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Economic Times
3 days ago
- Entertainment
- Economic Times
What defines an ‘Australian song'? Triple J's hottest 100 sparks national identity debate
Agencies Triple J's Hottest 100 countdown spotlights evolving definitions of 'Australian songs,' highlighting shifts from pub rock traditions to diverse modern voices like Thelma Plum and Baker Boy. Debating what makes a song 'Australian' As Triple J prepares to broadcast the Hottest 100 Australian Songs on July 26, attention turns beyond the rankings to a broader cultural question: What defines an 'Australian song'? Is it the nationality of the artist, the thematic content, the sonic elements, or a combination of these factors? Musical cultures have existed in Australia for tens of thousands of years. The sound of the didgeridoo, for instance, has often been used to signal 'Australianness' in film, television, and occasionally in popular music. Yet, due to colonization and systemic exclusion, much of this Indigenous musical heritage has been marginalized in the commercial music landscape. Also read: Wave to Earth announce first-ever Aussie & NZ tour; find out when & where they're playing Since colonization in the late 18th century, Australia's music has reflected broader global influences. Settlers imported genres such as jazz, country, rock, and pop, which local musicians adapted. However, questions remain about whether these adaptations constitute a distinctly Australian sound or reflect cultural imitation. These tensions parallel historical questions about Australian national identity — whether it functions as a sovereign country or remains culturally tethered to its colonial past. The legacy of pub rock and cultural identityIn the 1970s, the pub rock movement, characterized by distorted guitars and grassroots energy, emerged as one of Australia's earliest contributions to global post-rock 'n' roll culture. Bands such as Midnight Oil and Cold Chisel gained popularity not only for their sound but also for references to Australian places, politics, and working-class this period, then-Prime Minister Gough Whitlam expanded funding for the arts to help shape an Australian identity. Simultaneously, the launch of youth radio station 2JJ, now Triple J, offered a broadcast platform for emerging local acts. This era laid the groundwork for what is now referred to as the 'Oz rock canon,' a collection of Australian rock music that has shaped cultural Minister Anthony Albanese's selections for the Hottest 100, composed almost entirely of white male musicians, reflect the enduring influence of this canon. Despite political differences, both he and his predecessor submitted strikingly similar lists, underscoring the narrow scope of what has traditionally been recognized as 'Australian music.' Evolving canons and new Australian sounds Triple J's 2009 Hottest 100 of All Time reaffirmed the dominance of the rock canon. However, it also signaled the rising popularity of Australian hip-hop, with Hilltop Hoods' The Nosebleed Section ranking highest among Australian entries. In 2011, Triple J released the Hottest 100 Australian Albums of All Time. Powderfinger's Odyssey Number Five secured the top spot, with entries from electronic groups such as The Presets and The Avalanches reflecting a broader sonic range. Still, the list was male-dominated, with Missy Higgins's The Sound of White at number 29 being the highest-ranking woman-fronted album. Recent years have seen increased Indigenous representation across Australian music. Artists such as Thelma Plum, Barkaa, A.B. Original, and Baker Boy use diverse genres to celebrate cultural identity and critique the national narrative. A.B. Original's January 26, which ranked number 17 in 2016, exemplifies music's role in social commentary. That same year, Triple J moved the countdown from Australia Day to a different date, indicating a shift in public sentiment. Music, disagreement, and national reflection A strong contender in the 2024 countdown is Treaty (Radio Mix) by Yothu Yindi, a track that reached number 11 in 1991's all-time list. Its continued relevance highlights how musical canons can evolve to reflect societal change. Also read: Lorde announces 2026 arena tour in Australia; Know the dates, her family, and net worth Recent controversies, including criticism of Creative Australia's handling of politically-charged art, have sparked debate over how cultural expression intersects with social cohesion. Critics argue that democratic societies must accommodate disagreement and that art plays a vital role in questioning dominant narratives. As Triple J's Hottest 100 continues to showcase a spectrum of artists, it offers a platform for reconsidering Australian identity. Whether through traditional rock or Indigenous hip-hop, the songs selected, and the discussions they prompt, reflect the complexities of what it means to live on these lands today.
The Advertiser
4 days ago
- Entertainment
- The Advertiser
What makes a song 'Australian'? Triple J's Hottest 100 reignites bigger question
On July 26, Triple J will broadcast the Hottest 100 Australian Songs, as voted by the public. While predictions for winners and even preemptive complaining about the shortlist are taking up column space and social media posts, there is an underlying question: what we mean when we talk about "Australian songs"? Do these songs sound a particular way? Do they express something about what it means to be Australian? Or is it purely about where the artist was born? Importantly, how will each of these factors influence voting? Musical cultures with their own unique sounds have existed on this continent for tens of thousands of years. The sound of the didgeridoo is often used as a shorthand to signify Australianness in films, television and, to a lesser extent, popular songs. However, the history of dispossession and genocidal practices that have accompanied settlement in Australia means much has been lost from these musical traditions. Indigenous performers have been actively excluded from the same music-making spaces where other songs we think of as "Australian" have been created. Since British colonisation in the late 18th century, Australian music has also been part of global music flows. Settlers arrived with songs and musical influences from their own cultures. Jazz, country, rock and pop inspired local versions of these genres. But is there anything truly Australian about such music, or is it just imitation? And this conundrum connects to wider issues of Australia's identity debated during the 20th century: was it a country, or still just a colony? Back in the 1970s, this question was also on then prime minister Gough Whitlams's mind. After his election in 1972, Whitlam gave a huge boost to funding for cultural and creative activities to "help establish and express an Australian identity through the arts", as part of a suite of nation-building activities. The dirty guitar sounds of the pub rock scene of the 1970s, with its associated subcultures, are sometimes said to be Australia's first distinct offering in post-rock 'n' roll music. This was followed by the rise of bands such as Midnight Oil and Cold Chisel, who found success not just by drawing on more local sounds, but also by referencing Australian places, politics and cultures. The Whitlam government's broadcasting reforms meant this music had homes on community radio and the new youth station 2JJ (now Triple J). The bands from this era have come to make up what might be described as the Oz rock canon - a collection of works seen to make up the "best" of the art form. Canons exert a strong influence over how we assess music, meaning these bands will probably appear in tomorrow's countdown. This idea of the rock canon is almost perfectly reflected in the ten entries by Prime Minister Anthony Albanese to tomorrow's countdown. His selection of almost 100% white male musicians encapsulates the exclusionary nature rock of this period. The fact that our last two prime ministers, despite being from opposite sides of politics, produced very similar lists, gives us insight into the persistence of this canon, and what ideas about "Australian culture" circulate in the halls of power. It's questionable whether any of the bands or songs on Albanese's list could be said to have a coherent "Australian" sound, yet they have come to hold a place in the national imagination. Triple J's Hottest 100 of All Time in 2009 was seen as a surprising recapitulation of the (male) rock canon, especially given the station's otherwise diverse playlists. However, the highest-placed Australian song on the list was The Nosebleed Section by Hilltop Hoods, representing the recent and rapid rise of Aussie hip-hop. The 2011 Hottest 100 Australian Albums of All Time (the closest forerunner to the current poll) further updated the canon, with Powderfinger's Odyssey Number Five (2000) in the top spot, and other top ten entries by electronic groups The Presets and The Avalanches. Nonetheless, the canon remained male dominated, with the highest woman-fronted album being Missy Higgins's The Sound of White (2004) at number 29. The past decade has seen a boom in Indigenous representation on Australian airwaves and stages, with artists such as Thelma Plum, Barkaa, A.B. Original and Baker Boy. These artists use a range of genres and styles to express pride in their Indigeneity, and critique Australian identity. A.B. Original's song January 26 was number 17 in 2016's Hottest 100 countdown. This was also the last year Triple J chose this date for its annual broadcast, speaking to the power of music to reflect - and even inform - popular sentiment. Given recent national debates, a strong contender for the upcoming poll is Treaty (Radio Mix) by Yothu Yindi (which ranked number 11 of all time in 1991). These shifts show how canons can be unsettled over time. Recently, Creative Australia came under fire for trying to stifle Khaled Sabsabi's politically-informed art in the interests of "social cohesion". But others pointed out art provides crucial space for challenging prevailing ideas, and that social cohesion in a democracy is not about reaching complete agreement, but being able to handle disagreement. A Hottest 100 that reflects the diversity and even the tensions in Australian society may provoke arguments, but it is in these spaces that we can reflect on what it means to live on these lands. On July 26, Triple J will broadcast the Hottest 100 Australian Songs, as voted by the public. While predictions for winners and even preemptive complaining about the shortlist are taking up column space and social media posts, there is an underlying question: what we mean when we talk about "Australian songs"? Do these songs sound a particular way? Do they express something about what it means to be Australian? Or is it purely about where the artist was born? Importantly, how will each of these factors influence voting? Musical cultures with their own unique sounds have existed on this continent for tens of thousands of years. The sound of the didgeridoo is often used as a shorthand to signify Australianness in films, television and, to a lesser extent, popular songs. However, the history of dispossession and genocidal practices that have accompanied settlement in Australia means much has been lost from these musical traditions. Indigenous performers have been actively excluded from the same music-making spaces where other songs we think of as "Australian" have been created. Since British colonisation in the late 18th century, Australian music has also been part of global music flows. Settlers arrived with songs and musical influences from their own cultures. Jazz, country, rock and pop inspired local versions of these genres. But is there anything truly Australian about such music, or is it just imitation? And this conundrum connects to wider issues of Australia's identity debated during the 20th century: was it a country, or still just a colony? Back in the 1970s, this question was also on then prime minister Gough Whitlams's mind. After his election in 1972, Whitlam gave a huge boost to funding for cultural and creative activities to "help establish and express an Australian identity through the arts", as part of a suite of nation-building activities. The dirty guitar sounds of the pub rock scene of the 1970s, with its associated subcultures, are sometimes said to be Australia's first distinct offering in post-rock 'n' roll music. This was followed by the rise of bands such as Midnight Oil and Cold Chisel, who found success not just by drawing on more local sounds, but also by referencing Australian places, politics and cultures. The Whitlam government's broadcasting reforms meant this music had homes on community radio and the new youth station 2JJ (now Triple J). The bands from this era have come to make up what might be described as the Oz rock canon - a collection of works seen to make up the "best" of the art form. Canons exert a strong influence over how we assess music, meaning these bands will probably appear in tomorrow's countdown. This idea of the rock canon is almost perfectly reflected in the ten entries by Prime Minister Anthony Albanese to tomorrow's countdown. His selection of almost 100% white male musicians encapsulates the exclusionary nature rock of this period. The fact that our last two prime ministers, despite being from opposite sides of politics, produced very similar lists, gives us insight into the persistence of this canon, and what ideas about "Australian culture" circulate in the halls of power. It's questionable whether any of the bands or songs on Albanese's list could be said to have a coherent "Australian" sound, yet they have come to hold a place in the national imagination. Triple J's Hottest 100 of All Time in 2009 was seen as a surprising recapitulation of the (male) rock canon, especially given the station's otherwise diverse playlists. However, the highest-placed Australian song on the list was The Nosebleed Section by Hilltop Hoods, representing the recent and rapid rise of Aussie hip-hop. The 2011 Hottest 100 Australian Albums of All Time (the closest forerunner to the current poll) further updated the canon, with Powderfinger's Odyssey Number Five (2000) in the top spot, and other top ten entries by electronic groups The Presets and The Avalanches. Nonetheless, the canon remained male dominated, with the highest woman-fronted album being Missy Higgins's The Sound of White (2004) at number 29. The past decade has seen a boom in Indigenous representation on Australian airwaves and stages, with artists such as Thelma Plum, Barkaa, A.B. Original and Baker Boy. These artists use a range of genres and styles to express pride in their Indigeneity, and critique Australian identity. A.B. Original's song January 26 was number 17 in 2016's Hottest 100 countdown. This was also the last year Triple J chose this date for its annual broadcast, speaking to the power of music to reflect - and even inform - popular sentiment. Given recent national debates, a strong contender for the upcoming poll is Treaty (Radio Mix) by Yothu Yindi (which ranked number 11 of all time in 1991). These shifts show how canons can be unsettled over time. Recently, Creative Australia came under fire for trying to stifle Khaled Sabsabi's politically-informed art in the interests of "social cohesion". But others pointed out art provides crucial space for challenging prevailing ideas, and that social cohesion in a democracy is not about reaching complete agreement, but being able to handle disagreement. A Hottest 100 that reflects the diversity and even the tensions in Australian society may provoke arguments, but it is in these spaces that we can reflect on what it means to live on these lands. On July 26, Triple J will broadcast the Hottest 100 Australian Songs, as voted by the public. While predictions for winners and even preemptive complaining about the shortlist are taking up column space and social media posts, there is an underlying question: what we mean when we talk about "Australian songs"? Do these songs sound a particular way? Do they express something about what it means to be Australian? Or is it purely about where the artist was born? Importantly, how will each of these factors influence voting? Musical cultures with their own unique sounds have existed on this continent for tens of thousands of years. The sound of the didgeridoo is often used as a shorthand to signify Australianness in films, television and, to a lesser extent, popular songs. However, the history of dispossession and genocidal practices that have accompanied settlement in Australia means much has been lost from these musical traditions. Indigenous performers have been actively excluded from the same music-making spaces where other songs we think of as "Australian" have been created. Since British colonisation in the late 18th century, Australian music has also been part of global music flows. Settlers arrived with songs and musical influences from their own cultures. Jazz, country, rock and pop inspired local versions of these genres. But is there anything truly Australian about such music, or is it just imitation? And this conundrum connects to wider issues of Australia's identity debated during the 20th century: was it a country, or still just a colony? Back in the 1970s, this question was also on then prime minister Gough Whitlams's mind. After his election in 1972, Whitlam gave a huge boost to funding for cultural and creative activities to "help establish and express an Australian identity through the arts", as part of a suite of nation-building activities. The dirty guitar sounds of the pub rock scene of the 1970s, with its associated subcultures, are sometimes said to be Australia's first distinct offering in post-rock 'n' roll music. This was followed by the rise of bands such as Midnight Oil and Cold Chisel, who found success not just by drawing on more local sounds, but also by referencing Australian places, politics and cultures. The Whitlam government's broadcasting reforms meant this music had homes on community radio and the new youth station 2JJ (now Triple J). The bands from this era have come to make up what might be described as the Oz rock canon - a collection of works seen to make up the "best" of the art form. Canons exert a strong influence over how we assess music, meaning these bands will probably appear in tomorrow's countdown. This idea of the rock canon is almost perfectly reflected in the ten entries by Prime Minister Anthony Albanese to tomorrow's countdown. His selection of almost 100% white male musicians encapsulates the exclusionary nature rock of this period. The fact that our last two prime ministers, despite being from opposite sides of politics, produced very similar lists, gives us insight into the persistence of this canon, and what ideas about "Australian culture" circulate in the halls of power. It's questionable whether any of the bands or songs on Albanese's list could be said to have a coherent "Australian" sound, yet they have come to hold a place in the national imagination. Triple J's Hottest 100 of All Time in 2009 was seen as a surprising recapitulation of the (male) rock canon, especially given the station's otherwise diverse playlists. However, the highest-placed Australian song on the list was The Nosebleed Section by Hilltop Hoods, representing the recent and rapid rise of Aussie hip-hop. The 2011 Hottest 100 Australian Albums of All Time (the closest forerunner to the current poll) further updated the canon, with Powderfinger's Odyssey Number Five (2000) in the top spot, and other top ten entries by electronic groups The Presets and The Avalanches. Nonetheless, the canon remained male dominated, with the highest woman-fronted album being Missy Higgins's The Sound of White (2004) at number 29. The past decade has seen a boom in Indigenous representation on Australian airwaves and stages, with artists such as Thelma Plum, Barkaa, A.B. Original and Baker Boy. These artists use a range of genres and styles to express pride in their Indigeneity, and critique Australian identity. A.B. Original's song January 26 was number 17 in 2016's Hottest 100 countdown. This was also the last year Triple J chose this date for its annual broadcast, speaking to the power of music to reflect - and even inform - popular sentiment. Given recent national debates, a strong contender for the upcoming poll is Treaty (Radio Mix) by Yothu Yindi (which ranked number 11 of all time in 1991). These shifts show how canons can be unsettled over time. Recently, Creative Australia came under fire for trying to stifle Khaled Sabsabi's politically-informed art in the interests of "social cohesion". But others pointed out art provides crucial space for challenging prevailing ideas, and that social cohesion in a democracy is not about reaching complete agreement, but being able to handle disagreement. A Hottest 100 that reflects the diversity and even the tensions in Australian society may provoke arguments, but it is in these spaces that we can reflect on what it means to live on these lands. On July 26, Triple J will broadcast the Hottest 100 Australian Songs, as voted by the public. While predictions for winners and even preemptive complaining about the shortlist are taking up column space and social media posts, there is an underlying question: what we mean when we talk about "Australian songs"? Do these songs sound a particular way? Do they express something about what it means to be Australian? Or is it purely about where the artist was born? Importantly, how will each of these factors influence voting? Musical cultures with their own unique sounds have existed on this continent for tens of thousands of years. The sound of the didgeridoo is often used as a shorthand to signify Australianness in films, television and, to a lesser extent, popular songs. However, the history of dispossession and genocidal practices that have accompanied settlement in Australia means much has been lost from these musical traditions. Indigenous performers have been actively excluded from the same music-making spaces where other songs we think of as "Australian" have been created. Since British colonisation in the late 18th century, Australian music has also been part of global music flows. Settlers arrived with songs and musical influences from their own cultures. Jazz, country, rock and pop inspired local versions of these genres. But is there anything truly Australian about such music, or is it just imitation? And this conundrum connects to wider issues of Australia's identity debated during the 20th century: was it a country, or still just a colony? Back in the 1970s, this question was also on then prime minister Gough Whitlams's mind. After his election in 1972, Whitlam gave a huge boost to funding for cultural and creative activities to "help establish and express an Australian identity through the arts", as part of a suite of nation-building activities. The dirty guitar sounds of the pub rock scene of the 1970s, with its associated subcultures, are sometimes said to be Australia's first distinct offering in post-rock 'n' roll music. This was followed by the rise of bands such as Midnight Oil and Cold Chisel, who found success not just by drawing on more local sounds, but also by referencing Australian places, politics and cultures. The Whitlam government's broadcasting reforms meant this music had homes on community radio and the new youth station 2JJ (now Triple J). The bands from this era have come to make up what might be described as the Oz rock canon - a collection of works seen to make up the "best" of the art form. Canons exert a strong influence over how we assess music, meaning these bands will probably appear in tomorrow's countdown. This idea of the rock canon is almost perfectly reflected in the ten entries by Prime Minister Anthony Albanese to tomorrow's countdown. His selection of almost 100% white male musicians encapsulates the exclusionary nature rock of this period. The fact that our last two prime ministers, despite being from opposite sides of politics, produced very similar lists, gives us insight into the persistence of this canon, and what ideas about "Australian culture" circulate in the halls of power. It's questionable whether any of the bands or songs on Albanese's list could be said to have a coherent "Australian" sound, yet they have come to hold a place in the national imagination. Triple J's Hottest 100 of All Time in 2009 was seen as a surprising recapitulation of the (male) rock canon, especially given the station's otherwise diverse playlists. However, the highest-placed Australian song on the list was The Nosebleed Section by Hilltop Hoods, representing the recent and rapid rise of Aussie hip-hop. The 2011 Hottest 100 Australian Albums of All Time (the closest forerunner to the current poll) further updated the canon, with Powderfinger's Odyssey Number Five (2000) in the top spot, and other top ten entries by electronic groups The Presets and The Avalanches. Nonetheless, the canon remained male dominated, with the highest woman-fronted album being Missy Higgins's The Sound of White (2004) at number 29. The past decade has seen a boom in Indigenous representation on Australian airwaves and stages, with artists such as Thelma Plum, Barkaa, A.B. Original and Baker Boy. These artists use a range of genres and styles to express pride in their Indigeneity, and critique Australian identity. A.B. Original's song January 26 was number 17 in 2016's Hottest 100 countdown. This was also the last year Triple J chose this date for its annual broadcast, speaking to the power of music to reflect - and even inform - popular sentiment. Given recent national debates, a strong contender for the upcoming poll is Treaty (Radio Mix) by Yothu Yindi (which ranked number 11 of all time in 1991). These shifts show how canons can be unsettled over time. Recently, Creative Australia came under fire for trying to stifle Khaled Sabsabi's politically-informed art in the interests of "social cohesion". But others pointed out art provides crucial space for challenging prevailing ideas, and that social cohesion in a democracy is not about reaching complete agreement, but being able to handle disagreement. A Hottest 100 that reflects the diversity and even the tensions in Australian society may provoke arguments, but it is in these spaces that we can reflect on what it means to live on these lands.
Daily Mail
21-07-2025
- Entertainment
- Daily Mail
Anthony Albanese's office photo: What's in, what's out and what it says about Australia's leader in 2025... including the item we can all relate to
As Parliament resumes after Anthony Albanese 's second election win, this time resounding, the Prime Minister's office again offers a curated window into the man behind the nation's top job. Call it political interior design, or just the subtle messaging of power through personal artefacts. Either way, the objects on the PM's desk and surrounding shelves speak volumes about what he values, what he wants Australians to see, and just as tellingly, what he no longer feels the need to display. The latest official photo makes that point before you even scan the bookshelf. In 2023, Albo was snapped in a Radio Birdman T-shirt (4), a visual nod to his Triple J sensibilities and his everyman persona (in inner cities at least). This time around, it's a sharp navy jacket and open-collared shirt - no band tees, no slogans. He finally looks the part: re-elected, emboldened, and leaning into the gravitas that comes with high office. The personal flourishes remain, but the overall tone has matured. The Prime Minister is no longer dressing down for the cameras. So too, the artefacts have undergone a kind of rebrand. Several once-prominent pieces are conspicuously absent this time around. The signed Midnight Oil Makarrata Project album (6) is gone, so too the Qantas model plane (3) that for years sat proudly in Albanese's office - a holdover from his time as transport minister. But their disappearance is more than aesthetic tidying. These weren't just casual desk decorations. They were part of a first-term identity: the music-obsessed, frequent-flying, culturally savvy Albo. But political offices don't remove memorabilia without cause. The Oils' frontman Peter Garrett hasn't exactly been generous in his praise of Labor's policy agenda, especially post-Voice. The model jet? Grounded, just like the Prime Minister's association with Alan Joyce-era Qantas - a proximity that drew scrutiny in the first term, especially after revelations about his son Nathan's controversial Chairman's Lounge membership. Even his GQ Man of the Year award (7) - which, for full disclosure, I profiled him for in the magazine itself - has been retired from view. Previously positioned proudly behind his chair, it now appears to have been quietly boxed. Maybe it didn't fit the updated message. Or maybe it just felt a little off-key for a second-term PM aiming for statesman, not celebrity. Gone too are some of the older, familiar touchstones: the Rabbitohs-themed items, while still present, have been consolidated. The signed NRL and AFL balls (5 and 9) remain on a higher shelf, but no longer dominate the foreground. They're still there, but dialled down - a nod to his sporting passions rather than a centrepiece. The new additions on Albanese's desk say a lot about the PM's priorities - or at least what he wants the public to believe they are. There are more images of his son Nathan, including the long-present framed portrait (1), as well as a newer, staged photo of the PM, his fiancée Jodie Haydon, and Nathan walking Toto the cavoodle together (13). It's a curated slice of suburban domesticity - all that's missing is a flat white and a Sunday market in the background. A singular photo of Jodie (11) now features more prominently than before, part of a broader theme of personal connection. But the most conspicuous addition in that category is the framed cartoon showing Albanese proposing to Jodie (6) - playful, whimsical, and unusually revealing for a man trying to project control and seriousness. It's placed directly beside another framed drawing: a stylised portrait of Toto the dog (7), who has now ascended to gallery status on the office wall. It's another new entry - possibly clipped from a weekend paper, or sent to him directly by the cartoonist - offering a glimpse of the PM's self-awareness. The humour is still there, just framed more formally. In a subtle nod to expanding his appeal beyond the Inner West, a cricket ball now rests on the shelf (4). It's a small but deliberate choice. Rugby league remains his passion, Souths in particular, but cricket speaks to a more traditional national pastime - and perhaps a broader audience. Toto the cavoodle (7) has ascended to gallery status on the office wall Then there's Rosie Batty's book Hope (12), prominently placed. It's unclear whether Albanese has actually read it, but its appearance speaks to the second-term agenda. Domestic violence policy is a key priority for this government, and the symbolism of having Batty's work on display underscores that intent. There are policies backing this up - the signal, in this case, comes with substance. And finally, the most easily missed but perhaps most relatable inclusion: the frayed phone charger cord (14), trailing off the desk's edge like an unresolved policy thread. It's minor, yes, but symbolic. A little worn. A little tangled. A touch of chaos under the veneer of order - just like governing. Consistent Threads Some things haven't changed. The Aboriginal artwork (2) behind one of the family photos remains, a quiet continuity in the post-referendum landscape. It's not flashy, but it's constant - a subtle marker of ongoing commitment even amid national setbacks. The trio of flags - Australian, Aboriginal, and Torres Strait Islander (10) - also endures. While largely ceremonial, their continued presence sends a message about national identity. Had Peter Dutton won the election, it's hard to imagine two of the three surviving the transition. A PM Rebranding — Gently So, what does it all add up to? This is still the office of a Labor leader deeply shaped by personal story - a son of a single mum, a Souths tragic, a man who found love again later in life. But the second-term version is more grounded, more disciplined. The rock'n'roll flair has been packed away. The slogans have been shelved. The sentimental has overtaken the stylised. The family photos, the artwork, the dog drawing - they all build a narrative of empathy and authenticity. But the shift in wardrobe and removal of old cultural flourishes suggest a new layer: authority. Albanese is no longer just trying to be relatable. He's trying to be taken seriously. Whether the public or Parliament notices the change is another matter entirely. But in politics, as in life, the smallest details often say the most. And for the record, Albo, I still have that GQ article buried in a box in the garage. If you want to reframe it… I'll see if I can find it.
The Advertiser
19-07-2025
- Politics
- The Advertiser
PM on winning strategy for hearts and minds in Beijing
Few do pomp and ceremony as well as the Chinese. As he met with leaders in Beijing's Great Hall of the People on Tuesday, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese was given the red carpet treatment. Rows of immaculately decorated soldiers were wheeled around the hall in perfect synchronicity and a People's Liberation Army brass band played Chinese covers of Aussie pub rock classics by the likes of Paul Kelly and Midnight Oil. The lavish display may be par for the course for world leaders ushered into the grand neoclassical sanctum of Chinese power. But the warm reception to the prime minister's six-day trip of China and gushing praise heaped upon him was notable in the highly choreographed world of Chinese political theatre, where symbolism and ritual are key. Protocols matter, says Associate Professor Graeme Smith, an expert on Chinese politics at the Australian National University. "All foreign policy, but particularly for China, is for a domestic audience," he tells AAP. "This is not about us. It's about citizens, about Chinese Communist Party members. That's what these are for and we're just a nice prop for them." The constant refrain of co-operating where they can, disagreeing where they must and engaging in the national interest was calibrated to chime with Beijing's own goals. Focusing on moving the relationship forward gave them an out for their unilateral decision to torch relations in 2020 while allowing them to save face. The unusually long duration of the prime minister's trip and the fact it occurred so soon after being re-elected, was interpreted by both sides as a sign of the importance of the two nations' relationship. Likewise, Mr Albanese remarked that the length of the meetings he had with President Xi Jinping, Premier Li Qiang and National People's Congress Chairman Zhao Leji was a sign of "respect" - a word he would keep coming back to through the course of his trip. "I had meetings for around about eight hours yesterday," he said at the Great Wall on Wednesday. "It was a very long meeting but it also showed respect to both sides, the fact that President Xi didn't just have a meeting but we had a lunch where President Xi as well invited Jodie to attend. "That lunch was a sign of respect to Australia, to our country." The fact the military band at the leaders' meetings learned to play songs specifically chosen to suit the prime minister's taste showed the effort they were willing to put in. "Those gestures matter, respect matters between countries," he said. "The opportunity to sit down and have a meal and talk about personal issues, talk about things that aren't necessarily heavily political, is really important part of diplomacy. "One of the things that my government does is engage in diplomacy. We don't shout with megaphones." The contrast to the way the US conducts diplomacy under Donald Trump couldn't be more stark. The US president was a constant elephant in the room during the trip. From his first day in Shanghai, Mr Albanese's visit was almost derailed after it emerged Pentagon strategist Elbridge Colby had been pressuring Australian and Japanese diplomats to provide assurances about joining the US in a hypothetical conflict with China over Taiwan. But Mr Albanese refrained from engaging in the transactional style of diplomacy his American counterpart trades in. When the opposition criticised him for failing to bring back tangible results and "indulgent" visits to the Great Wall and a panda research centre, the prime minister said they were missing the point. "The Great Wall of China symbolises the extraordinary history and culture here in China and showing a bit of respect to people never cost anything," he said "You know what it does? It gives you a reward." Patient, consistent diplomacy is the government's modus operandi. Tracing the footsteps of Labor leader Gough Whitlam along the Great Wall was a powerful bit of symbolism, Prof Smith says. Mr Whitlam visited the wonder in a landmark trip as opposition leader acknowledging communist rule of the People's Republic of China in 1971, becoming one of the first Western politicians to do so. It sent a clear message about the enduring strength of the relationship, Prof Smith says. "This is probably one of the strongest cards we've got to play in terms of the relationship, that we were a first mover in recognising China. That gets us a lot of points." Premier Li praised Mr Albanese for his personal role in mending Sino-Australian relations in their meeting on Tuesday. Chinese state media, which poured endless scorn on Australia when relations were at their lowest, was glowing in its coverage of Mr Albanese, casting the previous coalition government as the source of the conflict. "In recent years, as China-Australia relations have continued to improve, the Australian government's understanding of its relationship with China has also deepened," according to an opinion piece in Chinese state-owned tabloid the Global Times. "(Mr Albanese) has demonstrated a pragmatic and rational approach to China policy. "Today's China-Australia relationship is like a plane flying in the 'stratosphere' after passing through the storm zone and the most turbulent and bumpy period has passed." Australian Strategic Policy Institute executive director Justin Bassi says the prime minister's visit was positive for economic relationships and trade. But the approach is not without its risks. "I think here the risks are threefold," he told ABC News. "I think there is a risk that we are used for propaganda purposes. There is a risk that … trade becomes an over-dependency and the third risk is that we provide a perception, both to China and to our own public, that short-term economics are outweighing long-term security." Few do pomp and ceremony as well as the Chinese. As he met with leaders in Beijing's Great Hall of the People on Tuesday, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese was given the red carpet treatment. Rows of immaculately decorated soldiers were wheeled around the hall in perfect synchronicity and a People's Liberation Army brass band played Chinese covers of Aussie pub rock classics by the likes of Paul Kelly and Midnight Oil. The lavish display may be par for the course for world leaders ushered into the grand neoclassical sanctum of Chinese power. But the warm reception to the prime minister's six-day trip of China and gushing praise heaped upon him was notable in the highly choreographed world of Chinese political theatre, where symbolism and ritual are key. Protocols matter, says Associate Professor Graeme Smith, an expert on Chinese politics at the Australian National University. "All foreign policy, but particularly for China, is for a domestic audience," he tells AAP. "This is not about us. It's about citizens, about Chinese Communist Party members. That's what these are for and we're just a nice prop for them." The constant refrain of co-operating where they can, disagreeing where they must and engaging in the national interest was calibrated to chime with Beijing's own goals. Focusing on moving the relationship forward gave them an out for their unilateral decision to torch relations in 2020 while allowing them to save face. The unusually long duration of the prime minister's trip and the fact it occurred so soon after being re-elected, was interpreted by both sides as a sign of the importance of the two nations' relationship. Likewise, Mr Albanese remarked that the length of the meetings he had with President Xi Jinping, Premier Li Qiang and National People's Congress Chairman Zhao Leji was a sign of "respect" - a word he would keep coming back to through the course of his trip. "I had meetings for around about eight hours yesterday," he said at the Great Wall on Wednesday. "It was a very long meeting but it also showed respect to both sides, the fact that President Xi didn't just have a meeting but we had a lunch where President Xi as well invited Jodie to attend. "That lunch was a sign of respect to Australia, to our country." The fact the military band at the leaders' meetings learned to play songs specifically chosen to suit the prime minister's taste showed the effort they were willing to put in. "Those gestures matter, respect matters between countries," he said. "The opportunity to sit down and have a meal and talk about personal issues, talk about things that aren't necessarily heavily political, is really important part of diplomacy. "One of the things that my government does is engage in diplomacy. We don't shout with megaphones." The contrast to the way the US conducts diplomacy under Donald Trump couldn't be more stark. The US president was a constant elephant in the room during the trip. From his first day in Shanghai, Mr Albanese's visit was almost derailed after it emerged Pentagon strategist Elbridge Colby had been pressuring Australian and Japanese diplomats to provide assurances about joining the US in a hypothetical conflict with China over Taiwan. But Mr Albanese refrained from engaging in the transactional style of diplomacy his American counterpart trades in. When the opposition criticised him for failing to bring back tangible results and "indulgent" visits to the Great Wall and a panda research centre, the prime minister said they were missing the point. "The Great Wall of China symbolises the extraordinary history and culture here in China and showing a bit of respect to people never cost anything," he said "You know what it does? It gives you a reward." Patient, consistent diplomacy is the government's modus operandi. Tracing the footsteps of Labor leader Gough Whitlam along the Great Wall was a powerful bit of symbolism, Prof Smith says. Mr Whitlam visited the wonder in a landmark trip as opposition leader acknowledging communist rule of the People's Republic of China in 1971, becoming one of the first Western politicians to do so. It sent a clear message about the enduring strength of the relationship, Prof Smith says. "This is probably one of the strongest cards we've got to play in terms of the relationship, that we were a first mover in recognising China. That gets us a lot of points." Premier Li praised Mr Albanese for his personal role in mending Sino-Australian relations in their meeting on Tuesday. Chinese state media, which poured endless scorn on Australia when relations were at their lowest, was glowing in its coverage of Mr Albanese, casting the previous coalition government as the source of the conflict. "In recent years, as China-Australia relations have continued to improve, the Australian government's understanding of its relationship with China has also deepened," according to an opinion piece in Chinese state-owned tabloid the Global Times. "(Mr Albanese) has demonstrated a pragmatic and rational approach to China policy. "Today's China-Australia relationship is like a plane flying in the 'stratosphere' after passing through the storm zone and the most turbulent and bumpy period has passed." Australian Strategic Policy Institute executive director Justin Bassi says the prime minister's visit was positive for economic relationships and trade. But the approach is not without its risks. "I think here the risks are threefold," he told ABC News. "I think there is a risk that we are used for propaganda purposes. There is a risk that … trade becomes an over-dependency and the third risk is that we provide a perception, both to China and to our own public, that short-term economics are outweighing long-term security." Few do pomp and ceremony as well as the Chinese. As he met with leaders in Beijing's Great Hall of the People on Tuesday, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese was given the red carpet treatment. Rows of immaculately decorated soldiers were wheeled around the hall in perfect synchronicity and a People's Liberation Army brass band played Chinese covers of Aussie pub rock classics by the likes of Paul Kelly and Midnight Oil. The lavish display may be par for the course for world leaders ushered into the grand neoclassical sanctum of Chinese power. But the warm reception to the prime minister's six-day trip of China and gushing praise heaped upon him was notable in the highly choreographed world of Chinese political theatre, where symbolism and ritual are key. Protocols matter, says Associate Professor Graeme Smith, an expert on Chinese politics at the Australian National University. "All foreign policy, but particularly for China, is for a domestic audience," he tells AAP. "This is not about us. It's about citizens, about Chinese Communist Party members. That's what these are for and we're just a nice prop for them." The constant refrain of co-operating where they can, disagreeing where they must and engaging in the national interest was calibrated to chime with Beijing's own goals. Focusing on moving the relationship forward gave them an out for their unilateral decision to torch relations in 2020 while allowing them to save face. The unusually long duration of the prime minister's trip and the fact it occurred so soon after being re-elected, was interpreted by both sides as a sign of the importance of the two nations' relationship. Likewise, Mr Albanese remarked that the length of the meetings he had with President Xi Jinping, Premier Li Qiang and National People's Congress Chairman Zhao Leji was a sign of "respect" - a word he would keep coming back to through the course of his trip. "I had meetings for around about eight hours yesterday," he said at the Great Wall on Wednesday. "It was a very long meeting but it also showed respect to both sides, the fact that President Xi didn't just have a meeting but we had a lunch where President Xi as well invited Jodie to attend. "That lunch was a sign of respect to Australia, to our country." The fact the military band at the leaders' meetings learned to play songs specifically chosen to suit the prime minister's taste showed the effort they were willing to put in. "Those gestures matter, respect matters between countries," he said. "The opportunity to sit down and have a meal and talk about personal issues, talk about things that aren't necessarily heavily political, is really important part of diplomacy. "One of the things that my government does is engage in diplomacy. We don't shout with megaphones." The contrast to the way the US conducts diplomacy under Donald Trump couldn't be more stark. The US president was a constant elephant in the room during the trip. From his first day in Shanghai, Mr Albanese's visit was almost derailed after it emerged Pentagon strategist Elbridge Colby had been pressuring Australian and Japanese diplomats to provide assurances about joining the US in a hypothetical conflict with China over Taiwan. But Mr Albanese refrained from engaging in the transactional style of diplomacy his American counterpart trades in. When the opposition criticised him for failing to bring back tangible results and "indulgent" visits to the Great Wall and a panda research centre, the prime minister said they were missing the point. "The Great Wall of China symbolises the extraordinary history and culture here in China and showing a bit of respect to people never cost anything," he said "You know what it does? It gives you a reward." Patient, consistent diplomacy is the government's modus operandi. Tracing the footsteps of Labor leader Gough Whitlam along the Great Wall was a powerful bit of symbolism, Prof Smith says. Mr Whitlam visited the wonder in a landmark trip as opposition leader acknowledging communist rule of the People's Republic of China in 1971, becoming one of the first Western politicians to do so. It sent a clear message about the enduring strength of the relationship, Prof Smith says. "This is probably one of the strongest cards we've got to play in terms of the relationship, that we were a first mover in recognising China. That gets us a lot of points." Premier Li praised Mr Albanese for his personal role in mending Sino-Australian relations in their meeting on Tuesday. Chinese state media, which poured endless scorn on Australia when relations were at their lowest, was glowing in its coverage of Mr Albanese, casting the previous coalition government as the source of the conflict. "In recent years, as China-Australia relations have continued to improve, the Australian government's understanding of its relationship with China has also deepened," according to an opinion piece in Chinese state-owned tabloid the Global Times. "(Mr Albanese) has demonstrated a pragmatic and rational approach to China policy. "Today's China-Australia relationship is like a plane flying in the 'stratosphere' after passing through the storm zone and the most turbulent and bumpy period has passed." Australian Strategic Policy Institute executive director Justin Bassi says the prime minister's visit was positive for economic relationships and trade. But the approach is not without its risks. "I think here the risks are threefold," he told ABC News. "I think there is a risk that we are used for propaganda purposes. There is a risk that … trade becomes an over-dependency and the third risk is that we provide a perception, both to China and to our own public, that short-term economics are outweighing long-term security." Few do pomp and ceremony as well as the Chinese. As he met with leaders in Beijing's Great Hall of the People on Tuesday, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese was given the red carpet treatment. Rows of immaculately decorated soldiers were wheeled around the hall in perfect synchronicity and a People's Liberation Army brass band played Chinese covers of Aussie pub rock classics by the likes of Paul Kelly and Midnight Oil. The lavish display may be par for the course for world leaders ushered into the grand neoclassical sanctum of Chinese power. But the warm reception to the prime minister's six-day trip of China and gushing praise heaped upon him was notable in the highly choreographed world of Chinese political theatre, where symbolism and ritual are key. Protocols matter, says Associate Professor Graeme Smith, an expert on Chinese politics at the Australian National University. "All foreign policy, but particularly for China, is for a domestic audience," he tells AAP. "This is not about us. It's about citizens, about Chinese Communist Party members. That's what these are for and we're just a nice prop for them." The constant refrain of co-operating where they can, disagreeing where they must and engaging in the national interest was calibrated to chime with Beijing's own goals. Focusing on moving the relationship forward gave them an out for their unilateral decision to torch relations in 2020 while allowing them to save face. The unusually long duration of the prime minister's trip and the fact it occurred so soon after being re-elected, was interpreted by both sides as a sign of the importance of the two nations' relationship. Likewise, Mr Albanese remarked that the length of the meetings he had with President Xi Jinping, Premier Li Qiang and National People's Congress Chairman Zhao Leji was a sign of "respect" - a word he would keep coming back to through the course of his trip. "I had meetings for around about eight hours yesterday," he said at the Great Wall on Wednesday. "It was a very long meeting but it also showed respect to both sides, the fact that President Xi didn't just have a meeting but we had a lunch where President Xi as well invited Jodie to attend. "That lunch was a sign of respect to Australia, to our country." The fact the military band at the leaders' meetings learned to play songs specifically chosen to suit the prime minister's taste showed the effort they were willing to put in. "Those gestures matter, respect matters between countries," he said. "The opportunity to sit down and have a meal and talk about personal issues, talk about things that aren't necessarily heavily political, is really important part of diplomacy. "One of the things that my government does is engage in diplomacy. We don't shout with megaphones." The contrast to the way the US conducts diplomacy under Donald Trump couldn't be more stark. The US president was a constant elephant in the room during the trip. From his first day in Shanghai, Mr Albanese's visit was almost derailed after it emerged Pentagon strategist Elbridge Colby had been pressuring Australian and Japanese diplomats to provide assurances about joining the US in a hypothetical conflict with China over Taiwan. But Mr Albanese refrained from engaging in the transactional style of diplomacy his American counterpart trades in. When the opposition criticised him for failing to bring back tangible results and "indulgent" visits to the Great Wall and a panda research centre, the prime minister said they were missing the point. "The Great Wall of China symbolises the extraordinary history and culture here in China and showing a bit of respect to people never cost anything," he said "You know what it does? It gives you a reward." Patient, consistent diplomacy is the government's modus operandi. Tracing the footsteps of Labor leader Gough Whitlam along the Great Wall was a powerful bit of symbolism, Prof Smith says. Mr Whitlam visited the wonder in a landmark trip as opposition leader acknowledging communist rule of the People's Republic of China in 1971, becoming one of the first Western politicians to do so. It sent a clear message about the enduring strength of the relationship, Prof Smith says. "This is probably one of the strongest cards we've got to play in terms of the relationship, that we were a first mover in recognising China. That gets us a lot of points." Premier Li praised Mr Albanese for his personal role in mending Sino-Australian relations in their meeting on Tuesday. Chinese state media, which poured endless scorn on Australia when relations were at their lowest, was glowing in its coverage of Mr Albanese, casting the previous coalition government as the source of the conflict. "In recent years, as China-Australia relations have continued to improve, the Australian government's understanding of its relationship with China has also deepened," according to an opinion piece in Chinese state-owned tabloid the Global Times. "(Mr Albanese) has demonstrated a pragmatic and rational approach to China policy. "Today's China-Australia relationship is like a plane flying in the 'stratosphere' after passing through the storm zone and the most turbulent and bumpy period has passed." Australian Strategic Policy Institute executive director Justin Bassi says the prime minister's visit was positive for economic relationships and trade. But the approach is not without its risks. "I think here the risks are threefold," he told ABC News. "I think there is a risk that we are used for propaganda purposes. There is a risk that … trade becomes an over-dependency and the third risk is that we provide a perception, both to China and to our own public, that short-term economics are outweighing long-term security."
Perth Now
18-07-2025
- Politics
- Perth Now
PM on winning strategy for hearts and minds in Beijing
Few do pomp and ceremony as well as the Chinese. As he met with leaders in Beijing's Great Hall of the People on Tuesday, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese was given the red carpet treatment. Rows of immaculately decorated soldiers were wheeled around the hall in perfect synchronicity and a People's Liberation Army brass band played Chinese covers of Aussie pub rock classics by the likes of Paul Kelly and Midnight Oil. The lavish display may be par for the course for world leaders ushered into the grand neoclassical sanctum of Chinese power. But the warm reception to the prime minister's six-day trip of China and gushing praise heaped upon him was notable in the highly choreographed world of Chinese political theatre, where symbolism and ritual are key. Protocols matter, says Associate Professor Graeme Smith, an expert on Chinese politics at the Australian National University. "All foreign policy, but particularly for China, is for a domestic audience," he tells AAP. "This is not about us. It's about citizens, about Chinese Communist Party members. That's what these are for and we're just a nice prop for them." The constant refrain of co-operating where they can, disagreeing where they must and engaging in the national interest was calibrated to chime with Beijing's own goals. Focusing on moving the relationship forward gave them an out for their unilateral decision to torch relations in 2020 while allowing them to save face. The unusually long duration of the prime minister's trip and the fact it occurred so soon after being re-elected, was interpreted by both sides as a sign of the importance of the two nations' relationship. Likewise, Mr Albanese remarked that the length of the meetings he had with President Xi Jinping, Premier Li Qiang and National People's Congress Chairman Zhao Leji was a sign of "respect" - a word he would keep coming back to through the course of his trip. "I had meetings for around about eight hours yesterday," he said at the Great Wall on Wednesday. "It was a very long meeting but it also showed respect to both sides, the fact that President Xi didn't just have a meeting but we had a lunch where President Xi as well invited Jodie to attend. "That lunch was a sign of respect to Australia, to our country." The fact the military band at the leaders' meetings learned to play songs specifically chosen to suit the prime minister's taste showed the effort they were willing to put in. "Those gestures matter, respect matters between countries," he said. "The opportunity to sit down and have a meal and talk about personal issues, talk about things that aren't necessarily heavily political, is really important part of diplomacy. "One of the things that my government does is engage in diplomacy. We don't shout with megaphones." The contrast to the way the US conducts diplomacy under Donald Trump couldn't be more stark. The US president was a constant elephant in the room during the trip. From his first day in Shanghai, Mr Albanese's visit was almost derailed after it emerged Pentagon strategist Elbridge Colby had been pressuring Australian and Japanese diplomats to provide assurances about joining the US in a hypothetical conflict with China over Taiwan. But Mr Albanese refrained from engaging in the transactional style of diplomacy his American counterpart trades in. When the opposition criticised him for failing to bring back tangible results and "indulgent" visits to the Great Wall and a panda research centre, the prime minister said they were missing the point. "The Great Wall of China symbolises the extraordinary history and culture here in China and showing a bit of respect to people never cost anything," he said "You know what it does? It gives you a reward." Patient, consistent diplomacy is the government's modus operandi. Tracing the footsteps of Labor leader Gough Whitlam along the Great Wall was a powerful bit of symbolism, Prof Smith says. Mr Whitlam visited the wonder in a landmark trip as opposition leader acknowledging communist rule of the People's Republic of China in 1971, becoming one of the first Western politicians to do so. It sent a clear message about the enduring strength of the relationship, Prof Smith says. "This is probably one of the strongest cards we've got to play in terms of the relationship, that we were a first mover in recognising China. That gets us a lot of points." Premier Li praised Mr Albanese for his personal role in mending Sino-Australian relations in their meeting on Tuesday. Chinese state media, which poured endless scorn on Australia when relations were at their lowest, was glowing in its coverage of Mr Albanese, casting the previous coalition government as the source of the conflict. "In recent years, as China-Australia relations have continued to improve, the Australian government's understanding of its relationship with China has also deepened," according to an opinion piece in Chinese state-owned tabloid the Global Times. "(Mr Albanese) has demonstrated a pragmatic and rational approach to China policy. "Today's China-Australia relationship is like a plane flying in the 'stratosphere' after passing through the storm zone and the most turbulent and bumpy period has passed." Australian Strategic Policy Institute executive director Justin Bassi says the prime minister's visit was positive for economic relationships and trade. But the approach is not without its risks. "I think here the risks are threefold," he told ABC News. "I think there is a risk that we are used for propaganda purposes. There is a risk that … trade becomes an over-dependency and the third risk is that we provide a perception, both to China and to our own public, that short-term economics are outweighing long-term security."
