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The Diplomat
6 days ago
- Politics
- The Diplomat
Repressive Laws Are Increasingly Being Used to Silence Activists Across Asia
From Hong Kong to India, governments are passing and weaponizing new laws to pursue and jail whoever speaks up for human rights. Four years ago, on the 32nd anniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre, plain clothes police arrested human rights lawyer and pro-democracy activist Chow Hang-tung outside her office in Hong Kong. Her alleged crime? Publishing two social media posts advertising a public vigil to remember the notorious crackdown in Tiananmen Square. At the time, Chow was the vice-chair of the now defunct Hong Kong Alliance in Support of the Patriotic Democratic Movement of China, the main organizer of annual Tiananmen vigils. Chow is a target of Hong Kong's draconian National Security Law, which grants authorities in the territory sweeping powers to crush any form of dissent. Today, Tiananmen vigils in Hong Kong are no more, and Chow remains locked up at the Tai Lam Women's Correctional Center, fighting baseless charges of subversion and sedition. Sadly, such repression is not unique to Hong Kong. Across Asia, authoritarian and democratic governments alike are passing and weaponizing new laws – in clear violation of international law and standards – to pursue and jail whoever speaks up for human rights. Today, on Nelson Mandela International Day, we call for the release of Chow Hang-tang, who is part of CIVICUS' Stand As My Witness campaign, as well as other human rights defenders unjustly locked up in Asia around the world. Beijing pushed the repressive National Security Law in 2020 in response to mass pro-democracy protests a year earlier. Since then, the National Security Law, and further legislation passed in 2024, has been used to target hundreds of activists, journalists, protesters and critics. The CIVICUS Monitor, which tracks civic space conditions across the world, now rates Hong Kong's civic space as 'closed,' the worst possible ranking. Hundreds remain behind bars as police systematically use the new laws to arrest and prosecute people on trumped-up charges. Often, the process itself becomes the punishment as activists spend years in detention before they are even tried. These laws have created a chilling effect, forcing independent news outlets and civil society groups to shut down. In April this year, Hong Kong's oldest and largest pro-democracy political party moved to disband as Beijing's sweeping crackdown has left opposition groups without room to operate. Meanwhile, Hong Kong authorities are trying to take their repression international, by offering bounties for activists-in-exile charged under the National Security Law and by arresting the father of a prominent U.S.-based activist, Anna Kwok. Such repression should be viewed with disdain, but rather than being an outlier, Hong Kong's National Security Laws have become something of a model for other Asian governments looking to stifle dissent. Look no further than Beijing's rival, India, often called the world's largest democracy, where Prime Minister Narendra Modi's government resorts to similar laws to consolidate power and silence his critics. Dozens of activists have been jailed under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA), a draconian anti-terror law. Under the UAPA's provisions, activists remain in pre-trial detention for long periods and are denied bail, including human rights defender Khurram Parvez, who was arrested in November 2021. His trial has yet to start, four years on. In neighboring Pakistan, the government also weaponizes anti-terror legislation against activists like Mahrang Baloch, who languishes in prison on terror charges for speaking out against ongoing violations of ethnic minority rights by the Pakistan security forces in Balochistan. In Thailand, more than 270 individuals have been arrested or prosecuted under lese-majeste or royal defamation laws since early 2020, many of whom have received long consecutive sentences from the courts. Human rights lawyer Arnon Nampa, for instance, received multiple convictions and 26 years in jail for calling for democratic reforms and reforms of the Thai monarchy. Meanwhile, Cambodia's Han Manet regime has used 'incitement' laws as their weapon of choice to silence activists, journalists, and members of the opposition. With legal repression spreading across Asia, the international community must do more to push back and stand with these brave activists. Foreign governments must not only speak out when activists are convicted, but step in much earlier when these human rights defenders are arrested. Diplomats should visit wrongly arrested activists in detention, monitor their trials, and engage with their families. Foreign governments must also use international platforms like the United Nations Human Rights Council and bilateral meetings to highlight their cases and call for their release. Activists-in-exile also need support and assistance, especially when they face transnational repression. The recent G-7 Leaders' Statement on Transnational Repression was a good start, but strong rhetoric must now turn into serious action. Failure to undertake such actions will see a further regression of democracy and repression of civic freedoms in Asia and elsewhere. However, foreign governments won't apply pressure unless we, as people and activists around the world, push them to take action. Wherever we are, we must use our voices to speak up for human rights defenders behind bars, including through campaigns like Stand As My Witness, which has helped contribute to the release of over 30 human rights defenders since its inception five years ago. After all, jailed human rights defenders aren't giving up on themselves or their causes. This year, on the fifth anniversary of her arrest, Chow Hang-tung went on a hunger strike behind bars to commemorate the Tiananmen Square massacre and to reaffirm her commitment to the struggle despite her imprisonment. It's time for all of us to stand in solidarity with her and other jailed human rights defenders in Asia and across the world.
Japan Forward
16-07-2025
- Politics
- Japan Forward
Facing the Invisible Tank: A Hong Kong Group's Fight to Restore Dignity to Political Prisoners
In this five-part series, JAPAN Forward profiles individuals in Hong Kong who are standing up against the far-reaching impact of the National Security Law. The final installment, Part 5, focuses on Yu Yat, an organization dedicated to supporting ex-prisoners from the 2019 pro-democracy protests. In early June, I met a 45-year-old man who had just been released from a Hong Kong prison in April. The man had been arrested while attempting to rescue students from Hong Kong Polytechnic University during the most intense clashes of the 2019 anti-government protests. He tried to help them escape by car but was arrested and sentenced to 22 months in prison. During our conversation, he shared details about his life after prison: — What work are you doing now? "I gather odd jobs like car washing, air conditioning cleaning, and carrying goods, which I share with my companions." — Who do you work with? "About ten people, aged 22 to 50, who were also released from prison." — What work did you do before your arrest? "I worked in construction. I haven't contacted my previous company or clients." — Is there social discrimination? "Of course there is. And there always will be. So my dream is to move to the United Kingdom and start my life over." — Has society changed? "About 70% of the people I was close to have moved abroad. That's 70%. There's no one to talk to anymore. It's hard to adjust back to society. Right now, I can only focus on living in the present." A banner reading "Five Years since Implementation of the National Security Law" stands out against a shuttered store in Hong Kong. (©Sankei by Kinya Fujimoto) An organization that aims to support such people is "如一" (Yu Yat, lit "As One" or "Unified"). Based in the Kowloon district, it helps individuals arrested during the 2019 pro-democracy protests. The group sells coffee, wine, ready-made foods, and other products online, using the profits to provide services such as delivering goods to incarcerated individuals. To date, about 700 people have used the organization. The organization's representative, Mak Chui Yi, 29, shared insights about their work, five years after the implementation of the Hong Kong National Security Law. "This year, we started a program to support employment for young people who have been released from prison, she said. However, with Hong Kong's economy not fully recovered, finding companies willing to hire ex-prisoners is no easy task. Adviser Yau Si Chung, 33, commented: "It's important to make sure society doesn't forget about prisoners and ex-prisoners. We need to prevent their 'social death.'" Anti-government demonstration held in Hong Kong in 2019. (©Sankei by Kinya Fujimoto) To highlight the voices of ex-prisoners, Yu Yat began a podcast in 2025. The show features the stories of those who have been released from prison. Former pro-democracy district councilor, Lancelot Chan Wing-tai, 61, is the host. He himself is an ex-prisoner. Lancelot Chan Wing-tai. In June 2020, Chan was arrested and prosecuted for calling for a protest against the National Security Law, which was implemented that night. He was sentenced to prison and spent about 10 months behind bars, being released in May 2023. Chan shared, "I want not only to help citizens understand the feelings of those released from prison but also to tell them personally, 'Don't worry! You'll be able to live a normal life.'" He also wants to convey something else to both ex-prisoners and today's youth: "Don't [recklessly] put yourself in a situation where you'll be arrested. Now is the time to gather your strength." Yu Yat was established in 2022. Mak, the representative, had never participated directly in the protests or run for election. She simply worked in the office of a pro-democracy district councilor. To avoid attracting attention from the authorities, it was necessary for someone without strong pro-democracy affiliations to take the role of the representative. After much consideration, she took on the role of leading Yu Yat. "Someone had to do it," Mak said. Recently, she said she feels "pressure" as she sees her friends advancing in their careers. However, she emphasized, "The most important thing is to continue the work of Yu Yat even as it has become more difficult. I am satisfied with that." Yau Si Chung, though a pro-democracy activist, revealed that after becoming involved with Yu Yat, he was encouraged to "focus more on financial matters than on his own beliefs" and that this led to "internal conflict." When asked about the impact of the National Security Law after five years, Yau responded, "Now Hong Kong is a place where speech can be a crime. I don't think Hong Kong will ever return to what it was before [the implementation of the NSL]." But he added, with a touch of hope, "There are still Hong Kong people who are trying to slow down the pace of Hong Kong's sinicization." Indeed, there are people in Hong Kong, like Chan, Mak, and Yau, who continue to stand firm in front of the invisible tank, resisting powers that seek to suppress the truth by force. ( Read the article in Japanese . ) Author: Kinya Fujimoto, The Sankei Shimbun
RTHK
15-07-2025
- Politics
- RTHK
Foreign media slammed for NSL comments
Foreign media slammed for NSL comments The Office of the Commissioner of the Foreign Ministry in Hong Kong says some foreign media outlets tarnished the reputation of the NSL. File photo: RTHK The Office of the Commissioner of the Foreign Ministry in Hong Kong on Tuesday strongly condemned certain foreign media, including BBC News Chinese and Japan's Nikkei newspaper, for their reports relating to the recent fifth anniversary of the implementation of National Security Law (NSL) in Hong Kong. In a statement, the office said the media outlets deliberately tarnished the reputation of the NSL and made disparaging remarks about the successful implementation of One Country, Two Systems in Hong Kong. It told them to remove their "coloured glasses" and stop making erroneous remarks about Hong Kong. The commissioner's office also said Hong Kong has returned to stability with the economy back on track following the implementation of the NSL.
Japan Forward
15-07-2025
- Politics
- Japan Forward
Facing the Invisible Tank: A Dentist Charged for Remembering Tiananmen
In this five-part series, JAPAN Forward profiles individuals in Hong Kong who resist the sweeping effects of the National Security Law. Part 4 tells the story of dentist Lee Ying-chi, who faces charges for commemorating the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre online. Drawing on her experiences — from providing medical aid in China to supporting victims' families in Hong Kong — Lee offers a rare insight into the challenges faced by those whose voices are being silenced. As I stepped out of the building, I caught a glimpse of a shadow slipping by. I turned the corner into a narrow alley and stopped short. A man who had been tailing me brushed past. His face was blank, but his eyes gave him away. He flinched slightly, surprised I had stopped. I watched him walk off. "Well, someone's working hard," I muttered with a wry smile. Still, I was rattled. It was one thing to know the woman I had just met was under surveillance. Now it seemed I had become a target too. I met dentist Lee Ying-chi in a rundown building in Kowloon. She was arrested in May 2024 on suspicion of violating Hong Kong's Safeguarding National Security Ordinance and is currently out on bail. A devout Christian, she was charged for a social media post commemorating the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre. Authorities deemed it seditious, accusing her of inciting hatred toward the Chinese and Hong Kong governments. The ordinance, enacted in March 2024, was introduced to supplement the Hong Kong National Security Law. If convicted, Lee faces up to seven years in prison. A woman commemorating the victims of the Tiananmen Square crackdown is taken away by security officials in Hong Kong's Causeway Bay on June 4, 2023. (©Kyodo) "Honestly, on July 1, 1997, when Hong Kong was handed back from Britain to China, I was happy," Lee told me. "I thought we were finally returning to our homeland." Lee studied medicine in Hong Kong and New Zealand. Since 1998, she had worked on medical aid projects in Kunming, China. She saw herself unquestionably as Chinese. But her perspective began to shift during the 2008 Sichuan Earthquake, which struck while she was living in Kunming. "The way the Chinese media and Hong Kong media covered it was completely different," she said. Through Hong Kong newspapers online, she learned — shocked — that collapsed schools and dead children were the result of substandard construction. Grieving mothers were demanding answers. When she returned to Hong Kong in 2009, she joined a protest march calling for truth about Tiananmen. She thought of the mothers and wives of the victims who were still asking why their loved ones had to die. Their pain echoed what she had witnessed in Sichuan. Lee soon began supporting the families of Tiananmen victims. As June 4 approached this year — the anniversary of the Tiananmen massacre — Lee realized she was being followed. While out, she was frequently surrounded by police and had her belongings searched. Officers warned her, "Don't go to Causeway Bay. If you do, it's a year in prison." Causeway Bay is home to Victoria Park, where Tiananmen memorial vigils had been held for over 30 years. But since the National Security Law took effect in 2020, police have shut down the gatherings. On June 4, 2025, Lee rode a tram past Victoria Park. "I didn't go in," she said. "I just passed by." It was a quiet act of defiance. Later that evening, she went to a waterfront area overlooking the lights of Hong Kong Island. The place was crowded with Chinese tourists. Rain began to fall. Lee pulled a recorder from her bag. Just after 7 PM, she played Flowers of Freedom , a protest song once sung during the Victoria Park vigils: But there is a dream, it will not die, remember it No matter how hard the rain falls, freedom still will bloom There is a dream, it will not die, remember this She didn't sing aloud — only in her heart. As she stood there, she thought about Hong Kong's future and how quickly the city was being absorbed into China. Lee once told a friend who had emigrated, "Don't feel sorry for those of us who stayed in Hong Kong. I'm not alone. I'm walking this path with others — my fellow travelers [同路人]." Reporters and police gathered in front of the court where the trial of pro-democracy activists was held for violating the Hong Kong National Security Law. May 30, 2024, Hong Kong. (©Kyodo) She had often worked with the pro-democracy League of Social Democrats. The party officially disbanded on June 29, 2025. Even with it gone, she remains a fellow traveler with its former members. Her commitment, she said, hasn't changed. During our interview, I noticed a tattoo on Lee's arm. When I asked about it, she smiled brightly. Inked in slangy Cantonese were the words: "I freaking love Hong Kong!" The phrase first appeared on a banner on July 1, 2020 — the day after the National Security Law came into effect. As the city slipped into darkness, the words rose up from the streets. Not a polished slogan, but something raw and desperate from the heart. In the years since, many people have buried those feelings deep inside. But Lee etched them onto her skin. As a Hong Konger, she refuses to forget the dream that will never die. ( Read the article in Japanese . ) Author: Kinya Fujimoto, The Sankei Shimbun
HKFP
12-07-2025
- Politics
- HKFP
So soft resistance is not a legal concept? Why this is a worrying thought
One does not wish to seem ungrateful, but the enduring mystery of the hour – exactly what do officials mean by 'soft resistance' – has not been much clarified by the secretary for justice, who offered a definition last month. Soft resistance, said Paul Lam, has three main elements: making false or misleading statements, expressing them irrationally with emotional bias, and having the intention to create misunderstandings about the Chinese or Hong Kong governments and their policies. This looks like an extension of the law on subversion, already unmoored from its Common Law attachment to the provocation of violence. If this were the case, it would still leave a variety of tricky questions. For example, would sincere belief in the truth of the statement complained of be a defence? But Mr Lam scotched this notion by adding that 'methods of soft resistance may not always be illegal, but that did not mean they did not harm society.' He also said that although the term was hard to define the government would not use it arbitrarily. 'You can say it is a political term,' he mused. 'Not all issues in society should be addressed by legal means. [Legal means] are also not always the most effective way of handling [matters].' This brings us to a rather alarming question: What non-legal means is the government proposing to use? A few reminders: We have repeatedly been assured that freedom of expression continues to be protected in Hong Kong. Both the Basic Law and the National Security Law reiterate the point, which is often also made by officials. Anyone who complains about apparent infringements will be referred to the relevant part of the Bill of Rights Ordinance, which permits exceptions to protect – put briefly – reputations, public order (including national security) and public decency. But there is one condition attached to these exceptions: They must be 'provided by law.' That means that if a person engages in soft resistance, deplorable though that may be, using methods which are not illegal, then he or she is exercising the right to self-expression and is entitled to Mr Lam's protection while doing so. The answer to soft resistance that does not break the law is, of course, soft repression. This could take the form of counterarguments, pointing out untruths, denouncing irrational language and correcting misinterpretations of government policies. This should not be too difficult. The government has a whole department devoted to putting its version of events before the public. RTHK is at its service, and most of our surviving media take pride in doing more than justice to the government line. The answer to erroneous speech is, or should be, correct speech. Yet somehow, I do not think this was on the mind of the numerous senior officials who thought a 28th Handover anniversary speech was a good opportunity to denounce the evils of soft resistance and promise to extirpate it. Rosanna Law, the secretary for culture, art and tourism, for example, promised to step up scrutiny before allowing funding or the use of venues for shows. Other issuers of permits of various kinds are apparently putting their shoulders to the wheel. Of late, we learn that restaurants can lose their licences, social workers and teachers can be drummed out of their professions. Some people cannot run a bookshop without entertaining a stream of visitors from government departments, citing anonymous complaints about hygiene, fire safety, business regulations or whatever. We may have a government which, as Mr Lam said, welcomes criticism, but it is not very good at looking like that. The problem with this sort of thing is that after a while it makes people suspicious. Maybe the venue you wanted to hire really does have an air-conditioning problem. Who knows? The Lord moves in mysterious ways and routinely refuses to discuss individual cases. Recently the Inland Revenue Department resumed sending me annual tax returns. In normal times I would put this down to a lucrative one-off freelance gig in 2023 after which the employer very properly filed the usual form reporting how much it paid me. As it happened, though, this sudden renewal of interest in my finances coincided with several stories about news media and individual reporters being asked for large tax payments they did not owe. So an innocent bit of bureaucratic routine looks … fishy.
