Latest news with #Maidan
Irish Independent
5 hours ago
- Politics
- Irish Independent
Ukraine's parliament to consider restoring power of anti-corruption agencies amid Zelensky backlash
Zelensky reversed course after the outcry and under pressure from top European officials, who warned Ukraine was jeopardising its bid for EU membership by curbing the powers of its anti-graft authorities. Demonstrations had continued even after he submitted the new bill restoring their independence, with hundreds rallying near the presidential administration in Kyiv late on Wednesday to chants of "Shame!" and "The people are the power!". "I really want parliament to vote (for the new measure) just as quickly as it did last time," said protester Kateryna Kononenko, 36, referring to last week's fast-tracked approval of the controversial amendments. Activists also called for demonstrations near parliament ahead of Thursday's vote in an attempt to pressure lawmakers to approve the new bill. Eradicating graft and shoring up the rule of law are key requirements for Kyiv to join the EU, which Ukrainians see as critical to their future as they fend off a Russian invasion. Last week's amendments had given Zelensky's hand-picked general prosecutor the power to transfer cases away from the anti-graft agencies and reassign prosecutors - a step critics had said was designed to protect allies from prosecution. While much smaller, the rallies of the past week have sparked comparisons to Ukraine's 2014 Maidan revolution, when protesters toppled a president they accused of corruption and heavy-handed rule. More than two-thirds of Ukrainians support the recent protests, according to a recent survey by Ukrainian pollster Gradus Research. CORRUPTION FIGHTERS The National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) and the Specialised Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office (SAPO) have stepped up a closely watched campaign against graft since Russia's February 2022 invasion. They have produced charges against lawmakers and senior government officials, including a then-deputy prime minister who was accused last month of taking a $345,000 kickback. Speaking to Reuters last Friday, after Zelenskiy's reversal, NABU chief Semen Kryvonos said he expected pressure against his agency to continue, fuelled by what he described as corrupt forces uninterested in cleaning up Ukraine. He added that he and other anti-corruption officials felt a greater sense of responsibility following the protests, but also called on the country's leadership to help their effort.
The Star
6 hours ago
- Politics
- The Star
Ukraine's parliament to consider restoring power of anti-graft agencies
Protesters hold placards during a rally ahead of a vote in parliament on Thursday, in which lawmakers will consider restoring the independence of two key anti-corruption agencies, amid Russia's attack on Ukraine, in Kyiv, Ukraine, July 30, 2025. REUTERS/Thomas Peter KYIV (Reuters) -Ukrainian lawmakers on Thursday are expected to consider a bill restoring the independence of the country's two main anti-corruption agencies, aiming to defuse a political crisis that has shaken faith in President Volodymyr Zelenskiy's wartime leadership. Thousands of protesters rallied in Kyiv and other cities in recent days in a rare show of discontent after lawmakers led by Zelenskiy's ruling party rushed through amendments last week defanging the respected agencies. Zelenskiy reversed course after the outcry and under pressure from top European officials, who warned Ukraine was jeopardising its bid for EU membership by curbing the powers of its anti-graft authorities. Demonstrations had continued even after he submitted the new bill restoring their independence, with hundreds rallying near the presidential administration in Kyiv late on Wednesday to chants of "Shame!" and "The people are the power!". "I really want parliament to vote (for the new measure) just as quickly as it did last time," said protester Kateryna Kononenko, 36, referring to last week's fast-tracked approval of the controversial amendments. Activists also called for demonstrations near parliament ahead of Thursday's vote in an attempt to pressure lawmakers to approve the new bill. Eradicating graft and shoring up the rule of law are key requirements for Kyiv to join the EU, which Ukrainians see as critical to their future as they fend off a Russian invasion. Last week's amendments had given Zelenskiy's hand-picked general prosecutor the power to transfer cases away from the anti-graft agencies and reassign prosecutors - a step critics had said was designed to protect allies from prosecution. While much smaller, the rallies of the past week have sparked comparisons to Ukraine's 2014 Maidan revolution, when protesters toppled a president they accused of corruption and heavy-handed rule. More than two-thirds of Ukrainians support the recent protests, according to a recent survey by Ukrainian pollster Gradus Research. CORRUPTION FIGHTERS The National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) and the Specialised Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office (SAPO) have stepped up a closely watched campaign against graft since Russia's February 2022 invasion. They have produced charges against lawmakers and senior government officials, including a then-deputy prime minister who was accused last month of taking a $345,000 kickback. Speaking to Reuters last Friday, after Zelenskiy's reversal, NABU chief Semen Kryvonos said he expected pressure against his agency to continue, fuelled by what he described as corrupt forces uninterested in cleaning up Ukraine. He added that he and other anti-corruption officials felt a greater sense of responsibility following the protests, but also called on the country's leadership to help their effort. "This responsibility must be shared with the government, which needs to react and say, 'Okay, there's corruption here - let's destroy it.'" (Reporting by Dan Peleschuk; Editing by Saad Sayeed)
Int'l Business Times
15 hours ago
- Politics
- Int'l Business Times
Ukraine Will Fix Anti-graft Law, Minister Tells AFP Ahead Of Crucial Vote
Ukraine will fix a controversial anti-graft law that sparked protests last week, its foreign minister told AFP ahead of a crucial parliamentary vote Thusday, but critics said some MPs might be reluctant to back the changes. President Volodymyr Zelensky changed the law that curbed the powers of anti-graft bodies after the original legislation sparked the largest public unrest since Russia's invasion more than three years ago. The law had put the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) and Specialised Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office (SAPO) under the direct authority of the prosecutor general, who is appointed by the president. Critics said the move could facilitate presidential interference in corruption probes. On Thursday, the parliament is to vote on a new version, approved by the agencies, which restores their independence, but also provides for regular lie detector tests for anti-graft officials. "We anticipate the vote tomorrow. The relevant parliamentary committee has already given its approval. We are getting this fixed," Foreign Minister Andriy Sybiga told AFP in an interview. Several hundred people staged a new protest in the rain in central Kyiv on the eve of the vote to put pressure on lawmakers. "Hands off NABU and SAPO," they chanted. "I hope that things will improve somehow, but it will be almost impossible to completely restore our reputation," Olena, a 51-year-old IT worker, told AFP at the protest. Another protester, Pavlo, said however that he did not think the action "did any harm" as people were focused on the war with Russia. But he added that the law has damaged public trust in the government, which already "wasn't very high". The minister said last week's protests proved Ukraine is a democracy. "The Ukrainian authorities heard their (civil society) voices, as well as those of our partners," he declared. Sybiga reiterated Kyiv's commitment to fight corruption and its desire to join the European Union and NATO military alliance, "there is no alternative to this path," the minister said. "This is a principled position of President Zelenskyy and this is in our national interest." European allies had been worried that the law would undermine anti-corruption reforms key to Ukraine's bid to join the EU, but supported the new amendments. It remains to be seen whether members of the parliament, which is mostly loyal to Zelensky, will approve the new version. Commentators and Ukrainian media feared some lawmakers under potential investigation by the agencies may be reluctant to support the new bill. Thirty-one MPs have been mentioned in NABU's investigations, SAPO said in a statement on Wednesday. NABU and SAPO were created a decade ago when Ukraine undertook anti-corruption reforms after the pro-European Maidan protests, dubbed as the Revolution of Dignity. They uncovered major corruption cases, including within the presidency, parliament and judiciary. However only three out of the 10 most significant cases resulted in prison sentences, according NABU. "Hope dies last," said Olena, who took part in Wednesday's protest.
NBC News
6 days ago
- Politics
- NBC News
Can Volodymyr Zelenskyy recover from his self-made crisis?
KYIV, Ukraine — The reversal was almost as swift as the outpouring of public fury. But the question is how much this week's sudden crisis in Ukraine has nonetheless tarnished the talismanic image of its leader, a man crucial in rallying support at home and abroad for the fight against Russia. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy on Thursday appeared to reverse his attempt to seize sweeping powers over the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office. Saying he heard the concerns of his people and Western backers, he has now introduced a law that he said would guarantee their independence — and the agencies themselves said they were satisfied. Many Ukrainians are eager to point out that this open-eared approach — taking immediate action to remedy the problem — is a drastic change from past administrations that dismissed or even silenced such concerns. But some fear the damage may already be done. 'For Zelenskyy, this is a serious crisis of legitimacy,' Oleksandra Keudel, an assistant professor of public policy and governance at the Kyiv School of Economics, told NBC News in an email. 'I'm not sure it's reversible.' Now known as a camo-clad wartime leader, Zelenskyy was a comedian elected in 2019 promising to root out the corruption that has plagued Ukraine since it gained modern independence in 1991. He was widely lauded for his anti-corruption fight — adding fuel to the dismay over his quixotic power grab. Ukrainians took to the streets in their thousands, some shouting 'shame!' outside the legislature in Kyiv. With his legislative about-face Thursday, Zelenskyy has at least undone the immediate machinery that so worried observers, domestic and foreign. 'It is important that Ukrainians are responding with such dignity to everything thatʼs happening,' he said. He conceded in a conversation with journalists that 'probably, there should have been a dialogue' before going ahead with the law. 'I am focused on the issue of the war,' he added. 'For me, it was very important that we listened and responded adequately. People asked for changes. We responded.' When asked for comment on the criticisms, Zelenskyy's office referred NBC News to the comments made Thursday. What hurts Ukrainians is the perception that the government could so easily undo the hard-fought progress won during the Maidan uprising of 2014 that ousted the Kremlin-backed leader Viktor Yanukovych. Mykhailo Sobaliev, an 18-year-old student, says that back then, his father was the head of the parliament's anti-graft committee and was directly involved in establishing the two bodies whose power Zelenskyy's law sought to curb. When Russia launched its full-scale invasion, his father immediately signed up with the territorial defense units protecting the capital, and now he is fighting in Zaporizhzhia. Sobaliev describes Zelenskyy's law as 'ugly' and 'outrageous,' and knows criticizing the government during wartime is a gift to Ukraine's enemies. But he sees the public outrage as 'a manifestation that democracy still exists and is alive.' Indeed, many here are eager to point out that the protests, during a period of martial law when such large gatherings can be restricted, would not be possible in Russia, w hich has brutally crushed far meeker displays of dissent. Many Ukrainians see this civic surge as intrinsically linked with the attritional violence on the front lines; if these values are not protected at home, then what are the troops fighting for? The war has become 'hard — very hard,' said Aristarkh, 50, a Ukrainian special forces officer, who like most Ukrainian soldiers only uses one name for security reasons. 'It's very difficult to stay motivated,' he said. However 'when I saw this number of people' protesting and 'also fighting for their country,' he felt 'incredible pride,' he added. 'It just raises your level of motivation an order of magnitude.' Jessica Berlin, a senior fellow at the Center for European Policy Analysis, a Washington think tank, is a vocal supporter of Ukraine. The initial law was one of Zelenskyy's 'worst political mistakes since the full scale invasion began,' she said, breaking 'the unspoken contract between the Ukrainian government and people that has held through over three traumatic, exhausting years.' The public has 'refrained from mass protests' in 'the good faith belief that the government is doing everything to win the war and restore security while not overstepping their wartime powers or threatening the democratic progress,' she said. But 'for many Ukrainians, this bill crosses a red line.' The opprobrium was far from just domestic, with leaders across Europe voicing their disquiet and urging Zelenskyy to rethink. Others fear his standing has been undermined for the longer term. 'Until now, Zelenskyy and his team have been recognized as 'good guys,'' said Drago Kos, former chairman of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development's Working Group on Bribery in International Business Transactions. But this week has posed uncomfortable questions: 'Why are the 'good guys' afraid of anti-corruption efforts within their own country?' he said.
Russia Today
7 days ago
- Politics
- Russia Today
‘Ganba' in Kiev: Zelensky goes to war with Washington's men
Ukraine is seeing its first mass protests since the start of the conflict with Russia – and they're not about battlefield losses or conscription raids, but corruption. Or rather, a particular kind of corruption: the kind linked to Vladimir Zelensky's attempts to seize control of the anti-corruption agencies. Since July 22, thousands have taken to the streets chanting 'Ganba!' ('Shame!'), echoing the spirit of past Maidan uprisings. But this is no popular revolt. It's a turf war – an internal power struggle between two rival camps in Ukraine's elite. On one side are Zelensky and his right-hand man, Andrey Yermak – let's call them the 'Office faction,' based in Bankova Street. On the other are the foreign-funded NGOs, intelligence-linked assets, and the remnants of former President Pyotr Poroshenko's political machine. These include the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) and the Specialised Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office (SAPO) – bodies created at the West's insistence to impose external control over Ukrainian politics. The spark was a recent bill rammed through the Rada in emergency mode. The law stripped NABU and SAPO of their autonomy and placed them under the control of Ukraine's Prosecutor General – effectively, Zelensky's office. In other words, the very agencies tasked with investigating corruption must now report to the people they're meant to investigate. Unsurprisingly, the 'anti-corruption' camp cried foul. But this isn't really about clean government – it's about influence. For years, NABU and SAPO operated as instruments of Western leverage, particularly from the Democratic Party establishment in Washington. They answered more to US and EU embassies than to the Ukrainian people. And Zelensky has finally had enough. The timing is no accident. With Donald Trump back in power, the institutional support once enjoyed by the Poroshenko-era clique is fading. Zelensky saw an opening – and struck. His first move came earlier this year with corruption cases targeting Poroshenko himself. Now, he's gone after the crown jewels of Western liberal influence in Kiev. The message is clear: there is to be no parallel power structure. The president wants full control. But it may be a gamble too far. Western European officials, already frustrated with Kiev's domestic conduct, quickly warned that Ukraine's EU accession bid could be blocked. The opposition, sensing blood, brought people into the streets – and unlike previous protests, these gained traction fast. On Wednesday, the Bankova realised the crowd wasn't going home. The real question now is whether Zelensky will stand firm or retreat. Early in his presidency, he was terrified of sharing Viktor Yanukovich's fate and often folded under public pressure. But war changes men. He now rules over a cleansed political landscape, has a wartime excuse to quash dissent, and is backed by a disciplined vertical of power. Yermak, a ruthless operator, may urge him to dig in. Yet the risks are considerable. Zelensky has never managed to convince Western Europe that he's irreplaceable. If Brussels decides to pull the plug – financially or politically – his position could unravel fast. The same donors who once backed him could soon be shopping for a more pliant successor. And even if he climbs down and restores NABU and SAPO's powers, the damage is done. The opposition has momentum. Western backers will start asking tough questions. And the illusion of Zelensky as a unifying, democratic wartime leader will take another hit. None of this means Ukraine is headed for collapse – but it does suggest Zelensky is more vulnerable than he appears. His grip on power now depends on how far he's willing to go to silence opposition, both foreign and domestic. If he wins this standoff, he'll emerge as the undisputed master of Ukraine. If he loses, it could trigger a slow bleed of authority that leads to a political reckoning. The most likely outcome? A messy stalemate. Zelensky may backtrack enough to appease the EU but not enough to restore full control to the Western-funded agencies. The protests may fizzle or grow, depending on how much oxygen the opposition and its foreign patrons can pump in. But whatever happens, one thing is clear: Ukraine's politics are fracturing again. The West's man in Kiev is no longer playing by the West's rules. And his enemies – both at home and abroad – are watching closely. For now, all we can do is enjoy the show. And hope it runs a while article was first published by the online newspaper and was translated and edited by the RT team
