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The Hindu
5 days ago
- Politics
- The Hindu
Death of R&AW officer in Dhaka in 1974 linked to Mujib assassination plot, claims book
The mysterious death in 1974 in Dhaka of a senior officer of India's external intelligence agency, who had been serving as a secret emissary of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, was a precursor to the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in August 1975, a new book has revealed. Veteran journalist Manash Ghosh, in his recently published book Mujib's Blunders: The Power and the Plot Behind His Killing, has written that Phanindra Nath Banerjee, Joint Director of the Research and Analysis Wing (R&AW), was found dead in his room at the Intercontinental Hotel in Dhaka in July 1974. The incident, he noted, was never thoroughly investigated by either India or Bangladesh. 'It was the mysterious death of Phanindra Nath Banerjee [popularly known as Nath Babu or PNB], Calcutta-based Joint Director of Research and Analysis Wing (RAW), that disturbed us, the Dhaka-based Indian correspondents, immensely,' Mr. Ghosh writes. Mr. Banerjee was the direct liaison between Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the founding leader of Bangladesh. 'For Nath Babu, nurturing his relationship with a leader like Mujib was vital for his professional success. But then Ms. Gandhi had wanted his relationship with Mujib to assume both professional and personal dimensions as he was Bangladesh's man of destiny. He directly reported to Ms. Gandhi and got his instructions straight from her without any intermediary,' the author writes, explaining the R&AW officer's access to the top echelons of power in Dhaka. Mr. Banerjee had reportedly earned the trust of Sheikh Mujib's family, including Begum Mujib, and maintained a low profile in Dhaka's diplomatic circles while having frequent meetings with senior Bangladeshi leaders such as Tajuddin Ahmed and members of the Mujib household. His closeness to power in Bangladesh and his influential position attracted curiosity and speculation. Mr. Ghosh claims that serving officers - colonels, majors, and captains - allegedly involved in the conspiracy to assassinate Sheikh Mujibur Rahman were in contact with certain Western embassies in Dhaka and were lobbying for 'regime change.' These conspirators, he suggests, may have viewed Mr. Banerjee as an obstacle. 'They probably suspected that Nath Babu had got wind of the conspiracy that was being hatched against the entire Mujib family and had been officially assigned by his government to protect Mujib's life and also that of his family members. They could have thought that with Nath Babu around in Dacca, it would be difficult to execute their conspiracy to eliminate Mujib,' Mr. Ghosh writes. Though Mr. Banerjee's death was officially attributed to a heart attack, the post-mortem report was never released. 'The officer in charge of the Ramna thana, who was the first among Bangladeshi officials to reach his hotel room, told reporters that he had been instructed by his higher ups that the cause of Nath Babu's death should not be discussed with any media representatives,' Mr. Ghosh writes. He adds that the National Security Intelligence (NSI) officials in Bangladesh 'remained tight-lipped and refused to entertain our phone calls.' The author also hints at the possibility that the R&AW official may have died due to poisoning after consuming a meal during a meeting with a prominent leader from a minority community in Dhaka.
The Print
12-06-2025
- Politics
- The Print
Yunus is struggling to remain relevant in Bangladesh
Both have not gone down well with pressure groups and political parties. And then there are other factors behind Yunus' growing unpopularity among the people. There were two news items concerning the Yunus administration in the first week of June – new currency notes with graffiti and slogan of the July revolution, and symbols of Bangladesh's temples, monasteries, and historic buildings printed on them, replacing the old ones with Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's face, and the announcement of the date for the next national election. Muhammad Yunus may have successfully removed Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's image from Bangladesh's new currency notes, but the head of the interim government is fighting for his own relevance. From liberals to radicals to political parties, Yunus is fast becoming increasingly unpopular in Bangladesh. No to Mujib, yes to temples For Mainul Hossain Khan Nikhil, general secretary of the Bangladesh Awami Jubo League, the Yunus administration's continuous attempts to undermine Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's place in history has alienated a large section of Bangladesh's population. And not just the Awami League ecosystem. Talking to ThePrint over phone, Nikhil said there might be discontent among some people about the Awami League government under Sheikh Hasina that fell on 5 August 2024. 'But wiping out Sheikh Mujib's face from currency notes after allowing a mob to pull down his official residence, Dhanmondi 32, on February 5 this year has angered a large section of Bangladesh's population'. According to Nikhil, Sheikh Mujib stands as the epitome of liberal values that helped sever ties with West Pakistan in 1971 and turn East Pakistan into Bangladesh. 'Sheikh Mujib was not only the leader of Awami League. He was the leader of a people who rose beyond their religious identities to forge a nation based on common language and culture,' he said. Systematically wiping out Sheikh Mujib from public spaces has angered even those liberals in Bangladeshi society who were unhappy with the Sheikh Hasina regime, Nikhil added. Ironically, even the radicals are reportedly unhappy with the new currency notes. While fundamentalist groups within Bangladesh are happy with Sheikh Mujib's face being deleted from the new notes, images of heritage Hindu temples on some new notes have irked them. On 7 August 2024, two days after Sheikh Hasina fled from Dhaka, a report in The New York Times had said: 'Hindus in Bangladesh, perceived by many to be supporters of the prime minister who was ousted in a popular uprising, braced for violent reprisals on Wednesday as the rudderless country awaited the formation of a new government after a month of unrest.' Bangladeshi political journalist Sahidul Hasan Khokon told ThePrint that such attacks on Hindu lives, properties, and temples are still being carried out. 'The local media has been forced to not report such incidents so that global attention is not drawn towards the persecution of minorities in the country'. Temples are an eyesore to Islamic fundamentalists, Khokon said, adding that images of temples in new currency notes have made Yunus suddenly unpopular among radicals who have been firmly behind him so far. Also read: Bangladesh Army Chief wants elections. Muhammad Yunus wants to get rid of him Delayed polls or no polls? On 6 June, in a televised address to the nation, Muhammad Yunus announced that the national election will be held in the first half of April 2026. 'Based on this announcement, the Election Commission will provide a detailed roadmap in due course,' he said. A day later, Bangladesh National Party (BNP) secretary general Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir said not just his party, but the entire nation was disappointed by the chief adviser's announcement. 'The BNP has repeatedly said that it wants elections as soon as possible. We had hoped that Dr Muhammad Yunus would announce the election date by December,' he told reporters. In a report, The Daily Star said leaders of prominent leftist parties have also expressed dissatisfaction over the interim government's announcement to hold national elections in April next year. Ruhin Hossain Prince, general secretary of the Communist Party of Bangladesh, called the announcement of the election timeline a 'partial step' that disregards public demand. 'Most political parties, and ordinary citizens we have spoken with, want the election to be held within this year by December. We want the same,' the report quoted Prince as saying. Senior journalist and Bangladesh watcher Jaideep Mazumdar said there is fear among the BNP and other political parties that elections may not take place at all in Bangladesh next year. 'Yunus has simply been buying time and there is no way he is going to give up power so easily. This is an unelected government whose only job was to ready the country for polls. Instead, it has taken upon itself a wide range of reforms and foreign policy initiatives that would easily carry on for years and Yunus could very well keep postponing the date of polls citing their incompletion,' Mazumdar told ThePrint. But according to Sahidul Hasan Khokon, Yunus would want to pass the July Proclamation before April next year and do away with the current constitution of the country. On 31 December last year, the Anti-Discrimination Students Movement of Bangladesh and other constituents of the July revolution had planned to launch the 'July Proclamation' that would 'bury the 1972 constitution of Bangladesh'. 'Once the proclamation is passed and Bangladesh has a new constitution, Yunus could legitimise his unelected government and stall elections for the next few years. That is the real fear among all political parties, except the new students' party and the Jamaat-e-Islami that supports Yunus,' Khokon said. Also read: Yunus' 'reforms first, elections later' plan has no takers in Bangladesh. It's time to choose Whither Bangladesh? For the common Bangladeshi, it is neither the election date nor the new currency notes that has been the biggest cause for concern after the fall of the Hasina government. In a report in BBC Bangla, the Human Rights Support Society said at least 119 citizens were lynched between August last year and March 2025, and at least 75 were injured from mob terror. The report said law and order has collapsed in Bangladesh while mob violence marked a record uptick. 'The rising number of cases of mob violence and lynching show a tendency to deliver instant justice. A rumor gets circulated and public opinion is shaped against a person almost instantly and the attack begins. While there have been instances of people being killed on the suspicion of theft or dacoity, there have been lynchings for political differences as well. After the fall of the Hasina government there has been a sharp decline in the law-and-order situation in the country and no effective steps have been taken to curb these,' the report said. Unchecked rise of Islamists Khokon said at least 346 militants including the spiritual leader of Al-Qaeda-inspired terror outfit Ansarullah Bangla Team, Jashimuddin Rahmani, have been released since August last year. 'The average Bangladeshi practices moderate Islam. The Yunus administration looks the other way as radicals get emboldened by the day. Previously outlawed terrorist outfits like Hizbut Taharir have gained new lease of life and publicly campaigned for Caliphate,' he said. And it is not just Hindus who have been at the receiving end of Islamist ire. Even Sufi Muslims have said there are increasing attacks on their places of worship. 'About a hundred of our shrines (mazars) and centres have been attacked in the past six months,' Anisur Rahman Jafri, secretary general of the Sufism Universal Foundation, told the BBC. Also read: An open letter to Prof Muhammad Yunus Where are the jobs? Youth unemployment in Bangladesh will continue to remain high, more than double the national unemployment rate, with university graduates being the hardest hit, The Daily Star reported on 29 May, quoting a World Employment and Social Outlook report released by the International Labour Organization. The International Labour Organization identified geopolitical tensions and trade disruptions as key factors weakening Bangladesh's economic outlook, leading to slower job growth. The Daily Star report said Bangladesh's unemployment rate rose to 4.63 per cent in the second quarter of fiscal year 2024–25, as a growing number of job seekers failed to secure employment, according to the latest Quarterly Labour Force Survey data from the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, published recently. 'With rising unemployment, worsening law and order situation, and radicals running the streets, how exactly do you expect Yunus to remain popular,' Khokon said. Deep Halder is an author and a contributing editor at ThePrint. He tweets @deepscribble. Views are personal. (Edited by Aamaan Alam Khan)
Time of India
04-06-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
‘Muktijoddha'-to-‘associate' shift upsets Bangla veterans
1 2 Kolkata: Bangladesh govt's ordinance, which has redefined the 'Freedom Fighter' status for those involved with the 1971 Liberation War, has sharp reactions from both sides of the border. The National Freedom Fighters Council (Amendment) Ordinance-2025 on Tuesday amended the previous National Freedom Fighters Council Act-2022. According to the ordinance, a 'Bir Muktijoddha' is defined as someone who, between March 26, 1971, and Dec 16, 1971, either prepared for war and received training at villages across Bangladesh, or crossed the border into India to enrol in various training camps with the aim of participating in the Liberation War. The new categories are 'Muktijuddher Shohojogi' (Liberation War associate), 'Muktijoddha Poribar' (family of a freedom fighter) and 'Muktijuddher Shohojogi Poribar' (family of a Liberation War associate). The initial confusion over Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's status as a Bir Muktijoddha was laid to rest with Faruk-e-Azam, advisor to the ministry of Liberation War affairs, saying Mujibur, along with the 400 leaders named in the news reports, were still recognised 'Muktijoddha'. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like This Is How Much New Windows Should Cost In 2025 Storm Through Windows Learn More Undo Swadhin Bangla Betar Kendra artists and personnel, Bangladeshi journalists who worked in support of the war and Swadhin Bangla football team members will now be considered Liberation War associates. A Bangladeshi national, who was commander of Dhaka north guerrilla unit and continues to be called a 'Bir Muktijoddha' as he was trained in India by the Indian Army and Bengal Regiment, opposed the move. "You can't push down artists and Swadhin Bangla Betar Kendra personnel, who were the main inspiration to citizens and freedom fighters, as associates. If Faruk-e-Azam's statement that the term 'associate' does not imply any reduction in respect, it must be notified in a gazette," he said. Mujib's contributions to the Liberation War have become an important topic of discussion. Kolkata-based director Soumitra Dastidar, now in Dhaka, said he believed the Liberation War was not an outcome of Mujib's call. "There is historical evidence supporting it. I support the decision to drop Mujibur's name from the definition of the Liberation War..." Dastidar said, pointing out he did not support renaming some as associates of the war. "It was a people's war. The mother, who cooked for fighters, or the boy, who sneaked in information, should be considered muktijoddhas." In the new ordinance, Mujib's reference as the 'Father of the Nation' has been dropped from the preamble of Bangladesh. In Kolkata, Abhijit Dasgupta, director of 'Invincible Bravura' on the formation of the first 'Nau Commando' in the 1971 war, opposed this step. "The new categories are adding to confusion. It should be categorically notified in a gazette to ensure that the contribution of all freedom fighters are acknowledged and honoured," Dasgupta said.
The Hindu
04-06-2025
- Business
- The Hindu
Bangladesh drops the title of ‘Father of the Nation' for Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
The interim government of Bangladesh changed a 2022 Act and removed the mention of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as the 'Father of the Nation'. The development came soon after the interim administration led by Prof. Mohammed Yunus brought in a new set of currency notes that removed the image of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. The new notification brought on June 3 does not refer to Sheikh Mujib as the 'Father of the Nation' while referring to the war of 1971 and the role of freedom fighters. In contrast, the 2022 Act referred to him as Jatir Pita, (Father of the Nation) at multiple points while describing the heritage of the war of 1971. Earlier this week, the Yunus government introduced a series of currency notes that depicted the pluralistic heritage of Bangladesh while removing the well-known image of Mujibur Rahman that is seen in existing currency notes of Bangladesh. The interim government has defended the removal of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman from the 'Liberation War Act ' and said, he continues to be a 'freedom fighter'. In a statement to the media, the interim government said, 'President of the 1971 government of Bangladesh-in-exile Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and other leaders like Tajuddin Ahmed, Mansur Ali, and AHM Quamruzzaman continue to be freedom fighters'. Under the Bir Mukti Joddha category, the 2022 law used to include veterans of Mujib Bahini, one of the several guerrilla outfits of 1971, as the 'freedom fighters'. However, the latest version of the act skips the mention of Mujib Bahini. The latest notification means the surviving members of the Mujib Bahini and their family members will not be eligible to claim the benefits that are given to the 1971 freedom fighters in Bangladesh. The new definition of freedom fighters, as per the notification, will include people who helped the cause of independence by advocacy and campaigning while being outside or inside the country. Adding a new section to the definition of freedom fighters, the new act has included, 'Associates of Liberation War' or those who 'supported freedom of Bangladesh during 26 March to 16 December 1971'. The interim government formed after the Sheikh Hasina government's removal in August 2024 has been vocal about the alleged excesses committed during the Awami League's rule of 15 years between 2009-2024. Earlier in May, the interim government suspended political activities by the Awami League that was co-founded by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, along with Maulana Bhashani and Husayn Shaheed Suhrawardy. The uprising that unseated Sheikh Hasina had also targeted the symbols related to her father, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Soon after the departure of Ms. Hasina on August 5, 2024, a statue of Sheikh Mujib was destroyed, and the museum at 32 Dhanmondi, where Sheikh Mujib was assassinated along with most of his family members on August 15, 1975, was destroyed by a mob on 5 February 2025..
Time of India
04-06-2025
- Business
- Time of India
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman cancelled: Bangladesh seeks new 'father' in Pakistan
Bangladesh's retreat from its founding ethos began when in August last year, after the ouster of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, the statue of her father and national founder Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was toppled by an unruly crowd. Now the erasure of his image from the country's currency a few days ago signals efforts to undo Bangladesh by sliding towards East Pakistan, as the country was known before it broke away from Pakistan. There are reports that the caretaker government under Muhammad Yunus has also revoked Mujib's status as a freedom-fighter, though the government has denied that. These developments not only carry profound domestic implications but also pose serious strategic and national security challenges for India. Disowning the 'Father of the Nation' Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, revered as the Father of the Nation, symbolized Bangladesh's historic break from Pakistan and its embrace of a secular, Bengali nationalism. His leadership in the 1971 liberation war, in collaboration with Indian forces, laid the moral and political bedrock of the republic. His most prominent statue that once stood in Dhaka's Mrityunjayee Prangan was not merely a monument; it was a manifestation of the state's ideological origin story. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Bayan Lepas: Unsold Furniture Liquidation 2024 (Prices May Surprise You) Unsold Furniture | Search Ads Learn More Undo The toppling of the statue and destruction following Hasina's fall by Islamist crowds was an unmistakable political and symbolic repudiation of Mujib's legacy. That repudiation was institutionalized a few days ago, when the Bangladesh Bank issued new Taka 1,000, 50, and 20 notes, pointedly omitting Mujib's image and replacing it with symbols associated with the protest movement. Even more controversially, reports emerged that the interim government had quietly revoked Mujib's status as a freedom-fighter -- a move officially denied, but widely believed to be accurate. These acts are not isolated decisions. They represent a conscious attempt by the emergent political class to move Bangladesh's ideological compass from secularism and regional solidarity with India toward Islamist radicalism and a flirtation with the ideological memory of Pakistan. Live Events A new East Pakistan? Historical revisionism is now visibly underway. The new regime has embarked on a process of educational reform, repositioning Ziaur Rahman, the founder of the opposition BNP and a figure with more ambiguous ties to Pakistan, as the true architect of independence. National holidays commemorating Mujib's birth and death have been removed, and his portrait has been taken down from key state institutions. This erasure of historical memory is accompanied by a resurgence of Islamist narratives. Extremist elements, long marginal in Bangladeshi mainstream politics, have found new political space in the post-Hasina vacuum. Minority Hindu community, historically protected under Awami League governments, has faced large-scale violence and intimidation even as the interim government under Yunus has largely remained silent or tried to negate anti-Hindu violence. What is emerging is a Bangladesh that increasingly resembles the ideological contours of the very state it fought to separate from in 1971, a state defined less by cultural identity and more by Islamist jihadi politics. What Bangladesh's slide into past means for India These internal realignments in Bangladesh have immediate and long-term implications for India, arguably its most consequential regional partner. India's relationship with Bangladesh has historically been defined by shared narratives of liberation, linguistic nationalism and secular values. A Bangladesh that questions its break from Pakistan also implicitly questions the legitimacy of India's role in its birth, thereby altering the moral basis of bilateral cooperation. During Hasina's rule, India did not have to face Islamist radicalism in the east. The resurgence of extremist networks in Bangladesh, particularly those with pan-Islamist sympathies, risks turning the country into a breeding ground for cross-border militancy. Bangladesh's transition has seen the quiet rehabilitation of Islamist clerics and organizations once deemed threats to regional security. If these groups gain deeper political footholds, India's vulnerable northeastern states may face renewed infiltration, radicalization and communal unrest, which India had experienced during the rule of Khaleda Zia who had friendly ties with Pakistan. India and Bangladesh share one of the world's longest porous borders. Political instability, combined with the growing persecution of minorities, could precipitate a renewed wave of migration into Indian territory, particularly into Assam, Tripura, and West Bengal. Such an influx would not only strain local resources but also reignite longstanding ethnic and communal tensions within India. With the retreat of pro-India leadership in Bangladesh as it has recently banned ousted PM Hasina's party Awami League, there are growing indications that Bangladesh may deepen its engagements with Pakistan and China. This includes signs of increased economic and military consultations. A trilateral alignment among these states, however informal, would create a new axis of friction in South Asia, complicating India's efforts to maintain regional equilibrium. Reportedly, Bangladesh has invited China to develop an old airport near Chicken's Neck area, India's sensitive border zone. India must now approach Bangladesh not as a post-liberation ally, but as a fluid and potentially adversarial neighbor. India needs a recalibrated strategy grounded in realism rather than sentiment. This includes enhanced border surveillance, renewed investment in counter-radicalization initiatives in eastern India, and robust diplomatic engagement with minority groups and civil society actors within Bangladesh, in addition increased military vigilance. At stake is not merely the future of bilateral relations, but the strategic architecture of South Asia. Another Pakistan on India's eastern border will plunge the subcontinent into permanent unrest.
