Latest news with #Mustafaal-Kadhimi
Al Etihad
3 days ago
- Business
- Al Etihad
Iraq PM reopens Mosul airport
16 July 2025 15:12 MOSUL (AFP)Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani inaugurated Wednesday the city of Mosul's newly restored flight landed at the airport, which is expected to become fully operational for domestic and international flights in two airport will serve as an additional link between Mosul and other Iraqi cities and regional destinations," the media office of the PM said in a June 2014, the Islamic State group seized Mosul after capturing large swathes of Iraq and neighbouring Syria. The airport, which was heavily damaged in the battle, has not been operational since August 2022, then-prime minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi laid the foundation stone for the airport's director Amar al-Bayati told AFP that the "airport is now ready for domestic and international flights," but no date has been announced for their added that the airport previously offered international flights, mostly to Turkiye and airport now includes a main terminal, a VIP lounge and an advanced radar surveillance system, Sudani's office said. Its expected to handle 630,000 passengers annually.
Shafaq News
3 days ago
- Business
- Shafaq News
Iraqi PM inaugurates Mosul International Airport
Shafaq News – Nineveh Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani inaugurated Mosul International Airport on Wednesday, marking a major milestone in Nineveh's post-ISIS recovery. The airport, destroyed during the 2017 battle to retake Mosul, has been under reconstruction since August 2022, when then-Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi launched the project. According to al-Sudani's Media Office, the facility is expected to become fully operational within two months, pending the appointment of an international firm to manage operations. The upgrade includes a 350-meter runway extension, bringing the total length to 3,000 meters and width to 45—allowing the airport to accommodate large commercial aircraft. It is projected to handle 630,000 passengers and 30,000 tons of cargo annually. Al-Sudani called the airport a strategic transportation and economic asset, crucial for reconnecting Mosul with other Iraqi cities and regional markets while boosting trade and development in the province.
Shafaq News
20-04-2025
- Politics
- Shafaq News
Former Iraqi PM calls for Electoral Law reform
Shafaq News/ On Sunday, Former Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi called for reforms in Iraq's electoral system, urging the adoption of a permanent legal framework and the establishment of a politically independent electoral commission. In an article published by Asharq Al-Awsat, al-Kadhimi outlined three core flaws he believes have repeatedly undermined Iraq's elections: repeated changes to Electoral Law before each vote, disregard for demographic shifts, and the absence of consistent rules for representation. He warned that ruling parties have routinely altered electoral laws to serve their own interests, distorting voter intent and reshaping the political scene to their advantage. These practices, he argued, have led to a disconnect between election outcomes and the actual will of the people, highlighting the need to align seat distribution with Iraq's demographic and geographic realities—not by expanding the number of seats, but by ensuring that allocation is based on population data. Al-Kadhimi criticized the inconsistent application of the one-MP-per-100,000-citizens rule, pointing out that its uneven enforcement has led to disproportionate representation for some provinces while excluding others. He proposed a fixed formula grounded in demographic criteria to close these gaps. To ensure long-term stability, he called for a permanent electoral system with objective, evolving criteria. His proposed model is based on proportional representation, dividing parliamentary seats into three categories: winners by highest votes, quotas for women and minorities, and compensatory seats to correct regional imbalances. He also proposed fixed electoral districts determined by population, with boundaries reviewed only when significant demographic shifts occur, helping maintain stability while remaining responsive to change. Voting System Addressing Iraq's broader debate over the voting method for the upcoming November 11 elections, al-Kadhimi advocated for a system where political parties present ranked lists of candidates per district, allowing voters to choose individuals from within those lists. This model, he explained, would dilute single-list dominance and open space for independent candidates who cross the electoral threshold. He stressed the need for a clearly defined and uniformly enforced electoral quotient to ensure balanced competition between independents and political blocs. On electoral conduct, al-Kadhimi urged stronger safeguards to prevent 'the misuse of public funds and early vote-buying disguised as outreach campaigns,' warning that such practices not only strain public finances but also erode trust in the electoral process. Reflecting on Iraq's 2021 elections, he described them as the most transparent in the country's modern history, crediting the Independent High Electoral Commission. To preserve and build on that credibility, he recommended insulating the commission from political control by selecting members from outside party circles, preferably judges appointed in consultation with the judiciary.
Shafaq News
10-03-2025
- Politics
- Shafaq News
President Barzani, Al-Kadhimi discuss Erbil-Baghdad dialogue
Shafaq News/ On Monday, the Kurdistan Region President Nechirvan Barzani met with former Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi to discuss ongoing dialogue between Erbil and Baghdad. A statement from the Kurdish Presidency said the two sides discussed recent political developments and the general situation in Iraq, the Kurdistan Region, and the wider Middle East. 'Both sides emphasized the importance of strengthening coordination and cooperation among Iraq's political forces and components to face challenges, safeguard the country's security and stability, and prevent Iraq from becoming entangled in regional complexities,' The statement added. According to the statement, they exchanged views on the dialogue between Erbil and Baghdad, agreeing on the necessity of continuing efforts and coordination to reach an understanding and resolve the existing issues. Earlier in the day, Kurdish leader Masoud Barzani also met with al-Kadhimi, discussing developments in Iraq's political landscape. Al-Kadhimi had also met on Sunday in Erbil with Kurdistan's Prime Minister Masrour Barzani, where they discussed preparations for upcoming elections.
Asharq Al-Awsat
28-02-2025
- Politics
- Asharq Al-Awsat
Why and How Did al-Kadhimi Return to Baghdad?
Mustafa al-Kadhimi, the former Prime Minister of Iraq, arrived in Baghdad last Tuesday aboard a private jet. He was greeted by a security detail typically assigned by the government to former heads of state, a scene that would have been unimaginable for an Iraqi politician who faced widespread persecution for two years. A political faction had wanted al-Kadhimi to leave Baghdad after a drone strike targeted his home in November 2021. He formally left the capital in late 2022 after a broad alliance, including political parties, judicial and governmental institutions, and activists, united to force him out of the public arena and effectively push him into exile. The first image of al-Kadhimi, shaking hands with a security officer near his home in the Green Zone, offers a powerful snapshot of the changes unfolding in Iraq today. It also hints at the future of the country amidst a Middle East in the midst of unprecedented turmoil. There are growing speculations surrounding the circumstances of al-Kadhimi's return, with close associates suggesting it followed a 'special invitation' to assist the Coordination Framework alliance in tackling an emerging crisis ahead of a potential second term for Donald Trump. Critics of both the Framework and al-Kadhimi view this as further evidence of his knack for 'saving the deep state.' Did al-Kadhimi return to aid those who stripped him of the opportunity to remain secure in the public sphere, or is he seeking to help himself and his political agenda at a 'golden moment'? A newly appointed advisor to al-Kadhimi said: 'The region is undergoing dangerous transformations that will affect Iraq, and all politicians must contribute to mitigating these risks.' Meanwhile, politicians within the Coordination Framework commented: 'Something will happen within the next two months... something for which the current Framework structure has no antidote.' This answer offers little clarity about what transpired since the fall of 2022 and how the Coordination Framework and its media apparatus relentlessly targeted al-Kadhimi's government. Now, he returns, with the political system pinning its hopes on him at a critical juncture. 'Recharging Phones' Before al-Kadhimi's return, signs emerged suggesting Baghdad had lost its ability to connect with key US decision-making circles, and to some extent, with its immediate regional surroundings. Since the Democrats left their posts at the US State Department, the government of Prime Minister Mohamed Shia al-Sudani has struggled to find a single Republican willing to answer the phone. Reports indicate that a team assigned to revive communications with the Trump administration failed to establish a reliable channel, aside from ceremonial meetings with individuals uninterested in Iraq's concerns. The 'loss of connection,' a term used by three senior figures in the government and one of the ruling parties, was underscored on November 13, when Sudani attended the Munich Security Conference without securing any meeting with an American official present at the event. This communication breakdown coincided with a series of 'unfriendly' US messages, frequently relayed by Republican Congressman Joe Wilson and US Special Presidential Envoy for Hostage Affairs Adam Boehler. Iraqi politicians suggest that the 'deep state' sees al-Kadhimi as 'the man capable of recharging the dead phones,' and potentially rescuing both al-Sudani and the Coordination Framework. 'No one knows if he's willing to provide this service for free, or if he'll offer it at any cost,' said a politician who opposed al-Kadhimi during his tenure as prime minister. The Nightmare of Sanctions The prospect of a second term for Trump brings a team that holds little affection for leaders in the Coordination Framework, ministers in the government, and officials in the judiciary. Among them is the new National Security Advisor, Michael Waltz, who has consistently seized opportunities to attack Baghdad, accusing it of 'surrendering itself to Tehran.' In Baghdad, there is a strong belief that the Republican team will not hesitate to act on Iraq once it finishes with Gaza and the war in Ukraine. The least that comes to the minds of Iraqi politicians, many of whom are disliked by Waltz, is that they will one day find their names on a sanctions list. 'Why not try al-Kadhimi's formula, which gave Washington the confidence of a balance between it and the Iranians?' say many in Shiite parties, anxious about what lies ahead. Their list of speculations starts with sanctions on influential Shiites and ends with the potential for Trump to block the dollar. Does al-Kadhimi possess these exceptional abilities that would make him a "steel dome," as some politicians in Baghdad envision him, now dreaming of discovering a way to protect them from a possible American storm? 'A Known Figure' How did the Iraqi government end up in a political deadlock? Prominent politicians in the Coordination Framework offer explanations, often converging on the Syrian file. Iraq struggled to understand the new regional political philosophy and faced difficulties in shifting away from the rules of 'Al-Aqsa Flood' to the post-Assad era. 'Since Trump doesn't think much about Iraq,' says David Schenker, the former US Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs, Washington will not engage in healthy relations with Iraq unless it aligns sufficiently with the changes in its surrounding environment. Even among circles close to the religious establishment in Najaf, views are emerging that reflect an understanding of Iraq's lost political position—one that sees the regime as a vital part of the Arab movement on regional issues. Interestingly, this is all happening without any response from Tehran. 'Not because it has abandoned the Iraqi file, or is unable to influence it,' says a source familiar with the discussions surrounding al-Kadhimi's return. The source adds that 'Tehran needs to revive Baghdad, which is reaching a dead end in foreign policy and losing vitality in its dealings with the region and the West,' though it remains unclear whether al-Kadhimi's return is linked to this climate. Despite a generally positive view of al-Kadhimi's tenure, many criticize al-Sudani for his delayed efforts to adapt to the region's tumultuous changes. It was difficult to remain in the same place while a seismic shift occurred in Syria and a storm raged in Lebanon. What role does al-Kadhimi play? Most likely, he seized the 'golden opportunity.' He sees himself as the person capable of quickly adapting to a changing Middle East, with a solid communication channel to the Arab world and experience in balancing regional dynamics. Iraqi politicians argue that Trump's era and the new Middle East will impose a new political equation in Baghdad, one that demands a person who can be a 'reliable partner' in Arab decision-making circles to be recognized by the Americans. For this reason, al-Kadhimi has secured his return ticket to the competitive arena—this time, not with slogans of 'resistance,' but with a focus on integration into the new order. Liberal Shiites Al-Kadhimi's return was preceded by former Prime Minister Ayad Allawi's announcement of a new alliance, and by the activities of Adnan al-Zurfi, a former candidate for the premiership whose nomination was opposed by armed factions. Together, these elements form a growing context for the search for liberal Shiites offering a fresh alternative. Those who favor this scenario and promote it as 'the only solution' argue that Syria, under Ahmed al-Sharaa, Lebanon under Joseph Aoun and Nawaf Salam, are missing Iraq—a country led by liberal Shiites who know how to balance relations between Washington and Tehran without tipping the scale. Al-Kadhimi found his way back to Baghdad after the alliance that had relentlessly targeted him crumbled. The Coordination Framework is no longer the same as it was in 2022. Nouri al-Maliki, leader of the State of Law coalition, is searching for ways to rein in al-Sudani, while the armed factions are working hard to carve out new positions that free them from the burden of 'uniting the arenas.' Meanwhile, Qais al-Khazali, leader of Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq, is experimenting with silence—a stance he typically avoids, especially in an election year. Al-Kadhimi senses that all of these figures now welcome his presence in Baghdad. They seek from him a 'good reputation' for Iraq—one that does not require drastic changes to align with the new dynamics in Syria and Lebanon. The question remains: will he offer this service for free?
