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Yahoo
5 days ago
- Politics
- Yahoo
NE Wisconsin reacts to no third term for Evers announcement
MADISON, Wis. (WFRV) – Governor Tony Evers announced that he will not run for a third term, prompting a flood of reaction from both sides of the aisle. Some Republicans tell Local 5 News that they feel like they have a better chance of winning back the governor's office with Evers out of the race. 'Well, to be honest Tony Evers is tough to beat and he'd be tough to beat again,' said Republican state representative David Steffen. 'He was very good at finding the middle and had kind of a folksy way about himself that connected with people.' Steffen said it's now anybody's guess who will emerge as the frontrunners in the gubernatorial race for both parties. 'It is now a jump ball there is now an opportunity for just about anyone to take this race and that's exciting for us as Republicans who are looking to take that seat back,' he said. While Steffen said he believes Evers bowing out of the race helps Republicans, others in his party think that the governor would have been a terrible candidate. A recent Marquette Law School poll found that 55 percent of Wisconsinites didn't want to see Evers run again. 'Tony Evers saw the writing on the wall: Wisconsinites are fed up with far-left policies,' said Wisconsin GOP chairperson Brian Schimming. 'While Wisconsin Democrats continue to lose the approval of voters, Republicans are already working on winning up and down the ballot.' Appleton continues Children's Week with Parks and Recreation Department's Playground Fair Washington County executive Josh Schoemann and business owner and Navy Seal Bill Berrien have launched their campaigns for governor on the GOP ticket. 'Well we need a great candidate and certainly we have the policies,' Steffen said when asked what it is going to take for Republicans to win the gubernatorial race this time around. 'We're going to be looking to cut taxes, limit government, and make everything work a little smarter for the people.' Lawrence University history professor Jerald Podair said he thinks if Evers ran again he would have won by a thin margin. He said attorney general Josh Kaul is the likely frontrunner with Evers out of the race. He said lieutenant governor Sara Rodriguez and Milwaukee mayor Cavalier Johnson are other people to keep an eye on in what could be a very crowded primary field for the Democrats. On Thursday afternoon after Evers announcement, many Democrats here in Northeast Wisconsin wanted to thank Evers for his efforts throughout his time as the state's governor. 'I think that Governor Evers was a respectable and kind leader who was really steadfast in his priorities but also knew he needed to work in a bipartisan way,' said Democratic Party of Outagamie County chairperson Emily Tseffos. 'Champion our public schools, make life more affordable for everyday Wisconsinites while dealing with a Republican controlled legislature.' Community gathers to celebrate Wautoma woman's 110th birthday 'Green Bay loves Governor Evers,' said state representative Amaad Rivera-Wagner. 'One thing he's been instrumental in is moving the coal piles, a once in a generation project, he also helped us secure funding for the NFL draft and the public safety costs afterwards.' Local Democrats said they're sad to see Governor Evers step away from politics, but that they're confident that strong candidates will emerge. 'We on the Democratic side are trying to do what's right for our neighbors, our community, state, and nation and we just need to remind the electorate of that,' Emily Tseffos said. 'I was surprised Governor Evers (didn't run for a third term), he is one of the most popular political figures in the state, popular among independents, even some Republicans,' Rivera-Wagner added. 'I think that is a testament to the work he's done.' As far as his legacy, professor Podair said that he thinks that people will remember Evers much more for his politics than his policy. 'He certainly is leaving the Democratic party better than when he found it in 2019,' Podair said. 'Tony Evers may be remembered most among Democrats as the man who slew the Scott Walker dragon. I think his legacy will be more political than policy although we will have school funding for the next 400 years thanks to him and that is policy.' The Wisconsin gubernatorial primary is in August 2026. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
Yahoo
26-06-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Gilbert: Should Gov. Tony Evers run for a third term? Here are his political pluses and minuses
How well is Democrat Tony Evers positioned to win a third term as governor should he decide to run again next year? In a new statewide poll by Marquette Law School, a majority of voters say he shouldn't run again. But in the same survey, Evers is the only major political figure with a positive rating in Wisconsin. Uncertainties about Evers' political future abound. We don't know if he'll run again in 2026. We don't know who his Republican opponent would be. We don't know exactly what issues will dominate. And we don't know what political surprises are in store. But without knowing those things, we can take stock of the 'fundamentals' of an Evers re-election race — the basic political circumstances — and whether they appear at this moment to be favorable to a third term. I will start with the political pluses for Evers, because I think they are more concrete and convincing right now than the minuses. One is the governor's public standing, as captured in the polls. In the latest statewide survey released Wednesday by the Marquette Law School, 48% of registered voters approved of Evers' performance and 46% disapproved. These are hardly spectacular numbers in and of themselves. But they are good numbers relative to those of other political figures in Wisconsin. More: Marquette poll takeaways: Marijuana, tax cuts, veto power, special education and more In the same poll, taken June 13-19, Democratic Sen. Tammy Baldwin and Republican Sen. Ron Johnson both have negative favorability ratings. And Republican President Donald Trump has a negative job rating, with 47% approving and 52% disapproving. In fact, Evers has consistently polled better in this state than any other well-known politician. Since he took office in 2019, his average job rating has been 50% approval and 41% disapproval in 35 surveys by Marquette, much better long-term numbers than those of Baldwin or Johnson, and especially those of Trump and his predecessor in the White House, Democrat Joe Biden. Trump has never had a positive job rating in Wisconsin in any poll Marquette has taken during his two terms, even though he narrowly won two of his three Wisconsin elections (he has come close a few times). By contrast, Evers' job rating has been consistently positive or 'above water,' slipping into negative territory only four times in Marquette's 35 polls during his tenure. You wouldn't conclude from the polling that Evers is unbeatable or even 'safe.' But you wouldn't conclude that he's especially vulnerable either. Just to be above water is something of an accomplishment these days in this 50/50 state. A more clear-cut advantage for Evers — and probably the biggest argument in his favor — is the nature of the 2026 election cycle. As a Democrat, Evers would have the good fortune of running with a Republican in the White House. History shows that it's very helpful in big statewide elections to belong to the party out of power nationally. That's because voters in the 'out party' are often more motivated to turn out, and because swing voters frequently vote for change. In Wisconsin, no incumbent governor or senator in the 'out party' (the party that doesn't occupy the White House) has lost an election since 1986. And it has happened only once since the 1960s. Eight of the last nine contests for governor have been won by the 'out party.' The only exception was in 2022, when Evers won re-election despite the political drag of having an unpopular Democrat (Biden) in the White House. With Trump now in the White House, Evers should be better positioned in the 2026 midterms than he was in the 2022 midterms. There is no guarantee that 2026 will be a good year for Democrats, of course. But it's a pretty good bet. Now let's turn to some potential political weaknesses, and these are a little more speculative. One could be age. Evers is 73. Age has not been an issue for Evers the way it was for Biden, who is nine years older and came across to voters as a person in decline before he finally withdrew from the 2024 election. But it's certainly possible that the combination of being in his 70s and seeking a third term could work against Evers politically among voters hungry for new faces and new leadership. It's also possible that simply seeking a third term could come with its own hurdles. Since a governor's term in Wisconsin was lengthened from two years to four in 1970, only one person has won more than two terms in a row: Republican Tommy Thompson. Only one other person has tried, Republican Scott Walker, who lost to Evers in 2018 while seeking a third term. Although the dynamics of Senate elections are different, both Wisconsin senators struggled mightily in their recent quests for a third term. Johnson won by 1 point in 2022, his closest race. Baldwin won by less than a point in 2024, her closest race. Asked in the new Marquette poll, 'would you personally like to see Tony Evers seek a third term as governor in 2026?' 42% of registered voters said yes and 55% said no. Pollsters generally view this question as a less reliable measure of an incumbent's support than job approval. And Evers does better on this question than Walker did before seeking a third term, when only 36% said he should run again. But these numbers still suggest that the burden would be on Evers to make the case for such an extended stay in office. Finally, let's consider one other factor that could work either for or against Evers, and that is the state's recent history of divided government. Evers has served his entire time with a Legislature controlled by Republicans. That means Evers hasn't been able to do a lot of things to excite people and thrill his supporters. But it also means he hasn't been able to do a lot of things to anger people and mobilize his opponents. In fact, 2026 would represent his first real chance to govern with a friendly legislature, since the redrawing of districts in 2024 gives Democrats a plausible shot at legislative power next year after a decade and a half of GOP control. Sixteen months ahead of the next election, there is room for debating what Evers' odds would be of winning a third term in a state he carried by 1 point in 2018 and 3 points in 2022, a state in which the last two Senate elections and the last three presidential races were all decided by a percentage point or less. I think history is a little bit more on Evers' side than not. But history also tells us that in Wisconsin, there are few safe bets anymore in big November elections. This article originally appeared on Milwaukee Journal Sentinel: Should Tony Evers seek a third term? Here are pluses and minuses
Yahoo
10-06-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Gilbert: Can Trump ignore the courts? Here's what polling shows Americans think
Almost every day now, a new ruling arrives from the federal courts over President Donald Trump's assertion of powers that have not been claimed or used by presidents before him. Some of those rulings have gone Trump's way. Some have gone against him, leading the president and his deputies to lash out at the judiciary and accuse it of overreaching. How does the American public view the simmering Constitutional conflicts between the executive and judicial branches? It's an evolving story, but the polls suggest that in some important ways the public stands more solidly behind the courts than it does the president. Consider these findings from the most recent nationwide poll by the Marquette Law School, taken last month and released May 21: ∎ Americans overwhelmingly recognize the judiciary's role in determining the legality of a president's actions. Asked, 'If the Supreme Court rules against the president in a case, does the president have the power to ignore that ruling, or is the president required to do as the ruling says?' Eighty-four percent of adults say the president must obey the court's ruling. ∎ Asked if court orders temporarily blocking some of Trump's executive actions are a proper use of judicial authority, almost two-thirds (64%) say, 'Yes.' ∎ Asked about Trump's call for the impeachment of federal judges who have ruled against some of his spending freezes and closures of federal agencies, 70% say these judges should not be impeached for such rulings. ∎ Asked about two high-profile immigration-related rulings — one ordering the administration to facilitate the return of a man erroneously deported to El Salvador and the other requiring due process for those being deported — well over 60% of adults supported the high court's rulings against the Trump Administration. On some of these questions, not surprisingly, there is a split between Republicans and people outside the president's party (independents and Democrats). But on others, even Republicans support the courts. Take the broad question of whether Trump can ignore the Supreme Court. There is notably little partisan difference on this: 78% of Republicans, 78% of independents and 93% of Democrats say the president is required to do as the ruling says. Viewed one way, this is not an earth-shattering result. After all, the Constitution gives the courts the authority to decide on the legality of the president's actions. This is plain old civics. But viewed another way, it is a pretty powerful statement, because it is so uncommon these days to find this much agreement across party lines on any high-profile conflict involving this extremely polarizing president. In other words, the prospect of a president ignoring the courts is unappealing even to Trump's core supporters. Of adults who 'strongly approve' of the job Trump is doing, less than a quarter say the president can ignore a Supreme Court ruling, while 76% say he is required to do as the ruling says. On some other questions, a majority of Republicans take Trump's side in these collisions. But even in those cases, support for Trump's position falls far short of his overall approval rating within his party (almost 90%). Instead, a very sizable minority of self-identified Republicans side with the judiciary. Roughly 40% of Republicans say that federal court orders blocking some of Trump's executive actions are a proper use of judicial authority. In the two immigration cases cited above, about 40% of Republicans support the Supreme Court's rulings against Trump. And almost half of Republicans (46%) oppose the call by Trump and his deputies to impeach federal judges who have ruled against the president. One other thing to keep in mind about public opinion in this area is that the Supreme Court is more popular than the president. The court has a net positive rating, Trump has a net negative rating: 53% of adults nationwide approve of the court's performance, while 46% approve of Trump's performance, according to this recent Marquette poll. The court's approval has risen since 2024, while Trump's has declined from its high point at the beginning of his term in January. The court, which has issued rulings in recent years that have pleased (and outraged) both parties, is also far less polarizing than the president. It gets positive ratings from Republicans, who understand that most of the court's members were appointed by GOP presidents. And while it gets much lower ratings from Democrats, those numbers have been improving as the court has come under fire from Trump. The Supreme Court's approval rating among Democrats rose from 19% in January to 31% in May. The polling doesn't tell us how future rulings, or further attacks by Trump on judges, or a deeper constitutional conflict between the president and the courts might affect the public's views of the judiciary in the months and years ahead. It is possible Trump could drive down support for the court within his own party (the polling finds that Republican support is higher for impeaching judges when Trump personally is advocating it than when it is simply members of Congress doing so, a sign of Trump's personal power to move Republican sentiment). But further attacks by Trump on judges are also likely to increase support for the courts outside the president's political base. In Marquette's past four national surveys dating back to last fall, the polling has consistently shown that a huge majority of Americans recognize the courts' role in refereeing disputes over executive power. And so far, that has not been dented by the president's attacks on the courts' actions, motivations and authority. Craig Gilbert provides Wisconsin political analysis as a fellow with Marquette University Law School's Lubar Center for Public Policy Research and Civic Education. Prior to the fellowship, Gilbert reported on politics for 35 years at the Journal Sentinel, the last 25 in its Washington Bureau. His column continues that independent reporting tradition and goes through the established Journal Sentinel editing him on Twitter: @Wisvoter. This article originally appeared on Milwaukee Journal Sentinel: Trump defying the courts? Here's where the public stands in polling
Miami Herald
23-05-2025
- Politics
- Miami Herald
Should parents opt kids out of class over religious objections? What poll finds
Most Americans — including majorities across all religious groups — said they think parents should be allowed to take their children out of classes that conflict with their religious beliefs, a poll found. Seventy percent of respondents said parents should be able to opt their kids out of reading classes that have stories about LGBTQ+ characters if it goes against their religion, according to a May 22 Marquette Law School poll. Parents with school age children were slightly more likely to favor the option to take their kids out than those without children, 72% to 69%, respectively, per the poll. The results come after U.S. Supreme Court justices heard oral arguments April 22 in a case on whether public schools impede on religious practices by teaching elementary school students about issues of gender and sexuality without first notifying parents. The court seemed poised to rule in favor of Maryland parents of different religious backgrounds that hope to have more control over if and how their children are taught about these issues that some said conflict with their religious beliefs, NBC News and Reuters reported. The survey of 1,004 U.S. adults was conducted May 5-15 and has a margin of error of plus or minus 3.6 percentage points, researchers said. Majorities across five religious groups — born-again Protestants, mainline Protestants, Roman Catholics, people with no religion and people of other religions — said parents should be able to take their kids out of school if teaching materials clash with their religious beliefs, the poll found. Born-again Protestants and Roman Catholics had the highest majorities, 87% and 72%, who agreed according to the poll. Forty-two percent of people with no religion, 34% of mainline Protestants and 33% of people of other religions said schools should set the curriculum for all students, rather than letting parents opt their kids out of certain lessons, the poll found. Those who attend religious services more than once a week also showed much higher support for taking their kids out of class when it conflicts with their religion than those who never attend, 91% compared to 61%, per the poll.
Fox News
22-05-2025
- Business
- Fox News
Trump's 2nd-term approval ratings dip despite border security gains
Four months into his second tour of duty in the White House, President Donald Trump's approval ratings remain slightly underwater. The president stands at 46% approval and 54% disapproval in a new national survey by Marquette Law School. And Trump is at 42% approval and 52% disapproval in a Reuters/Ipsos poll. Most, but not all, of the latest national surveys place the president's approval rating in negative territory, with a handful indicating Trump is above water. Trump has aggressively asserted executive authority in his second term, overturning longstanding government policy and aiming to make major cuts to the federal workforce through an avalanche of sweeping and controversial executive orders and actions, with some aimed at addressing grievances he has held since his first term. Trump started his second administration with poll numbers in positive territory, but his poll numbers started to slide soon after his late-January inauguration. But two issues where the president remains at or above water in some surveys are border security and immigration, which were front and center in Trump's successful 2024 campaign to win back the White House. Trump stands at 56% approval on border security and 50% approval on immigration in the Marquette Law School poll, which was conducted May 5-15. But Trump's muscular moves on border security and immigration, which have sparked controversy and legal pushback, don't appear to be helping his overall approval ratings. "Immigration is declining now as a salient issue," said Daron Shaw, who serves as a member of the Fox News Decision Team and is the Republican partner on the Fox News poll. Shaw, a politics professor and chair at the University of Texas, said "immigration and especially border security are beginning to lose steam as one of the top-three issues facing the country. Republicans still rate them fairly highly, but Democrats and independents, who had kind of joined the chorus in 2024, have moved on and in particular moved back to the economy as a focal point." Pointing to Trump, Shaw added that "when you have success on an issue, it tends to move to the back burner." Contributing to the slide over the past couple of months in Trump's overall approval ratings was his performance on the economy and, in particular, inflation, which were pressing issues that kept former President Joe Biden's approval ratings well below water for most of his presidency. Trump's blockbuster tariff announcement in early April sparked a trade war with some of the nation's top trading partners and triggered a massive sell-off in the financial markets and increased concerns about a recession. But the markets have rebounded, thanks in part to a truce between the U.S. and China in their tariff standoff as Trump tapped the brakes on his controversial tariff implementation. Trump stood at 37% approval on tariffs and 34% on inflation/cost of living in the Marquette Law School poll. And he stood at 39% on the economy and 33% on cost of living in the Reuters/Ipsos poll, which was conducted May 16-18. Doug Heye, a longtime GOP strategist and former RNC and Bush administration official, pointed to last year's election, saying, "The main reason Trump won was to lower prices. Prices haven't lowered, and polls are reflecting that." "With the exception of gas prices, there hasn't been much of a reduction in prices," Shaw said. "Prices haven't come down, and it's not clear that people will say the absence of inflation is an economic victory. They still feel that an appreciable portion of their money is going to pay for basic things," he added. "What Trump is realizing is that prices have to come down for him to be able to declare success."
