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The Wire
24-06-2025
- Politics
- The Wire
What Happened After an Attack on the Darbhanga Deputy Mayor – and What It Says About India Today
Darbhanga (Bihar): On the evening of May 31, 2025, Darbhanga deputy mayor Nazia Hassan was attacked, allegedly by supporters of the Bharatiya Janata Party, at the municipal complex of the town. It is not just the lead up to it that is interesting – Hassan had posted on Facebook against ideological extremism – but also what followed, which offers a picture into how violence against Muslims is a pattern in this country. Who is Hassan? Hassan, the vice-president of the Bihar Congress Minority Wing is a single mother of three. Hassan has been a primary school teacher and notably she performs the ritualistic bath given to deceased Muslim women, a service she continued even during COVID-19 and now. A social worker, she was vocal during anti-CAA protests. Her solo campaign for the deputy mayor's position won her over 34,000 votes (more than the mayor Anjum Ara) on a shoestring budget of around 60,000 and without counting agents. She is an active member of the predominantly Maithil Brahmin Mithila Vikas Sangh. The attack and its aftermath According to the first information report filed by Darbhanga Town police, based on Hassan's complaint, a mob of over a hundred, allegedly led by district BJP president Aditya Narayan Manna and district general secretary Balendu Jha, stormed the DMC complex at around 5 pm. Hassan alleged that the leaders verbally abused her. The alleged reason behind the attack was Hassan's Facebook post, which said: "We hate Pakistan as much as we hate the RSS because both have historically supported the two-nation theory." Hassan later presented to reporters messages containing explicit threats and calling her a traitor. Hassan stated that she had informed the administration – from the DM to the DSP to the SHO of the Darbhanga Town Police Station at Qilaghat – about the planned attack in advance. Her personal assistant, Devendra Kumar, who was injured, filed a police complaint as well. "My entire family is in shock at being called something like a 'traitor'," said Nazia Hassan. "We come from a military family—my brother is a Junior Commissioned Officer in the Indian Army. I used to watch politics fall to such levels, but now I am experiencing it myself." On June 3, another police complaint was submitted against Hassan by Soni Purbey, a BJP leader and co-accused in the May 31 violence. Purvey accused Hassan of inciting religious hatred, and alleged that she had Pakistani links and illegal foreign funding, demanding authorities check her smartphone. What happened then? Days after the May 31 attack, on June 7, a crowd gathered at the municipal complex, raising slogans against Hassan. The administration had denied permission for this protest in writing, citing Eid as a reason to maintain public order. It defused the gathering and detained some protesters. The Darbhanga Sub-Divisional Magistrate Vikas Kumar also told reporters that no force had been used. He added that several in the group had come with sticks to be lit for a torch rally. However, despite this official denial, reports of the use of force used against the protestors rapidly circulated, prompting senior BJP leaders and Hindutva outfits to visit workers reportedly admitted to DMCH emergency ward for minor injuries. BJP supporters began to frame the police action as "pro-Pakistani" and in support of the Deputy Mayor, while being "against nationalists and Hindus." This narrative gained rapid traction on local social media, with some posts targeting paramilitary and police personnel with abusive language. Institutional Betrayal and Personal Toll The Municipal Commissioner Rakesh Gupta and mayor Anjum Ara reportedly abandoned the premises on May 31, when the attacks were taking place. Hassan's emergency calls to DSP Amit Kumar during the siege reportedly went unanswered. Local police cited jurisdictional issues for not intervening, said Sarfaraz Anwar, district president of the Darbhanga minority cell. While the Municipal Commissioner reportedly filed a written complaint after two days, it is unclear what has come of it. Separate written complaints from the municipal commissioner and her personal assistant Devendra were rejected, with police citing overlap with Hassan's FIR. Eyewitnesses suggest uniformed personnel present during the violence did not act. The complete silence from mayor Ara, whose husband was also notably present at the scene as a bystander, raises further questions. Ara herself faced a brutal online attack and received threats that compelled her to issue an immediate apology on March 12, 2025. Her statement, made during a peace committee meeting ahead of Holi festivities, suggested a two-hour break between 12:30 PM and 2:00 PM on Holi day to allow for Friday prayers, given that the timing of 'Jumma Namaz' cannot be extended. She explicitly stated her intention was to maintain peace and ensure both festivals could be celebrated harmoniously. Her comments were widely amplified and distorted by pro-BJP media. Ara publicly stated, "From early in the morning, the people are calling me Bangladeshi and anti-national… My intention was for peace to be maintained in Darbhanga. But, if anyone's feelings were hurt, I apologize for that." Notably, Hassan had publicly taken Ara's side then. Hassan deleted her post and apologised. She was asked to, allegedly by figures within her own political circle, including Darbhanga District Congress President Dayanand Paswan, who cited it as "the only option to save her life." A Facebook post by a user named 'Gulshan Chaudhary', widely shared, including by Soni Purbey, an individual accused in the May 31 attack, makes several inflammatory claims: "It is being heard that the father of the girl with whom Yasin Bhatkal (founder of Indian Mujahideen) married in Darbhanga is related as the paternal cousin of Mohotarama (i.e., Nazia). It's no mere coincidence that whenever there is a terrorist attack in the country, its links connect to Darbhanga," the post says, originally in Hindi. Another Facebook user, 'Priyanshu Jha', claimed to be an active RSS member. "RSS is culture/values. Nazia, your statement regarding our parent organization shows your mental bankruptcy. My promise to you is that you and people with your mindset will not be able to sit peacefully in the corporation now," he wrote. One Vishal Mahaseth wrote, "She is working like a Pakistani for the same Yasin Bhatkal. I request the district administration that her mobile phone be thoroughly investigated. It's a question of the country/nation." The online discourse escalated. One 'Chaudhary Pankaj Rai' wrote, "That *** who couldn't understand the difference between wife, daughter, niece, maternal aunt, paternal aunt, now even that *** is comparing RSS to Pakistan." Bihar BJP minister revenue and land reforms, Sanjay Saraogi, an MLA from Darbhanga, also publicly threatened Hassan. In a statement made shortly after the May 31 attack, Saraogi declared:"You will have to change your mindset; if you don't, it will be changed for you. ' Dharmshila Gupta, Bihar BJP vice-president and a Rajya Sabha MP, meanwhile, publicly called for an inquiry into Hassan's 'alleged ISI links' and demanded that a case of sedition be registered against her for her Facebook post critiquing the RSS. Bihar deputy chief minister Vijay Sinha, in a social media post, also condemned the 'brutal' action of the police and assured the workers of the BJP of just action against the policemen. But what is more interesting is that in that same post he has also attached pictures of a document in which the SDP and DSP while replying to the 'Lok Shikayat Nivaran Pradhikaran' have stated that BJP workers misbehaved with the SDM and other policemen. A climate of fear Following the May 31 attack, the complete silence from the Congress party's district and state units has also been noteworthy. Left parties called for a protest on June 2, which all INDIA alliance partners then joined. On June 6, Congress leadership called Nazia Hassan to speak at the 'Sanvidhan Suraksha Sammelan' in Rajgir, attended by Rahul Gandhi, expressly to show party support. This high-profile endorsement again sparked outrage locally, leading regional BJP and RSS affiliates to come onto the roads again on June 7. The Darbhanga incident is symptomatic of an escalating national trend of demonising minorities, leading to real-world violence. India witnessed an 84% rise in communal violence in 2024, with 59 incidents including seven each in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. Beyond the grassroots, a clear pattern of demonisation and political vendetta targets high-ranking individuals serving the nation. A stark example is the reaction to Colonel Sofiya Qureshi, a decorated Indian Army officer. In a viral video, Madhya Pradesh minister Vijay Shah, a BJP leader, referred to Colonel Qureshi as "the sister of terrorists." This political targeting extends to opposition voices who challenge dominant right-wing narratives and even to public figures attempting to foster communal harmony. On March 26, 2025, the residence of Samajwadi Party (SP) Rajya Sabha MP Ramji Lal Suman, a prominent Dalit leader, was attacked and vandalised in Agra, Uttar Pradesh, by members of the Karni Sena along with other right-wing groups. This brazen assault followed Suman's statement in the Rajya Sabha on March 21, 2025: "Indian Muslims do not consider Babar as their idol. They follow Prophet Muhammad and the Sufi tradition. But I want to ask, who brought Babar here? It was Rana Sanga who invited Babar to defeat Ibrahim Lodi. So, if Muslims are called the descendants of Babar, then Hindus must be the descendants of traitor Rana Sanga. We criticise Babar, but why don't we criticise Rana Sanga?" The attack on Hassan is an Indian issue, striking at our constitutional morality and the rule of law. The real anarchy is not solely the mob, but the alleged ideological capture of institutions and normalisation of violence.
Express Tribune
18-02-2025
- Entertainment
- Express Tribune
Pakistani music has survived dictators, bans, and Bollywood — here's how
From Nazia Hassan to Young Stunners, Pakistan's music has evolved, adapted, and thrived against all odds. If there's one thing Pakistan has consistently done right, it's music. Despite political turmoil, censorship crackdowns, and an overall identity crisis every other decade, Pakistani artists have created magic—songs that define generations, voices that refuse to be silenced, and beats that make even the most reluctant uncles tap their feet. But how did we get here? How did Pakistan go from the classical era of ghazals and qawwalis to pop anthems, rock revolutions, and global Spotify sensations? Buckle up, because we're taking a deep dive into the Pakistani music scene—from the 1980s to today, where indie artists are breaking records, Coke Studio has basically become a religion, and folk traditions continue to thrive alongside modern beats. Let's start with the queen herself: Nazia Hassan. Before her, Pakistani music was mostly film songs, ghazals, and qawwalis. Beautiful, yes, but also a bit too serious. Then in 1981, Nazia and her brother Zoheb Hassan dropped Disco Deewane, and suddenly, Pakistan had its own pop revolution. This wasn't just a hit—it was the hit. The album topped charts in 14 countries, including India, making Nazia the first Pakistani pop superstar. Her voice, combined with British-Indian producer Biddu's disco beats, was the fresh sound Pakistan didn't even know it needed. But here's the catch: this was General Zia-ul-Haq's era, a time when anything remotely fun was frowned upon. Censorship was at an all-time high, and anything 'Western' was seen as corrupting young minds. Yet, despite this, Nazia's music flourished, and she became a household name. The '90s were wild, and Pakistani music went from an underground movement to absolute mainstream domination. Thanks to the rise of PTV's music programs and cassette culture, pop and rock bands became massive. You simply cannot talk about Pakistani music without Vital Signs. Their song Dil Dil Pakistan (1987) became a national anthem in its own right. Imagine a country obsessed with patriotic marches suddenly getting a soft rock song about love for Pakistan—it was a game-changer. The band's frontman, Junaid Jamshed, became a cultural icon, and their music blended Western influences with local sensibilities. For the first time, Pakistani youth had their own voice, their own music, their own aesthetic. While Vital Signs kept pop music alive, Junoon took a different route: Sufi Rock. Led by Salman Ahmad, Junoon blended electric guitars with poetry, and songs like Sayonee and Jazba Junoon became anthems of resistance. At the same time, Strings emerged as another powerhouse, producing Sar Kiye Yeh Pahar—a song so poetic and nostalgic it could make even Karachi's traffic feel romantic. The '90s were also the MTV generation, and Pakistani music was booming. Bands like Awaz (Haroon's old band), Ali Haider, and Fakhr-e-Alam all contributed to this golden age. Just when you thought Pakistani music couldn't get better, the 2000s happened. Noori came in with Suno Ke Main Hoon Jawan, making pop-punk anthems a thing. Entity Paradigm (EP), featuring a young Fawad Khan, introduced nu-metal to Pakistan. Aaroh, Mizmaar, and Fuzon blended Western rock with classical influences, creating a sound that was uniquely Pakistani. This was also the post-9/11 era, and Pakistan was once again dealing with political instability, media restrictions, and the war on terror. Music became a form of rebellion, with artists addressing social issues, youth frustration, and the need for identity. But despite their success, many bands started to break up. Junaid Jamshed left music for religion. EP disbanded. Even Junoon faded. It felt like Pakistani music was about to enter a dark age. And then, Coke Studio happened. Launched in 2008 by Rohail Hyatt (yes, the same guy from Vital Signs), Coke Studio became THE biggest music platform in Pakistan. It took folk music, classical influences, modern beats, and put them in one big experimental pot. This era gave us legends like Abida Parveen, Rahat Fateh Ali Khan, and Ali Sethi, while also reviving folk music through artists like Mai Dhai and Saieen Zahoor. At the same time, the indie scene exploded. Hasan Raheem introduced lo-fi pop and became an instant hit. Young Stunners made Urdu rap mainstream. Shae Gill dropped Pasoori, which became a global phenomenon, proving that Pakistani music doesn't need Bollywood to make it big. With platforms like Spotify, YouTube, and SoundCloud, artists no longer needed record labels. They could release music independently, and the world was listening. But let's not forget Pakistan's deep-rooted cultural music traditions, which have shaped its sound for centuries. One of Pakistan's greatest musical gifts to the world is qawwali—a Sufi devotional music form that has survived for centuries. Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan took it to an international stage, blending traditional poetry with a spiritual intensity that still leaves people mesmerized. Today, artists like Rahat Fateh Ali Khan, Abida Parveen, and Fareed Ayaz & Abu Muhammad continue this legacy, proving that qawwali will never go out of style. Pakistan's regional folk music is just as important. Sindhi folk music, with its deep-rooted poetry and Alghoza melodies, is best represented by Allan Fakir and Mai Dhai. Balochi folk music, featuring instruments like the Soroz and Dambura, tells the stories of the desert. Pashto music, driven by the Rubab, has given us legends like Sardar Ali Takkar and modern stars like Gul Panra. Punjabi folk, full of dhol beats and bhangra energy, remains popular worldwide, thanks to artists like Attaullah Khan Esakhelvi and Arif Lohar. But the music industry hasn't been free from political take a quick looks at this: Zia's era (1980s): Banned concerts, censored lyrics, and discouraged anything 'Western.' Musharraf's era (2000s): A boom in private channels helped musicians, but political instability still created uncertainty. Post-2010s: Music festivals were shut down, concerts were banned, and yet, musicians found ways to keep going. Artists like Ali Gul Pir have used satire in rap to criticize society. Rock bands like Laal have openly sung about political injustice. The resistance is still alive. From Nazia Hassan's disco beats to Young Stunners' rap bars, Pakistani music has evolved, adapted, and thrived despite all odds. So the next time someone tells you "Pakistani music isn't what it used to be," just send them a playlist. From Sufi to rock, pop to rap, and deep-rooted folk traditions, we've got something for everyone. The legacy continues, and it's louder than ever.
