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India Today
2 days ago
- Politics
- India Today
Is ULFA still a thorn in India's side?
On July 13, the separatist group United Liberation Front of Asom's (ULFA) Independent faction issued a press statement alleging a wave of drone attacks on four of their bases inside Myanmar at dawn that day. It claimed the strikes killed three of their top commanders, including Lieutenant General Nayan Medhi alias Nayan Asom. 19 have allegedly been killed and 19 more injured. The Paresh Baruah-led insurgent group blamed India for the strikes, but the Indian military has denied getting into claims and counter-claims, it is highly unusual for a rebel group like the ULFA-I to admit reverses because it affects the morale of its ranks. The more important question one needs to address, however, is how important or relevant the ULFA-I is anymore. Does it constitute a major threat to Indian security forces in the northeast?To answer this question, one needs to remember that a faction of the ULFA had already signed an agreement with the Centre and the Assam state government in December 2023. This was the pro-talks faction led by Arabinda Rajkhowa, and included most top leaders who had been handed over to India by Bangladesh after Sheikh Hasina took over as Prime Minister in January 2009. The Bangladesh crackdown left the ULFA with only bases in the deep hilly jungles of Myanmar's Sagaing region - bases in Bhutan had been earlier demolished in 2003 by the Royal Army in Operation All Clear, which the Indian Army Myanmar Army has occasionally responded to Indian pressure and nabbed some rebels. But it has never launched any major crackdown by the security forces in Bhutan or Bangladesh. This is partly because it's busy fighting many powerful insurgencies within the country, and partly because groups such as the ULFA are located in remote, hilly, somewhat inaccessible, jungle an Indian government that is committed to putting an end to insurgencies, be it in Kashmir, Maoist-affected areas, or the northeast, the denial of the Myanmar borderlands as a base is a high priority. It is in this context that the ULFA's Independent faction becomes Naga rebel factions like the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isak-Muivah) are trying to negotiate a final settlement with India — they have been going on since 1997. Only the NSCN's Khaplang faction remains hostile. But it's made up mostly of Burmese Nagas and focuses on controlling areas in the Naga Self-Administered Zone in Myanmar. The ULFA-Independent is based in those areas, along with some Meitei rebel groups of Manipur, with support from pitch for complete settlementThe Assam government under Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma has already offered an olive branch to Paresh Baruah, even as he's made an agreement with the pro-talks faction. His approach and that of the Centre — where he has considerable influence — has been to bring all rebel factions into a fruitful dialogue. This approach brought all rebel factions of the Bodo tribe to the table and led to a comprehensive settlement in 2020. The ULFA-I is the only remaining major group in Assam left behind in the may argue that the group's strength has depleted a lot due to desertions and arrests, and a drop in recruitment. The surrender of its deputy commander-in-chief, Drishti Rajkhowa, in November 2020 was a severe blow; as was the recent arrest of another top commander, Rupam ULFA's appeal amongst Assamese youth is nowhere near what it was in the 1990s. Repeated splits in the organisation and loss of bases in Bhutan and Bangladesh have made it weaker than thus believe this is the right time to strike blows and redouble efforts to bring the ULFA-I to the table. This is consistent with the Centre's approach against the Maoist rebels in central India. The offer for talks made to Paresh Baruah remains valid, but since there is no ceasefire in place. Indian forces can strike whenever and wherever feasible. Strikes that lead to the loss of senior activists hurt a rebel faction, which already faces a dearth of experienced commanders, and may be a factor in initiating force or a renewed threat?The ULFA-I's effective fighting strength may not be in the thousands anymore, but the group cannot be taken lightly for two reasons: One, while it may lack the ability to attack security forces through ambushes like the Naga or Meitei rebel group, it is capable of sabotage operations, having launched attacks on oil storage depots and gas pipelines before. Since Assam has many critical infrastructure facilities like oil refineries in place, this threat cannot be taken with the regime change in neighbouring Bangladesh leading to the ouster of the India-friendly regime of Sheikh Hasina, the possibility of Paresh Baruah returning to revamp ULFA-I bases in the country cannot be ruled out. He has contacts in the Bangladesh intelligence community, anti-Indian political parties, and Pakistan's ISI, whose agents became active after Hasina's some in Indian security architecture may feel this is the right time to neutralise the ULFA-I, either by bringing Paresh Baruah to the table or by engineering large-scale desertions by demoralising the rank and Assembly polls are due in March-April next year. Any achievement on the insurgency front — starting talks or engineering large-scale surrenders — will help boost the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party in what is the pivotal state of India's northeast.(Subir Bhaumik is a former BBC and Reuters correspondent and author who has worked in Bangladesh as a senior editor with Ends(Views expressed in this opinion piece are those of the author)Must Watch
News18
2 days ago
- Politics
- News18
How India's Kinetic Action On Myanmar Terror Groups Struck At China's Shadow Theatre
Insurgent groups, armed by Chinese grey market arms networks, have long acted as proxies for Beijing in Myanmar—guarding critical infrastructure linked to Belt & Road Initiative The drone strikes reportedly carried out by the Indian Army on insurgent camps in Myanmar mark a direct challenge to China's 'deniability model", where Beijing has relied on non-state actors—such as insurgent groups and private security contractors—to exert influence in neighboring countries while maintaining plausible deniability, CNN-News18 has learnt. Top intelligence sources told CNN-News18 that India's decisive action has not only exposed this model but also 'strategically undermined China's reach into key areas, particularly Myanmar's border regions and parts of India's north-eastern states like Ladakh and Arunachal Pradesh". India's strikes focused on the Naga Self-Administered Zone, hitting locations such as ULFA(I)'s Eastern Command headquarters at Hoyat Basti and 779 Camp in Waktham Basti. Additionally, camps of the NSCN-K, PLA, and RPF were also struck by Indian drones. The ULFA(I), in a press statement, said Nayan Asom alias Nayan Medhi, who was the 'chairman' of its 'lower council', was killed in the attacks. It said two other senior leaders, 'brigadier' Ganesh Asom and 'colonel' Pradip Asom, were killed in the second round of attacks during Nayan Asom's funeral. At least 19 others were injured, it added. However, when contacted, a defence spokesperson said there 'are no inputs of such an operation". The timing and execution of these strikes are no accident. India's operation goes far beyond targeting insurgent groups. By dismantling the leadership of ULFA-I and NSCN-K in Myanmar's Sagaing region, India has effectively neutralised a key component of China's regional security apparatus. Intel sources said these insurgent groups, armed by Chinese grey market arms networks operating in Yunnan, have long acted as proxies for Beijing in Myanmar—guarding critical infrastructure linked to China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The Kyaukpyu–Mandalay corridor, a vital stretch of infrastructure that connects China to the Indian Ocean, has been one of the primary areas where China has used these insurgent groups to ensure the safety of its energy and logistics supply chains. With Myanmar's Sagaing region now facing increased instability, China's ambitions to bypass the Malacca Strait and secure its energy routes through Myanmar are at risk. By targeting these camps, India has struck a blow deep within China's informal security buffer in the region. The damage is not just to insurgent forces but to a wider strategic framework designed to safeguard Beijing's investments in Myanmar, including nickel mining zones, future rail projects, and other BRI-linked ventures. Myanmar's Junta Under Pressure For Myanmar's military junta, which has been struggling to maintain control over large parts of the country, particularly in Sagaing, Chin, and Magway regions, the timing of India's airstrikes could be a mixed blessing. The junta, already facing fierce resistance from the People's Defence Forces (PDF), has been losing ground to the ethnic militias. Additionally, Myanmar's increasing dissatisfaction with Chinese interference has brought the country closer to New Delhi in recent months, the sources added. While the junta may not have officially aligned itself with India, the attacks on ULFA-I and NSCN-K may shift Myanmar's stance. The junta has shown signs of frustration with Chinese influence in its internal affairs, and this new pressure from India could push Myanmar to recalibrate its relationship with Beijing. Sources confirmed that ULFA-I and NSCN-K have been integral to China's shadow operations in Myanmar. These insurgent groups have not only been armed by China but have also provided covert security and logistical support to BRI projects in the region. In essence, these groups have acted as private militias, securing vital infrastructure for Chinese interests while indirectly working for Chinese private security contractors (PSCs). India's precision strikes have severely disrupted these networks, and now, as the conflict escalates in the region, China may be forced to reassess its security arrangements. The destabilisation of BRI supply lines in Sagaing is particularly significant, as it raises the costs for Chinese private security firms. This comes at a time when China has enjoyed relatively low-cost security advantages in Myanmar, allowing it to expand its footprint without heavy investment. The ongoing ethnic clashes, triggered by the actions of Myanmar's military junta and the increasing reach of India's strikes, threaten to further disrupt this crucial security apparatus. With these new developments, China faces mounting challenges in maintaining a secure environment for its BRI projects in Myanmar, and the cost of ensuring stability in the region could soon prove untenable. Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
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First Post
3 days ago
- Politics
- First Post
Indian Army denies ULFA-I claim of drone strike on Myanmar camp
Earlier in the day, ULFA-I alleged that the Indian Army had launched cross-border drone strikes on its base in Myanmar in the early hours, killing 19 cadres and injuring another 19 read more The Indian Army on Sunday (July 13) denied carrying out drone attacks on the eastern headquarters of the banned insurgent group United Liberation Front of Asom-Independent (ULFA-I) in neighbouring Myanmar, rejecting claims made by the outfit. Earlier in the day, ULFA-I alleged that the Indian Army had launched cross-border drone strikes on its base in Myanmar in the early hours, killing 19 cadres and injuring another 19. Reports also suggested that senior ULFA-I commander Nayan Medhi was among those killed, alongside members of other northeastern insurgent outfits, including cadres from the Revolutionary People's Front (RPF), the political wing of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) of Manipur. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD However, the Indian Army dismissed the allegations. 'There are no inputs with the Indian Army on such an operation,' IANS quoted Lt Col Mahendra Rawat, PRO Defence Guwahati, as saying. ULFA-I, led by Paresh Barua, has seen its leadership ranks significantly thinned in recent months. With the reported death of Medhi and the earlier arrest of senior commander Rupom Asom by Assam Police in May, only one key figure—Arunodoy Dohotiya—is believed to remain active in Myanmar. Barua, who is said to have longstanding ties with Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), is reportedly operating near the tri-junction of China, Myanmar, and India's Arunachal Pradesh. According to sources, he is currently at the 'lowest point' of his insurgent activity. IANS cited people familiar with IANS as saying that the reported attacks could stem from internal rivalries among banned insurgent groups operating along the India-Myanmar border. Myanmar's military-ruled government, led by the Tatmadaw, is facing ongoing conflict with various armed groups, and its porous border with India continues to be used by proscribed outfits like ULFA-I to establish camps. The fighting in the region remains a significant concern for Indian security agencies. In May 2025, at least 10 militants were killed in a gun battle with Indian forces near the Myanmar border in Manipur's Chandel district. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
NDTV
3 days ago
- Politics
- NDTV
Army Denies Drone Strikes On Insurgent Group ULFA-I Camp In Myanmar
New Delhi: The Indian Army has denied it had carried out drone attacks on the eastern headquarters of the banned insurgent group United Liberation Front of Asom-Independent (ULFA-I) in Myanmar. The banned ULFA-I on Sunday claimed that its eastern headquarters in Myanmar had been targeted by the Indian Army with drones in the early hours. The banned outfit in a press statement claimed that in these cross-border strikes, their 19 cadres have been killed and another 19 injured. Reports indicate that senior ULFA (I) commander Nayan Medhi was killed in the attack, and some cadres of Manipuri insurgent groups, including Revolutionary People's Front (RPF), which is the political wing of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) of Manipur present at the camp, were also killed and some injured. However, in an official statement, the India Army has denied these claims. "There are no inputs with the Indian Army on such an operation," Lt Col Mahendra Rawat, PRO Defence Guwahati, told IANS. ULFA (I), headed by Paresh Barua, is now left with only one senior functionary, Arunodoy Dohotiya, who is in Myanmar. Another senior ULFA (I) commander operating out of Myanmar camps, Rupom Asom, was arrested by Assam Police in May. Sources said Baruah, who has deep links with Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and was reportedly staying in bordering areas of China-Myanmar-India (Arunachal Pradesh), is at the lowest point of his insurgency activity. People familiar with the matter told IANS that these attacks on ULFA (I) headquarters could be due to the infighting amongst these banned outfits. Notably, Myanmar, which is presently being ruled by the Tatmadaw (Army), is witnessing a spate of attacks by several militant outfits, and the India-Myanmar border has been used several times by these proscribed outfits, such as ULFA (I), to set up their camps there. The fighting near the border has been a matter of deep concern for the Indian security establishment. In May 2025, at least 10 militants were killed in an encounter with security forces near the India-Myanmar border in Manipur's Chandel district.
Hans India
3 days ago
- Politics
- Hans India
ULFA-I claims drone strikes on its headquarters in Myanmar, Indian Army denies
New Delhi: The Indian Army has denied that it had carried out drone attacks on the eastern headquarters of the banned United Liberation Front of Asom-Independent (ULFA-I) in Myanmar. The banned ULFA-I on Sunday claimed that its Eastern headquarters in Myanmar had been targeted by the Indian Army with drones in the early hours. The proscribed outfit in a press statement claimed that in these cross-border strikes, their 19 cadres have been killed and another 19 injured. Reports indicate that senior ULFA (I) commander Nayan Medhi was killed in the attack, and some cadres of Manipuri insurgent groups, including Revolutionary People's Front (RPF), which is the political wing of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) of Manipur present at the camp, were also killed and some injured. However, in an official statement, the India Army has denied these claims. Talking to IANS from Guwahati, Lt Col Mahendra Rawat, PRO Defence Guwahati, said, "There are no inputs with the Indian Army on such an operation." It is worth noting here that ULFA (I), headed by Paresh Barua, is now left with only one senior functionary, Arunodoy Dohotiya, who is in Myanmar. Another senior ULFA (I) commander operating out of Myanmar camps, Rupom Asom, was arrested by Assam Police in May. Sources revealed that Baruah, who has deep links with Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and was reportedly staying in bordering areas of China-Myanmar-India (Arunachal Pradesh), is at the lowest point of his militant career. People familiar with the matter told IANS that these attacks on ULFA (I) headquarters could be due to the infighting amongst these banned outfits. Notably, Myanmar, which is presently being ruled by the Tatmadaw (Army), is witnessing a spate of attacks by several militant outfits, and the India-Myanmar border has been used several times by these proscribed outfits, such as ULFA (I), to set up their camps there. The fighting near the border has been a matter of deep concern for the Indian security establishment. In May 2025, at least 10 militants were killed in an encounter with security forces near the India-Myanmar border in Manipur's Chandel district.
