proceed with, including 'ending sanctuary city funding, suspending refugee resettlement, freezing unnecessary funding, stopping federal taxpayers from paying for transgender surgeries'. Ramifications Trump signed an executive order on 20 January to end automatic citizenship rights for people born on US territory - commonly known as "birthright citizenship". The highly controversial move was met with a series of lawsuits, which ultimately led to judges in district courts in three states issuing nationwide injunctions that blocked the order from taking effect. Trump's Department of Justice responded by taking the case to the Supreme Court. Therefore, the case was not about birthright citizenship directly, but whether a single federal district court judge has the right to issue a nationwide block to a presidential decree with a universal injunction. Steven Schwinn, a law professor at the University of Illinois Chicago, told AFP that the court's ruling "sharply undermines the power of federal courts to rein in lawless actions by the government". "The ruling will likely create a patchwork of birthright citizenship rights," Schwinn told AFP, where it is recognised in some locations for people who have successfully sued and not recognised for people who have not sued. "This patchwork approach to individual rights is inconsistent with our history and tradition of federal rights in the United States and is inconsistent with the rule of law," he said. The Trump administration had asked the Supreme Court to restrict the application of a district court's injunction solely to the parties who brought the case and the district where the judge presides. Trump's executive order on birthright citizenship decrees that children born to parents in the United States illegally or on temporary visas would not automatically become citizens.
