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Delhi misunderstood fort at Tughlaqabad
Delhi misunderstood fort at Tughlaqabad

The Hindu

time6 days ago

  • The Hindu

Delhi misunderstood fort at Tughlaqabad

'Don't visit Tughlaqabad Fort, it is cursed': That's the caution that has long surrounded the 700-year-old fort constructed by Ghiyasudding Tughluq, founder of Tughlaq dynasty. Nestled in the rocky terrain of the Aravali Hills, this vast fortress has become less a monument and more a relic wrapped in rumours of unexplained misfortunes passed down generations in hushed tones. While sites like Qutub Minar, Red Fort, and Humayun's Tomb enjoy spotlight and footfall, Tughlaqabad fort looks like a ghost town; under-visited, under-appreciated, and overwhelmingly misunderstood by a generation more familiar with Instagrammable tombs than silent ramparts. The legend of the fort's so-called 'curse' has run through centuries. Ghiyasuddin, who came to power in 1320 CE was eager to build a stronghold capable of withstanding Mongol invasions. But his ambition collided with the spiritual authority. The revered Sufi saint Hazrat Nizamuddin Auliya was constructing a stepwell (baoli) for his community. When Tughlaq diverted labourers from the saint's project to speed up construction of his fortress, tensions escalated. The saint is believed to have uttered a curse: 'May it remain desolate, or inhabited only by shepherds.' Whether meant as divine warning or a moment of frustration, the words stuck over time. So did the myth turning Tughlaqabad into more of a cautionary tale than a piece of architectural history. Historian Prof. S. M. Azizuddin Husain challenges the version. 'Tughlaqabad was built for defence; There is no historical record of any curse affecting the fort. These stories emerged later, when the site was deserted and overgrown, and people began filling in the blanks with fantasy,' he says. With towering stone walls over 15 metres high enclosing a city-within-a-city complete with water reservoirs, granaries, elevated watchtowers, and escape tunnels, Tughlaqabad was a strategically designed forts of its time. 'Even later forts like Agra or Red Fort can't match the military logic of Tughlaqabad,' says Husain. 'Ghiyasuddin used the landscape intelligently building into the Aravallis, surrounding the complex with water bodies, and creating multiple lines of defence,' he adds. With its formidable design, Tughlaqabad was never breached in battle but politically sidelined. When Ghiyasuddin's son, Muhammad bin Tughlaq, shifted the capital to Daulatabad in the Deccan within a decade, the fort lost its importance. Later years, it was abandoned not destroyed. Ghiyasuddin's death, however, added fuel to the fire of myth. Returning triumphantly from a Bengal campaign, the Sultan was received with a grand wooden pavilion built in his honour which collapsed and killed him. The timing led many to recall another statement allegedly made by Nizamuddin: 'Hunooz Dilli door ast' — 'Delhi is still far away.' Was it a coincidence? A prophecy? Political theatre? No one can say with certainty. Heritage activist Sohail Hashmi sees the myth as a distraction from the real story. 'We love ghost stories because they're easier to remember than historical facts,' he says and adds, the feud between the Sultan and the saint was real but more political than mystical. 'Nizamuddin commanded an enormous public following. For a ruler used to absolute power, this was threatening. Their conflict was about influence and authority.' Husain cites a mehfil held within its walls where more than 400 scholars debated the permissibility of Sama (spiritual music). Hazrat Nizamuddin's arguments prevailed, and Qawwali was officially accepted in the Indian Sufi tradition. 'This one event alone makes the fort historically and culturally significant,' he says. 'It was not just a site of military brilliance, but of spiritual transformation.' Tughlaqabad today remains eerily empty when compared to the crowds at other monuments in the city. Whereas, the place is an opportunity to explore the expansive landscapes, uninterrupted skyline views, rugged architecture and birdsong echoing off stone walls. 'This should be a classroom under the sky, not a ghost town,' says Sohail. Mehrauli-Badarpur Road, near Govindpuri Metro station; 9am to 5pm; Entry Fee: ₹25 (Indian citizens), ₹300 (foreign nationals)

Genghis Khan couldn't read, yet led a court of intellects: Why his education policies must be studied in 21st century
Genghis Khan couldn't read, yet led a court of intellects: Why his education policies must be studied in 21st century

Time of India

time23-07-2025

  • General
  • Time of India

Genghis Khan couldn't read, yet led a court of intellects: Why his education policies must be studied in 21st century

The great Khan and one of the most influential Mongol rulers, Genghis Khan was born in 1162 in the Khentii Mountains of Mongolia. His life combined moments of terror, wonder, and sheer disbelief with an undeniable legacy that shaped history. Some research even suggests his conquests killed so many people that the earth's temperature may have dropped due to reduced carbon dioxide levels. Most people associate his reign with brutality, and rightly so. However, in a 12th-century setting where expanding empires, accumulating wealth, and securing historical immortality were the ultimate goals, his actions weren't particularly unusual for a ruler of his time. Khan was simply a warrior of extraordinary skill whose mastery of battlefield tactics and political administration produced results that remain remarkable centuries later. A conqueror who couldn't read What surprises many, however, is that this infamous leader most likely couldn't read or write. Historian Jack Weatherford notes that Khan "probably encountered no more than a few hundred people in his entire childhood, and he received no formal education." Other biographical accounts suggest he relied entirely on courtiers to read and write laws for him, as he lacked these abilities himself. Yet this illiteracy didn't prevent him from championing one of history's most revolutionary educational movements. Khan ensured that people throughout his empire became skilled and well-educated. He mandated the adoption of a writing system, eliminated taxes completely for doctors, teachers, priests, and educational institutions, and laid groundwork that would inspire his grandson, Khubilai Khan, to attempt creating primary schools for universal basic education to make literacy available to all children. Despite never learning to read, Khan understood something fundamental about power and progress that continues to influence educational thinking in the 21st century. Written governance trumped the prevalent oral traditions Khan recognised something crucial; an empire built solely on verbal commands and collective memory could never compete with the sophisticated, literate civilisations he intended to conquer. This realisation led to a dramatic decision that would transform Mongol society forever. After establishing his empire, Khan mandated the creation of a writing system for official state business. Based on Uighur script, this system ensured that "his decisions [could be] kept on white paper bound in blue books." This simple yet revolutionary step marked the birth of written Mongolian law and formal record-keeping. Though Khan himself never learnt to read, he understood the power of documentation. He established a new class of educated officials and empowered scribes to handle the empire's written affairs. Within just one generation, the entire structure of Mongol administration had shifted from relying on memory to depending on written communication. Laws became synonymous with written records, establishing literacy as a cornerstone of power and organised governance. A court of intellects, an empire of literates Khan's commitment to learning extended far beyond creating a writing system. He implemented policies that seem remarkably progressive even by today's standards. Teachers, scholars, and educational institutions were exempted from taxation, a bold move designed to elevate the status of learning professions. His court became a melting vessel of international knowledge. Doctors, priests, intellectuals, translators, and artists from across Asia, Europe, and the Arab world were welcomed and encouraged to share their expertise. This deliberate policy of intellectual openness transformed the Mongol Empire into an unprecedented centre of global learning and cultural exchange. The foundation Khan laid proved remarkably durable. His grandson, Khubilai Khan, later attempted to establish schools for all children throughout the empire, aiming for universal basic literacy among the empire's incredibly diverse population. This ambitious goal preceded similar educational movements in other parts of the world by several centuries. Effect was far reaching and a case study for generations The educational transformation Khan initiated had effects that lasted far beyond his lifetime. His policies reshaped entire cultures, strengthened governmental institutions, and positioned the Mongol world as a hub for cross-cultural intellectual exchange. Many concepts we consider fundamentally modern trace their roots back to these 13th-century reforms. State funding for education, international academic cooperation, the central role of written law in governance, and societal respect for teachers and scholars all emerged from Khan's vision. Echoes and shadows of a system that must be remembered Today, Khan's core principles remain strikingly relevant. His tax exemptions for educators mirror modern policies where countries like Finland and several US states offer tax breaks and loan forgiveness to teachers. The international scholar exchange he pioneered resembles contemporary programmes like Fulbright scholarships and the European Union's Erasmus initiative, which bring together academics from different nations to share knowledge. The Mongol Empire's documentation-based governance system established principles that underpin modern bureaucratic states, where written records and legal frameworks form the foundation of administration. Perhaps most significantly, Khan's recognition that leaders need not be scholars themselves but must lead a system based on learning, resonates in contemporary discussions about educational leadership. His story challenges assumptions about who can drive educational reform, suggesting that vision and institutional support matter more than personal academic credentials. It's iconic that someone described as an "illiterate slave" who built an empire continues to serve as a model for understanding how educational transformation occurs. Here was a man who never read a single word yet created institutional frameworks so robust that they promoted learning and documentation long after his death, frameworks whose core principles still guide educational policy in the 21st century. All facts and quotations in this article are drawn from Jack Weatherford's "Genghis Khan and the Making of the Modern World." Ready to navigate global policies? Secure your overseas future. Get expert guidance now!

Finks v Comanchero: Gang recruitment war sparks chaos in Melbourne
Finks v Comanchero: Gang recruitment war sparks chaos in Melbourne

Herald Sun

time19-07-2025

  • Herald Sun

Finks v Comanchero: Gang recruitment war sparks chaos in Melbourne

Don't miss out on the headlines from Victoria. Followed categories will be added to My News. The rival Finks and Comanchero bikie gangs are locked in a bitter Melbourne power struggle. A wave of fires in recent months which have cost millions of dollars is suspected of being linked to conflict between the clubs. The Herald Sun has been told one theory is that aggressive Fink recruitment of Comanchero members is behind the friction. The practice, known as 'patching-over', is regarded as a provocative move in the outlaw motorcycle gang world. In the past, it has been carried-out without incident in cases where the club doing the patching has vastly more strength than its rival. But the Finks and Comanchero are strong well-established gangs with money and muscle behind them. Underworld sources say a number of suburban businesses have gone up in flames in the tit-for-tat arsons of recent months. Both clubs are regarded as being in Australia's 'big six' outlaw motorcycle gangs, OMCGs. The Comanchero have been hit hard in recent years by prosecutions of some high-ranked members, particularly in fallout from the sprawling Ironside police operation. A number of senior members have been charged and some valued middle-ranking figures have departed on bad terms. But they remain potent and are aligned with exiled crime strongman Kazem Hamad and another shadowy gangland figure operating from offshore. Long-time office-bearer and businessman Bemir Saracevic is still influential in the organisation. Prominent figure Tarek Zahed left Melbourne in 2022 and was shot later that year in a Sydney ambush which claimed the life of his brother Omar. Zahed has been expected to be headed back to Victoria this year after his release from a NSW prison last Christmas. The Comanchero clubhouse at Clyde North was firebombed last month though the motive is not publicly known. The Finks are an expansionist club with strong representation in the outer suburbs and parts of country Victoria. They were on the wrong end of a patch-over in 2013 when many of their members were forced into the Mongols, leading to lingering bad blood which had dire consequences in 2019. Senior Fink Sione Hokafonu was shot late at night in that year outside the Fountain Gate Hotel following an altercation with a man in Mongol gear. Police believe the near-fatal shooting of Mongol Rocco Curra at Bulleen later that year was fallout from that incident. Investigators suspect a Finks member may have been the intended target of an ambush by two Mongols in which innocent fruiterer Paul Virgona was fatally wounded in November of that year. Koshan Radford is believed to be still at the helm of the Finks. Former Comanchero and Mongol Mark Balsillie came on board last year and is one of the club's most senior figures. A group of Finks — among them Hokafonu and Jesse Bonnici — were charged last year after allegedly riding their motorcycles along Southbank Promenade. Counts of reckless conduct endangering serious injury and dangerous driving were later dismissed. A number of members have been previously implicated in illicit tobacco sector arsons and standover work. Murat Shomshe was recently jailed for lighting up tobacco shops at Moe and Croydon in late-2023.

Meet Leonie von Ungern-Sternberg: The TikToker claiming bloodline to Mongolia's ‘God of War'
Meet Leonie von Ungern-Sternberg: The TikToker claiming bloodline to Mongolia's ‘God of War'

Time of India

time14-07-2025

  • Entertainment
  • Time of India

Meet Leonie von Ungern-Sternberg: The TikToker claiming bloodline to Mongolia's ‘God of War'

Source: Instagram/@leonievungern Some TikTok stories go viral for a dance. Some for a joke. And then there's Leonie von Ungern-Sternberg, whose quiet, aesthetically lit videos of sipping matcha and journaling suddenly sparked global interest when viewers learned of the blood-soaked legacy behind her name. Leonie, 29, an MBA student living in Spain, wasn't expecting the internet to erupt over her last name. 'I posted that video and I went to sleep,' she told The New York Post. 'And the next day I woke up and I had a million views, which for me was surreal.' That video, a lighthearted TikTok posted June 30, joked, 'All these people telling me I should reclaim the throne to Mongolia but I'm just a girl who drinks matcha.' It has since racked up over 2 million views — and stirred up a firestorm of commentary from amused millennials, curious historians, and disturbing far-right sympathizers alike. Source: Instagram/@leonievungern Legacy stained in blood Leonie claims direct descent from Roman von Ungern-Sternberg, one of the 20th century's most brutal warlords, often referred to as 'the Bloody Baron', 'the Mad Baron', or even 'the God of War', nicknames earned through violence that even his enemies considered extreme. Roman was a fiercely anti-Communist military commander who, after the Russian Revolution of 1917, led a violent crusade through Siberia and eventually into Mongolia. Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like This Could Be the Best Time to Trade Gold in 5 Years IC Markets Learn More Undo by Taboola by Taboola There, with support from loyalists to the Russian tsar, Mongol horsemen, and Japanese mercenaries, he seized control and declared himself ruler. He reportedly planned to rebuild a pan-Mongolian empire and then march on Moscow to overthrow the fledgling Soviet regime. Historians credit him with expelling Chinese forces and briefly restoring Mongolian independence, but that's only one part of the story. Ungern was known for cruelty that bordered on theatrical horror. As The Post detailed, he 'devised sadistic tortures and painful deaths for his enemies, and even his followers who disobeyed him.' Victims were said to have been crucified with rusty nails, burned alive, or tied to treetops until they froze to death or fell out and were shot. Leonie admits she grew up knowing little about him. 'I didn't know much,' she said. But the viral attention pushed her to explore the archives of her centuries-old family, whose lineage stretches back nearly 1,000 years. 'If a family is almost 1,000 years old, there is a chance that one or the other is going to … have done negative things throughout history,' she told The Post. Source: Instagram/@leonievungern "It's just a name that doesn't mean anything." Despite the name, Leonie insists her day-to-day life is far from dynastic. 'It's not like I have this super-glamorous life and I'm a baroness,' she explained. 'No, it's just a name that in that context doesn't mean anything.' 'I've been working since I was 18,' she added. 'We were always raised in a very humble way.' But the internet doesn't always do nuance. While many commenters treated her TikTok revelation as curious and even humorous, others latched onto her family history. 'I feel like I'm a case study on how a viral video can bring unwanted attention from ideologies that I personally don't align with,' she said. 'I've gotten a lot of comments … a lot of sexism … racism.'

Descendant of ‘God of War' who once ruled Mongolia is a TikTok influencer who carries ‘burden' of his name: ‘Just a girl who drinks matcha'
Descendant of ‘God of War' who once ruled Mongolia is a TikTok influencer who carries ‘burden' of his name: ‘Just a girl who drinks matcha'

New York Post

time13-07-2025

  • Entertainment
  • New York Post

Descendant of ‘God of War' who once ruled Mongolia is a TikTok influencer who carries ‘burden' of his name: ‘Just a girl who drinks matcha'

A TikToker has revealed she is directly descended from one of the 20th century's most brutal warlords, dubbed 'the Bloody Baron' — but she says she'd rather drink matcha than reclaim her historic throne. Leonie von Ungern-Sternberg, 29, an MBA student in Spain, often shares fun posts of her life as a matcha-sipping millennial on TikTok. But her family tree has been been watered with the blood of countless suspected communists. Advertisement 8 Leonie von Ungern-Sternberg often shares fun posts of her life as a matcha-sipping millennial on TikTok. Instagram/@leonievungern Roman von Ungern-Sternberg, a violent Russian nationalist whose savagery in battle in the 1910s and '20s earned him the nicknames the 'God of War' and 'the Mad Baron.' A military leader on the losing side in Russia's 1917 communist revolution, Ungern later invaded Mongolia and established a kingdom with the help of soldiers loyal to the tsar — along with mercenaries from Japan and Mongolia. Advertisement He attempted to form a new Mongol empire that could march on Moscow and overthrow the Soviet government, while hunting down and exterminating anyone suspected of being a red communist. 8 Roman von Ungern-Sternberg was a violent Russian nationalist. Instagram/@leonievungern For Leonie, more than a century on from Ungern's 1921 execution by the Bolsheviks, sharing his surname has become something of a curse. Admitting the 'burden' that comes with her 'unusual surname,' Leonie explained that 'the Mad Baron' is far from her only prominent relative. Advertisement 'If a family is almost 1,000 years old, there is a chance that one or the other is going to … have done negative things throughout history,' Leonie told The Post. 8 For Leonie, sharing Roman von Ungern-Sternberg's surname has become something of a curse. Instagram/@leonievungern 'We were always raised in a very humble way … I've been working since I was 18,' she said. 'It's not like I have this super-glamorous life and I'm a baroness … No, it's just a name that in that context doesn't mean anything,' she said. Advertisement Leonie admits she 'didn't know much' about Ungern growing up, but after posting TikToks and vlogs for her friends, her link to one of the early 20th century's bloodiest conquests went viral. 8 Roman von Ungern-Sternberg was a military leader on the losing side in Russia's 1917 communist revolution. Pictures from History/Universal Images Group via Getty Images The Mad Baron is credited by some historians of helping to liberate Mongolia from Chinese occupation, but his madness and brutality were also legend. He became obsessed with Eastern religions, and his forces were less an army than a heavily armed cult. In addition to hating communists, he was also virulently antisemitic and he devised sadistic tortures and painful deaths for his enemies — and even his own followers who disobeyed him. 8 Leonie admits she 'didn't know much' about Ungern growing up. Instagram/@leonievungern He was said to have burned victims alive, left them out in the cold to be torn apart by wolves, crucified them by rusty nails and forcing them to stay in treetops until they fell out and were shot, or died of exposure. 'All these people telling me I should reclaim the throne to Mongolia but I'm literally just a girl who drinks matcha,' Leonie quipped in one TikTok video which racked up more than 2 million views since being posted on June 30. Advertisement 'I posted that video and I went to sleep,' Leonie told The Post. 'And the next day I woke up and I had a million views, which for me was surreal.' 8 Young Baron Roman Nikolai Maximilian von Ungern-Sternberg in traditional clothing. Pictures from History/Universal Images Group via Getty Images While much of the attention was lighthearted, some of it was extreme. That included far-right fanatics aligned with Roman's ultra-nationalist ideology, and those condemning her as guilty by association for Ungern's crimes. Advertisement 'I feel like I'm a case study on how a viral video can bring unwanted attention from ideologies that I personally don't align with,' she said. 8 'All these people telling me I should reclaim the throne to Mongolia but I'm literally just a girl who drinks matcha,' Leonie quipped in one TikTok video. Instagram/@leonievungern 'I've gotten a lot of comments … a lot of sexism … racism,' she added. Despite the 'scary' experience, Leonie still carries her name with 'pride and honor,' because of her 'amazing family members,' she said. Advertisement 'My great-grandparents got murdered by the Nazis for helping Jews flee the country,' she said, adding how 'shocking' and 'hurtful' it was to see her name taken up as a cause by extremists. Leonie's video also got comments from users in Mongolia, where attitudes toward Ungern are mixed. 8 'I feel like I'm a case study on how a viral video can bring unwanted attention from ideologies that I personally don't align with,' she said. Instagram/@leonievungern 'A lot of Mongolians say, 'In our home, [Ungern's] a hero.' There are some that say, 'Without [Ungern], we would possibly belong to China right now,'' she said. Advertisement 'On the other hand, there are also a lot of Mongolians that say, he was brutal … an outsider … He had no business to even hold that much power.' Leonie wants to use the attention her videos have brought on Ungern to delve into her family's archives and learn more. 'He's such a complex historical figure that you can't just box him up and make him out to be one person,' she said. 'He's more complex than that.'

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