Latest news with #MontroseCenter
Eater
23-06-2025
- General
- Eater
At Houston's First LGBTQ+ Senior Center, Lunchtime Is for Building Community
As noon — lunchtime — rapidly approaches, it is somehow both hot and muggy and pouring rain on a Wednesday in late May in Houston, but the vibes inside the Law Harrington Senior Living Center are totally sunny. In the Annise Parker Multipurpose Room, named for the city's first openly gay mayor, elderly residents are sidling up to their tables as workers prepare to distribute lunch trays while they chat with regulars and newcomers alike. On the menu today: King Ranch casserole, a Texas staple that's sort of like cheesy layered enchiladas, plus steamed broccoli and carrots. For the folks who aren't feeling the day's chosen casserole, there's cold sandwiches and tons of snacks scattered around the room. Everyone, though, is excited for dessert — an iconic Little Debbie Nutty Buddy bar. Most were really looking forward to that upcoming Friday, when a local funeral home was scheduled to drop off donated cupcakes for a monthly party celebrating all the Center's June birthdays. 'That's kind of ironic, the funeral home sponsoring the birthday party cupcakes,' I said as I chatted with one particularly gregarious resident. Her response? 'I think they're out here trying to recruit new customers.' Law Harrington's well-appointed building on Cleburne Street in Houston's historic Third Ward looks much like the many luxury midrise apartment complexes that dot the city's landscape — it boasts a sleek modern design, a dog park, a gym. But as the city's only senior living facility specifically focused on supporting the city's aging LGBTQ+ population, this building isn't your average old folks home. Inside these walls is a vibrant hub for building queer community among LGBTQ+ elders, all while enjoying a hot meal with friends and neighbors. In Houston and across the country, LGBTQ+ seniors are uniquely vulnerable to housing instability and poverty in their golden years. They're more than twice as likely than non-LGBTQ people to live alone without family, which means that many lack the support network that becomes increasingly important as a person gets older and needs help cooking meals, getting to medical appointments, or doing chores around the house. 'Our seniors have been on the front lines of our movement, and they didn't really have the high-powered oil and gas jobs that many people in Houston had,' says Dan Cato, director of marketing and communications for the Montrose Center, which operates the Law Harrington Senior Living Center. 'They were our bartenders, our entertainers, our drag queens, and so they are on very limited incomes. We wanted to support them in a way that meant that they could stay in the neighborhoods that they helped create.' Law Harrington's location was chosen specifically because of its proximity to both the Montrose, historically the nucleus of queer culture in Houston, and the Third Ward, a historically Black neighborhood. Both the Third Ward and the Montrose have been impacted heavily by gentrification in recent years, displacing Black and LGBTQ+ seniors from their respective homes as wealthier, less diverse residents move in. Since opening its doors in 2021, Law Harrington serves as a place of connection for two communities, both of which are more likely to experience financial instability, housing discrimination, and other inequities as they age. About a third of LGBTQ+ seniors are low-income, and those rates increase dramatically for transgender seniors, people of color, and persons over the age of 80. Even though Black seniors only make up about 9 percent of the total American elderly population, they make up 21 percent of all elders living below the federal poverty level. They also experience food insecurity at a rate that's nearly four times higher than their white counterparts. Open to all people over the age of 62 who are income-qualified to live there, the Law Harrington is not exclusively home to LGBTQ+ people. It can't be, because of the way that federal housing law works — it must be equally open to all regardless of their sexuality or gender identity. But the Center is unapologetically and unabashedly queer-centric. It's named for Charles Law and Gene Harrington, both legendary queer activists with roots in Houston. The space is decked out with trans pride flags and rainbows are abundant. Still, there's a large contingent of non-LGBTQ+ residents, and the Center's staff members aren't afraid to have confrontations with anyone who might not be respectful of their queer neighbors. 'There's a pretty large contingent of residents who are not LGBTQ+, and every LGBTQ+ senior center has kind of struggled to find the balance,' Christian Capo, the Center's social services program director, says. 'But we're very insistent on being clear that this is a LGBTQ+ affirming space, and if you're not comfortable with seeing 17 rainbow flags every day, that's not going to work.' Lunch is delivered daily by Baker Ripley, a 100-plus-year-old Houston nonprofit that operates a sprawling range of social programs across the city. Meeting the nutritional needs of seniors, many of whom have dietary restrictions or specific dietary requirements, is a highly specific task. Most of their diets are low-sodium and low-calorie, to help with conditions like hypertension or diabetes. Each meal is developed in conjunction with a registered dietician to ensure that the meals can actually meet the needs of those who eat them. Judging by the May menu posted outside the lunchroom, there's an emphasis on lots of veggies, grains, and pulses like lentils, and milk is offered with most meals to help combat issues like osteoporosis and vitamin D deficiency. You don't have to live at Law Harrington to score a lunch plate free of charge. Seniors over the age of 60 who live elsewhere are asked to sign up a day in advance for their hot meal, so that Law Harrington employees can ensure that they've ordered enough meals for everyone who needs to eat. Diners who don't live at Law Harrington are encouraged to show up early and enjoy free coffee, play board games or dominoes, and of course, socialize with the folks in their community. Today, there are about 45 people signed up to eat, including both first-time visitors and longtime residents. Carmen, a resident who lives at Law Harrington with his cat, Princess, says that lunch is his favorite part of living at Law Harrington. Born in North Carolina, he was living in Atlanta when he came to Houston for the first time, and fell in love with the Montrose's vibrant queer culture. He moved here in 1981, but eventually, as its real estate became more desirable among real estate developers, Carmen got priced out of the Montrose. At Law Harrington, he can both live affordably in the neighborhood he loves while getting the support he needs. He can obtain medical care, get a ride to a nearby grocery store, hang out in one of the cozy chairs in the building's library, or simply relax at home with Princess before coming to lunch to socialize. It's this sense of community that the Center's congregate meal program hopes to foster. 'Congregate meal program' is a jargony term popular in the elder care world that simply means healthy, nutritious meals that are served in a group setting, according to the Nutrition and Aging Resource Center. Research shows that congregate meal programs are incredibly beneficial for seniors for a number of reasons, not least of which is that they can combat the serious loneliness that many elderly people experience. For many seniors these meals are literally a lifeline — getting out for lunch and staying social can help them stay healthy and maintain their independence for longer. 'It really is all about the interaction. Maybe you can't come every day because you've got doctor's appointments or you're going to your grandkid's soccer game, but knowing that you have the option to come and have a meal five days a week makes it a lot easier to keep interacting,' Capo says. 'We want everyone to have some consistency and some social interaction in their lives, on their terms. The loneliness is really the number one thing we're trying to address.' According to the residents, not all the dishes served here are winners, but they agree that the quality of the food is generally excellent. Even Jeremy, a resident who had a few gripes about some of the Center's policy choices and expressed an interest in more pork-free options for religious reasons, couldn't help but brag. 'The food really has gotten much better over the last two years,' Jeremy said as he enjoyed his lunch. 'And the service is impeccable. Everybody is so accommodating, for the most part.' Beyond lunch, the team at Law Harrington also works to keep seniors fed the other two meals of the day. The apartments are equipped with kitchens, and many residents cook meals for themselves and their neighbors. An emergency pantry stocked with staples provided by the Houston Food Bank is open a few times a week, and the nonprofit Common Market drops off boxes of fresh produce every two weeks that residents can use to cook at home. Second Servings, a nonprofit that rescues unused food from restaurants and grocery stores, frequently drops off meals and regularly hosts a pop-up grocery store at the Center where seniors can 'shop' for produce and pantry staples. Richard, a resident who's been at Law Harrington practically since it opened, especially loves the produce deliveries, which he uses to make a big batch of veggie soup that he slow-cooks all night long. 'I'll spend an hour cleaning up the vegetables and cutting them, then you just throw it all in there with chicken broth,' Richard says. 'It doesn't matter what you put in there, it always tastes wonderful.' His lunch companion Peter, on the other hand, is more of a baker, who just finished off the last of a homemade red velvet cake. The residents of Law Harrington have lived a thousand lives before landing here. Before retirement, Richard worked as a teacher, a fashion consultant, and a hospice chaplain. One woman, whose family had been heavily involved in the Nation of Islam organization in her youth, showed me a photo of herself as a smiling 20-something standing next to the legendary boxer Muhammad Ali, taken shortly before he famously refused to make himself eligible for the draft during the Vietnam War. All of these experiences make for excellent conversation over lunch, and the atmosphere in the dining room is heady with stories, cheeky jokes, even a little light political chatter. Now nearly five years old, Law Harrington's staff is continually looking to build even more bridges between the people it serves and the broader community, especially young queer people. There's discussions of bringing in participants from Hatch, the Montrose Center's group for LGBTQ+ teens, and a few summers ago, a group of Boy Scouts built community gardens for the residents to complete their Eagle Scout projects. The Houston Gaymers, a group for LGBTQ+ video game enthusiasts in the city, stop by yearly to spend a day playing board games and chatting with the residents. 'The coolest thing about this space is the way that it brings so many different people together, and you can really see the impact of that,' Capo says. 'The conversations that we've had here, and the tolerance and community building that comes out of people just talking to each other is incredible. There was a time in the beginning when people were a little more shy, but now you see people from very disparate backgrounds and life experiences all intermingling and hanging out together. It's incredible to see.'
Yahoo
28-05-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Cornyn campaign launches ad buy accusing Paxton of ‘funding the left'
Sen. John Cornyn's (R-Texas) campaign is rolling out four new ads attacking Texas Attorney General and Senate candidate Ken Paxton (R) for money his office gave to several Texas entities, accusing Paxton of 'funding the left.' The ads, roughly 30 seconds each and shared first with The Hill, criticize Paxton for issuing grant money to Legal Aid of NorthWest Texas, the Tahirih Justice Center, the Montrose Center , and Texas RioGrande Legal Aid, insinuating that the organizations run counter to Republicans on issues related to immigration and gender. For example, a narrator in one of the ads accuses the Montrose Center of offering 'gender programs for children as young as seven,' noting that they have hosted 'child-accessible drag shows.' The Montrose Center, a group serving the LGBTQIA+ Houston community, offers various services, including case management and counseling. The group has previously hosted events that have included drag shows – events that have nationally drawn scorn and scrutiny from some Republicans. The ad is also likely referencing the center's Hatch Youth, which the center describes as 'Houston's oldest, currently active social group dedicated to empowering LGBTQIA+ youth and young adults between the ages of 7 and 24.' Cornyn's team told The Hill that the ads are part of a five-figure digital buy. Cornyn campaign senior adviser Matt Mackowiak alleged that the grants had cost millions of taxpayer dollars 'approved that went to radical left organizations that do not share our conservative Texas values,' describing Paxton as 'crooked' and suggesting that 'Texans cannot trust Ken Paxton.' Paxton's campaign did not respond to a request for comment when contacted by The Hill regarding the ads. The different groups mentioned in the Cornyn campaign ads were approved for different types of grants in the past, largely under the 'other victim assistance grant,' whose service areas include direct victim services, victim services training, outreach and education, victim assistance coordinator and crime victim liaison. That hasn't stopped some of those groups from receiving scrutiny, however. Paxton investigated the Tahirih Justice Center, a recipient of Texas Bar Foundation funding, in 2022 to see 'whether these funds are being used to exacerbate the current crisis at the border and to thwart the efforts of federal and state law enforcement to secure the border.' Republicans are bracing for a bitter primary between Cornyn and Paxton as Cornyn vies for a fifth term in the Senate. Paxton has described Cornyn as a 'RINO' or 'Republican in name only' while Cornyn's campaign has called Paxton a 'fraud.' The primary is already laying bare divisions within the Texas GOP and could threaten Republicans' chances of holding the seat. A poll commissioned by the Senate Leadership Fund, released this month, found Paxton leading Cornyn 56 percent to 40 percent. When Rep. Wesley Hunt (R-Texas) is added into the mix, the polling finds 44 percent behind Paxton, 34 percent behind Cornyn and 19 percent behind Hunt. But the polling also showed that Cornyn did the best among the three Republicans in a hypothetical matchup against former Rep. Colin Allred (D-Texas), who could launch a second Senate campaign. President Trump has notably not weighed in on the Texas Senate GOP primary. 'They're both friends of mine. They're both good men. And I don't know. We don't know who else is running, but these two— Ken, John —they're both friends of mine. So I'll make a determination at the right time,' the president said on Air Force One last month. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
The Hill
28-05-2025
- Politics
- The Hill
Cornyn campaign launches ad buy accusing Paxton of ‘funding the left'
Sen. John Cornyn's (R-Texas) campaign is rolling out four new ads attacking Texas Attorney General and Senate candidate Ken Paxton (R) for money his office gave to several Texas entities, accusing Paxton of 'funding the left.' The ads, roughly 30 seconds each and shared first with The Hill, criticize Paxton for issuing grant money to Legal Aid of NorthWest Texas, the Tahirih Justice Center, the Montrose Center , and Texas RioGrande Legal Aid, insinuating that the organizations run counter to Republicans on issues related to immigration and gender. For example, a narrator in one of the ads accuses the Montrose Center of offering 'gender programs for children as young as seven,' noting that they have hosted 'child-accessible drag shows.' The Montrose Center, a group serving the LGBTQIA+ Houston community, offers various services, including case management and counseling. The group has previously hosted events that have included drag shows – events that have nationally drawn scorn and scrutiny from some Republicans. The ad is also likely referencing the center's Hatch Youth, which the center describes as 'Houston's oldest, currently active social group dedicated to empowering LGBTQIA+ youth and young adults between the ages of 7 and 24.' Cornyn's team told The Hill that the ads are part of a five-figure digital buy. Cornyn campaign senior adviser Matt Mackowiak alleged that the grants had cost millions of taxpayer dollars 'approved that went to radical left organizations that do not share our conservative Texas values,' describing Paxton as 'crooked' and suggesting that 'Texans cannot trust Ken Paxton.' Paxton's campaign did not respond to a request for comment when contacted by The Hill regarding the ads. The different groups mentioned in the Cornyn campaign ads were approved for different types of grants in the past, largely under the 'other victim assistance grant,' whose service areas include direct victim services, victim services training, outreach and education, victim assistance coordinator and crime victim liaison. That hasn't stopped some of those groups from receiving scrutiny, however. Paxton investigated the Tahirih Justice Center, a recipient of Texas Bar Foundation funding, in 2022 to see 'whether these funds are being used to exacerbate the current crisis at the border and to thwart the efforts of federal and state law enforcement to secure the border.' Republicans are bracing for a bitter primary between Cornyn and Paxton as Cornyn vies for a fifth term in the Senate. Paxton has described Cornyn as a 'RINO' or 'Republican in name only' while Cornyn's campaign has called Paxton a 'fraud.' The primary is already laying bare divisions within the Texas GOP and could threaten Republicans' chances of holding the seat. A poll commissioned by the Senate Leadership Fund, released this month, found Paxton leading Cornyn 56 percent to 40 percent. When Rep. Wesley Hunt (R-Texas) is added into the mix, the polling finds 44 percent behind Paxton, 34 percent behind Cornyn and 19 percent behind Hunt. But the polling also showed that Cornyn did the best among the three Republicans in a hypothetical matchup against former Rep. Colin Allred (D-Texas), who could launch a second Senate campaign. President Trump has notably not weighed in on the Texas Senate GOP primary. 'They're both friends of mine. They're both good men. And I don't know. We don't know who else is running, but these two— Ken, John —they're both friends of mine. So I'll make a determination at the right time,' the president said on Air Force One last month.
Yahoo
21-04-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Pope Francis' Impact on The LGBTQ Community
Returning to the Rome on a flight from Rio de Janeiro in July 2013, Pope Francis was asked about the supposed existence of a 'gay lobby' at the Vatican. 'If a person is gay and seeks God and has good will,' the pontiff replied. 'Who am I to judge? They shouldn't be marginalized.' The statement sent shock waves throughout the church and beyond. Catholic conservatives, long accustomed to centuries of papal judgments on everything from theology to birth control, were aghast, many of them seeking to minimize the remarks by asserting that they did not represent a departure from Catholic doctrine. James Martin, a Jesuit, however, begs to differ. 'Anyone who says nothing has changed in the church today is nuts,' he says, drawing a contrast between Francis and his predecessor, Benedict XVI. 'From 'No gay priests' in 2005 to 'Who am I to judge' is a sea change.' LGBTQ advocates also took notice. The Human Rights Campaign hailed 'a significant change in tone,' and Donna Red Wing, executive director of One Iowa, said, 'This is a step forward for this denomination and certainly for the pope.' Ann J. Robison of the Montrose Center agreed, adding, 'We'll see what happens in practice and whether or not the church becomes more welcoming to the LGBT communities.' The Roman Catholic Church marks time in centuries, not days, months or years, so it was not surprising that Francis proceeded slowly in the face of criticism from conservatives. Still, over the course of his pontificate, he nudged the church away from condemnation toward, if not acceptance, inclusion. 'God made you like this and he loves you,' he told a gay man in 2018, and two years later he endorsed legal protections for same-sex couples and criticized laws that criminalized homosexuality. He called on Catholic bishops to have 'a process of conversion' so that they would respond with 'tenderness, please, as God has, for each one of us.' Whereas the Catholic Church in 2008, under Benedict XVI, had refused to sign a United Nations declaration calling for the repeal of laws criminalizing homosexuality, Francis chose a different course. 'Being homosexual is not a crime,' he said, although he maintained that sex outside of marriage was a sin. 'It's not a crime,' he said. 'Yes, but it's a sin. Fine, but first let's distinguish between a sin and a crime.' 'We are all children of God,' Francis told the Associated Press in 2023, 'and God loves us for who we are and for the strength that each of us fights for our dignity.' The old maxim that actions speak louder than words may not have its origins in scripture, but it applies to Pope Francis and his posture toward the LGBTQ community. Many gay advocates criticized the pontiff for not going far enough, but in the face of a cumbersome bureaucracy and the fevered objections of conservatives, he made some remarkable accommodations. On October 21, 2023, for example, he signed a document that allowed transgender people to be baptized and to serve as godparents. Two months later, in a Vatican document entitled Fidus Supplicans, Pope Francis approved blessings for same-sex couples, providing that the rite did not resemble marriage. 'For, those seeking a blessing should not be required to have prior moral perfection,' the document reads. 'There is no intention to legitimize anything, but rather to open one's life to God, to ask for his help to live better, and also to invoke the Holy Spirit so that the values of the Gospel may be lived with greater faithfulness.' Gay Catholics responded enthusiastically. 'This is huge for the LGBTQ community,' says Richard Zaldivar, founder and executive director of Wall Las Memorias Project, a Los Angeles health nonprofit serving Latinos and the LGBTQ community. Perhaps just as important as what Francis did for the LGBTQ community is what he didn't do. Nothing in the church canons requires it, but the standard practice is for archbishops to be elevated to the College of Cardinals. Francis, however, has refused to promote José Gómez, archbishop of Los Angeles, the largest diocese in the United States, to cardinal. Gómez is an outspoken conservative on many issues, including against LGBTQ rights. He publicly criticized President Joseph Biden for his position on abortion and gay rights, and as head of the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops, Gómez led an effort to deny Biden, a devout Catholic, access to Holy Communion because of Biden's support for reproductive rights. Of note, Gómez and his fellow conservatives have made no move to deny communion to Catholic politicians who support the death penalty, however, which also is contrary to church teaching. Pope Francis's refusal to make Gómez a cardinal spoke volumes, especially when he elevated Robert McElroy, bishop of San Diego who is considered more progressive, in 2022. 'By naming one of Gomez's suffragans as Cardinal, and not Gomez himself,' Michael Sean Winters of the National Catholic Reporter wrote. 'The pope has rendered an unmistakable sign of the kind of episcopal leadership he is seeking. An unmistakable sign.' Pope Francis's gestures of openness toward the gay community have led to a more capacious definition and understanding of family, one with political implications. When Vice President J.D. Vance ventured into theological waters, the Pope schooled the recent convert to Catholicism on the nuances of Catholic doctrine. Vance had invoked the notion of 'ordo amoris' ('order of love') to justify the Trump administration's draconian immigration policies. In the Vice President's telling, love emanates in concentric circles, beginning with those closest to us and eventually to the rest of the world. Therefore, in Vance's opinion, the United States is justified in prioritizing 'American citizens first.' Francis quickly corrected Vance's crabbed interpretation. Invoking language strikingly similar to his statements on gays, the Pope emphasized 'the equal dignity of every human being.' 'Christian love is not a concentric expansion of interests that little by little extend to other persons and groups,' the pontiff wrote. 'The true 'ordo amoris' that must be promoted is that which we discover by meditating constantly on the parable of the 'Good Samaritan,' that is, by meditating on the love that builds a fraternity open to all, without exception.' Over the course of his pontificate, Francis contended with conservatives and with a cumbersome bureaucracy practiced in the art of resisting change. No one, right or left, was fully satisfied. Traditionalists thought him too liberal, and progressives criticized him for not pushing hard enough for reforms. For instance, in 2024 Francis was forced to apologize for using a slur to refer to gay men and women won only token concessions. But in his pronouncements about the nature of families and his overtures to the LGBTQ community, Francis moved the church closer, in his words, to 'a fraternity open to all, without exception.' Contact us at letters@
Time Magazine
21-04-2025
- Politics
- Time Magazine
Pope Francis' Complicated, but Undeniable, Impact on The LGBTQ Community
Returning to the Rome on a flight from Rio de Janeiro in July 2013, Pope Francis was asked about the supposed existence of a 'gay lobby' at the Vatican. 'If a person is gay and seeks God and has good will,' the pontiff replied. 'Who am I to judge? They shouldn't be marginalized.' The statement sent shock waves throughout the church and beyond. Catholic conservatives, long accustomed to centuries of papal judgments on everything from theology to birth control, were aghast, many of them seeking to minimize the remarks by asserting that they did not represent a departure from Catholic doctrine. James Martin, a Jesuit, however, begs to differ. 'Anyone who says nothing has changed in the church today is nuts,' he says, drawing a contrast between Francis and his predecessor, Benedict XVI. 'From 'No gay priests' in 2005 to 'Who am I to judge' is a sea change.' LGBTQ advocates also took notice. The Human Rights Campaign hailed 'a significant change in tone,' and Donna Red Wing, executive director of One Iowa, said, 'This is a step forward for this denomination and certainly for the pope.' Ann J. Robison of the Montrose Center agreed, adding, 'We'll see what happens in practice and whether or not the church becomes more welcoming to the LGBT communities.' The Roman Catholic Church marks time in centuries, not days, months or years, so it was not surprising that Francis proceeded slowly in the face of criticism from conservatives. Still, over the course of his pontificate, he nudged the church away from condemnation toward, if not acceptance, inclusion. 'God made you like this and he loves you,' he told a gay man in 2018, and two years later he endorsed legal protections for same-sex couples and criticized laws that criminalized homosexuality. He called on Catholic bishops to have 'a process of conversion' so that they would respond with 'tenderness, please, as God has, for each one of us.' Whereas the Catholic Church in 2008, under Benedict XVI, had refused to sign a United Nations declaration calling for the repeal of laws criminalizing homosexuality, Francis chose a different course. 'Being homosexual is not a crime,' he said, although he maintained that sex outside of marriage was a sin. 'It's not a crime,' he said. 'Yes, but it's a sin. Fine, but first let's distinguish between a sin and a crime.' 'We are all children of God,' Francis told the Associated Press in 2023, 'and God loves us for who we are and for the strength that each of us fights for our dignity.' The old maxim that actions speak louder than words may not have its origins in scripture, but it applies to Pope Francis and his posture toward the LGBTQ community. Many gay advocates criticized the pontiff for not going far enough, but in the face of a cumbersome bureaucracy and the fevered objections of conservatives, he made some remarkable accommodations. On October 21, 2023, for example, he signed a document that allowed transgender people to be baptized and to serve as godparents. Two months later, in a Vatican document entitled Fidus Supplicans, Pope Francis approved blessings for same-sex couples, providing that the rite did not resemble marriage. 'For, those seeking a blessing should not be required to have prior moral perfection,' the document reads. 'There is no intention to legitimize anything, but rather to open one's life to God, to ask for his help to live better, and also to invoke the Holy Spirit so that the values of the Gospel may be lived with greater faithfulness.' Gay Catholics responded enthusiastically. 'This is huge for the LGBTQ community,' says Richard Zaldivar, founder and executive director of Wall Las Memorias Project, a Los Angeles health nonprofit serving Latinos and the LGBTQ community. Perhaps just as important as what Francis did for the LGBTQ community is what he didn't do. Nothing in the church canons requires it, but the standard practice is for archbishops to be elevated to the College of Cardinals. Francis, however, has refused to promote José Gómez, archbishop of Los Angeles, the largest diocese in the United States, to cardinal. Gómez is an outspoken conservative on many issues, including against LGBTQ rights. He publicly criticized President Joseph Biden for his position on abortion and gay rights, and as head of the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops, Gómez led an effort to deny Biden, a devout Catholic, access to Holy Communion because of Biden's support for reproductive rights. Of note, Gómez and his fellow conservatives have made no move to deny communion to Catholic politicians who support the death penalty, however, which also is contrary to church teaching. Pope Francis's refusal to make Gómez a cardinal spoke volumes, especially when he elevated Robert McElroy, bishop of San Diego who is considered more progressive, in 2022. 'By naming one of Gomez's suffragans as Cardinal, and not Gomez himself,' Michael Sean Winters of the National Catholic Reporter wrote. 'The pope has rendered an unmistakable sign of the kind of episcopal leadership he is seeking. An unmistakable sign.' Pope Francis's gestures of openness toward the gay community have led to a more capacious definition and understanding of family, one with political implications. When Vice President J.D. Vance ventured into theological waters, the Pope schooled the recent convert to Catholicism on the nuances of Catholic doctrine. Vance had invoked the notion of ' ordo amoris ' ('order of love') to justify the Trump administration's draconian immigration policies. In the Vice President's telling, love emanates in concentric circles, beginning with those closest to us and eventually to the rest of the world. Therefore, in Vance's opinion, the United States is justified in prioritizing 'American citizens first.' Francis quickly corrected Vance's crabbed interpretation. Invoking language strikingly similar to his statements on gays, the Pope emphasized 'the equal dignity of every human being.' 'Christian love is not a concentric expansion of interests that little by little extend to other persons and groups,' the pontiff wrote. 'The true ' ordo amoris' that must be promoted is that which we discover by meditating constantly on the parable of the 'Good Samaritan,' that is, by meditating on the love that builds a fraternity open to all, without exception.' Over the course of his pontificate, Francis contended with conservatives and with a cumbersome bureaucracy practiced in the art of resisting change. No one, right or left, was fully satisfied. Traditionalists thought him too liberal, and progressives criticized him for not pushing hard enough for reforms. For instance, in 2024 Francis was forced to apologize for using a slur to refer to gay men and women won only token concessions. But in his pronouncements about the nature of families and his overtures to the LGBTQ community, Francis moved the church closer, in his words, to 'a fraternity open to all, without exception.'
