Latest news with #Nigerien
News24
10 hours ago
- Politics
- News24
Russia eyes Niger's uranium mines as West African nation ditches France
Russian Energy Minister Sergei Tsivilev announced Russia's intention to mine uranium in Niger, the world's seventh-largest producer. Since the 2023 military coup, Niger has pivoted away from France and Western allies toward Russia. Niger's military government is locked in a standoff with Orano, the French state-owned nuclear group. Russia wishes to mine uranium in Niger, a top source of the radioactive metal ruled by a military junta friendly to the Kremlin, Energy Minister Sergei Tsivilev has said. Since the junta took power in a 2023 coup, Niger has turned to Russia, which commands the world's largest arsenal of atomic weapons, for help in fighting the west African country's jihadist insurgency. Arguing that Niger should benefit more from being the world's seventh-largest producer of uranium, the junta has also insisted on greater control over its natural resources. That policy has led to tensions with former colonial ruler France, whose nuclear power plants have long relied on uranium extracted from Niger. While on an official visit to the capital Niamey on Monday, Tsivilev met Niger's junta chief, General Abdourahamane Tiani, to talk about the two countries' burgeoning economic cooperation. 'Our main goal is to mine uranium,' Tsivilev said after meeting the general. 'Our task is not only to participate in uranium mining, but to create an entire system for the development of civil nuclear power in Niger,' the energy minister is quoted as saying in an official Russian statement. Mining stand-off During the visit, Russia's atomic agency Rosatom and Niger's energy ministry signed a memorandum of understanding on civilian uses for nuclear power, according to the statement. Among others, Tsivilev pointed to the construction of atomic power plants, advances in nuclear medicine and the training of Nigerien specialists in those fields. Like its fellow junta-run allies in Burkina Faso and Mali, Niger has pivoted away from France and the West in favour of closer cooperation with Russia. As a result of its insistence on exercising more control over Niger's natural resources, the junta is currently locked in a stand-off with the Orano nuclear group, which is 90% owned by the French state. In 2024, Niger removed Orano's operational control of its three main mines in the country - Somair, Cominak and Imouraren - which the Paris-based company has attempted to win back through arbitration. The Imouraren mine is home to one of the largest deposits of uranium in the world. In June the ruling junta announced it would nationalise the Somair mine, in a move Orano slammed as 'asset stripping'. There was no indication from Monday's meeting that any of Orano's Nigerien mines would be turned over to Russia. When contacted by AFP, the Paris-based miner did not wish to comment on the prospect of Moscow mining uranium in Niger. Uranium was first discovered in the country in 1957 while under French rule, with mining beginning in 1971. Niger produced 3 527 tonnes of the radioactive metal in 2023, equal to 6.3% of global production, according to mining industry publication Globaldata.
Zawya
11 hours ago
- Business
- Zawya
Niger: African Development Bank extends loan of over $144 million to enhance energy access and economic competitiveness
The Board of Directors of the African Development Bank Group ( has approved a loan of $144.27 million to Niger for the first phase of a program that will reform energy sector laws and address the country's critical power shortage. Niger's Energy Sector Governance and Competitiveness Support Program is expected to address governance challenges by strengthening public financial management systems, particularly tax revenue mobilization and tax revenue control system. It will also support the clearance of domestic arrears, public-private dialogue, and the adoption of an industrial and commercial policy to bolster support for Nigerien businesses. "This program represents our commitment to supporting Niger's economic recovery and energy independence," said African Development Bank Director General for West Africa Lamin Barrow. "By improving access to energy and strengthening governance frameworks, we are helping to lay the foundations for sustainable growth that will benefit all Nigeriens, particularly the most vulnerable populations." The Bank's support will underpin ambitious energy objectives, including increasing national electricity access from 22.5% to 30% by 2026 while boosting manufacturing's contribution to GDP from 2.5% to 3.8%. A key component focuses on the renewable energy capacity development framework and includes plans to generate 240 MW of solar energy by 2030, with 50 MW coming onstream before December 2026. The program particularly emphasizes social inclusion, with specific measures to support internally displaced persons, women, and youth. With more than 507,000 internally displaced persons nationwide due to security challenges in the Sahel region, targeted interventions will ensure that vulnerable populations benefit from improved economic opportunities. The Nigerien economy has shown remarkable resilience despite challenges, with GDP growth climbing to 8.8% in 2024, and oil production expected to increase from 20,000 to 90,000 barrels per day by 2026. Still, only 22.5% of the population enjoy access to electricity, one of the lowest rates in West Africa. In rural areas, where 80% of Nigeriens live, only 4.5% have access to electricity, forcing families to rely on biomass for 94% for their energy needs. Niger's strategic energy compact, formally adopted by decree, provides the framework to attract $527 million in private sector investment by 2030. The project will establish high-level coordination mechanisms and update national energy policies to create an enabling environment for private participation in mini-grid developments crucial for rural electrification. The program positions Niger to capitalize on its vast renewable energy potential while building governance systems that support inclusive and sustainable development. Distributed by APO Group on behalf of African Development Bank Group (AfDB). Media Contact: Natalie Nkembuh Communication and External Relations Department media@ About the African Development Bank Group: The African Development Bank Group is Africa's premier development finance institution. It comprises three distinct entities: the African Development Bank (AfDB), the African Development Fund (ADF) and the Nigeria Trust Fund (NTF). On the ground in 41 African countries with an external office in Japan, the Bank contributes to the economic development and the social progress of its 54 regional member states. For more information:
TimesLIVE
18 hours ago
- Politics
- TimesLIVE
US pauses visa processing at embassy in Niger: state department
The US is pausing all routine visa services at US embassy in Nigerien capital Niamey until further notice, according to a state department spokesperson and an internal state department cable seen by Reuters on Saturday. The July 25-dated cable did not provide a reason for the move but a state department spokesperson said the pause, which would cover all immigrant and non-immigrant visa categories, was in place until Washington addressed "concerns with the government of Niger." The spokesperson did not provide further details on the reason, but said that most diplomatic and official visas were excepted from the pause. "The Trump administration is focused on protecting our nation and our citizens by upholding the highest standards of national security and public safety through our visa process," the department spokesperson said. The diplomatic cable also instructed consular officers in other visa processing posts to apply "heightened scrutiny" when assessing non-immigrant visa applications for Nigerien nationals, whose overstay rates it said were 8% for visitor visas and 27% for student and exchange visas. Consular managers should make an effort to reduce the number of overstays by nonimmigrant visa holders in the US, the cable said and added: "In this regard, particular vigilance is needed in adjudicating Nigerien NIV applicants."
DW
2 days ago
- Politics
- DW
How the Sahel became a smuggling hotspot – DW – 07/28/2025
International criminal gangs have exploited instability in Sahel countries to build flourishing drug and human trafficking networks, while Russian promises of bringing order have so far failed. The bus station in Agadez is very busy. The Nigerien desert city is one of the most important regional hubs. Here, on the northern edge of the Sahel, trade routes between West Africa and the Maghreb have converged for centuries. And the boundaries between legal trade goods and smuggled goods have always been blurred. In particular, the smuggling of people from sub-Saharan Africa who set off for Europe without papers is – at least unofficially – considered the city's main source of income. Bamadou also wanted to make his way to Europe with the help of smugglers. However, the young man from Guinea gave up after a short time. He is now stranded in Agadez and warns other migrants about the increasingly brutal criminal gangs in the desert: "Sometimes they come with baseball bats and just start beating people. Several people even died in a migrant convoy in March. Three Senegalese, two South Americans and ten compatriots from Guinea," he tells DW. In 2015, under pressure from the European Union, the Nigerien government passed a far-reaching anti-smuggling law, sent heavily armed patrols into the desert, and arrested hundreds of smugglers within a few months. But following the military coup in 2023, the new rulers abolished the law. "The new military leadership went through with it just one day after signing a new military agreement with Russia," says Ulf Laessing, head of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation's regional program in neighboring Mali. Laessing believes Russian influence was behind the move. The effects of the new Nigerien policy were swift: just a few weeks after the law was abolished, the smuggling business in Agadez was back in full swing according to the mayor – and is still growing. The picture is similar among Niger's neighbors. In Burkina Faso and Mali, new military governments moved closer to Moscow than Brussels. Over the same time, the regional smuggling industry saw rapid expansion in these countries, particularly in the drugs sector. For example, authorities in Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger seized about 13 kilograms of drugs per year by between 2015 and 2020. By 2022, the figure exploded to around 1.5 tonnes – an increase of more than 11,000%, according to reports from the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). The latest data from 2024 shows over a tonne of cocaine was seized during a single check on the border between Senegal and Mali. "An absolute record," says Amado Philip de Andrés from the UNODC in Dakar, Senegal. According to de Andrés, the Sahel's location has long made it a strategic place of interest for drug smugglers. The region lies between producers in Latin America and consumers in Europe, which has seen soaring demand for the drug. Criminal networks have historically exploited political instability in the Sahel, but de Andrés says smuggling activities have recently reached a new dimension in terms of quality. "We are seeing increasingly sophisticated technologies. There are underwater vehicles that have half a tonne of drugs on board," he tells DW. Most of the time, the cocaine travels towards Europe through the Sahel overland along routes controlled by rapidly growing local drug networks. "The really big fish in the cocaine business still come from Latin America. But the middle level is now increasingly coming from West and Central Africa," de Andrés adds. The criminal networks have now acquired significant financial power in the Sahel and are laundering their dirty money in major projects throughout the region. This comes against a backdrop of corrupt officials and security forces, particularly at local level. As a result of Europe's dwindling influence, programs to combat corruption and good governance in the Sahel have expired or been put on hold in recent years. "Drug trafficking is giving criminal groups more and more influence over border officials and politicians with leadership positions at local level," says de Andrés. Russian promises of military force to ensure more order in the Sahel and combat criminal networks are falling far short of expectations. "You have to bear in mind that France alone had more than 5,000 soldiers here. Even they couldn't pacify the region. The Russians have perhaps 1,500 in Mali and another 400 in Burkina Faso and Niger," Laessing tells DW. Instead, according to Laessing, the presence of the Russian mercenary outfit Africa Corps has had the opposite effect. "A brutality is attributed to them that has fueled the conflicts even further," he adds. The dynamics between smugglers and jihadists are also changing due to the success of the drug networks. The term "narco-terrorism" is increasingly used in the Sahel. According to the latest Global Terrorism Index, almost half of all victims of terrorism across the world come from the region. Initially, the jihadists tended to be indirect beneficiaries of the drug trade, charging customs duties for trucks or taking money to escort convoys. Now, observers say, some terrorist groups are trying to enter the lucrative business directly. In other regions, the Afghan Taliban have long been active in the opium trade and the Islamic State (IS) in Syria also produced synthetic drugs on a large scale. According to Laessing, European states should therefore try to regain a stronger foothold in the region for their own security interests. But due to other global trouble spots, from Ukraine to Gaza, the geopolitical effects of what is currently brewing in the Sahel are largely overlooked. "People think these countries are not important because they are extremely poor. But this is basically the southern border of Europe," Laessing says.
DW
3 days ago
- Business
- DW
As France's Africa policy collapses how do companies adjust? – DW – 07/27/2025
With the political leaders of francophone Africa increasingly turning their backs on their former colonial rulers, French corporations have been forced to rethink doing business with Africa without Paris' support. The disruption is now in full swing, with more and more African countries, particularly in the Sahel region of northern and western Africa, rejecting the so-called Francafrique policy by their former colonial power, France. The term refers to a complex and controversial network of political, economic, social and military ties between France and its former African colonies, describing a kind of special relationship characterized by ongoing French influence in these nations. Often described as neocolonial, France's Africa policy is under massive political and popular pressure, and the fight against it is openly challenging Paris' military, diplomatic and economic footprint in Africa. The Sahel region stretches from the Sahara Desert in the north to the savannas in the south, encompassing several countries, including Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, Mauritania and Chad. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video Antoine Glaser is a French journalist and former director of Paris-based magazine — a leading publication focused on Africa with editions in English and French. He said French companies with operations in the region enjoyed "preferential treatment," especially during the Cold War era due to the Francafrique policy. "They thought they were at home in Africa," he told DW, and ignored more recent realities such as the fact that Africa has "gone global and France didn't see China coming." One such stark reality, he added, is Chinese companies now have a 25% market share in French-speaking Africa, while France's share has tumbled to "between 6% and 7%." Moreover, French multinational nuclear fuel cycle corporation Orano announced last September that it would suspend production at its Arlit uranium mine in northern Niger due to financial difficulties faced by its Nigerien subsidiary, Somair. The decision came as border closures between Niger and Benin, triggered by the July 2023 coup, had blocked all uranium exports, Orano said in a statement, adding: "In spite of efforts to find alternative possibilities to export the uranium produced by Somair and to relaunch commercial activities, all the proposals made to the Nigerien authorities have remained unanswered." In June 2024, Orano also lost its mining license for the Imouraren uranium deposit due to a decision by the military government, which revoked the license following a period of tensions and ultimatum. Situated about 160 kilometers (100 miles) from Agadez — the largest town in central Niger — the Imouraren mine holds one of the world's largest uranium deposits. Mining was launched by French nuclear group Areva, rebranded as Orano in 2018, which mothballed the mine in 2015 due to unfavorable market conditions. Since then, tensions have illustrated the fragility of a system in which military and diplomatic presence supported economic interests. Beyond the uranium sector, France's whole model of influence is being destabilized, affecting sectors like infrastructure, telecommunication, energy and public works — all symbols of France's presence that are now being regularly challenged. In February 2023, French President Emmanuel Macron presented a new strategy, entitled "Our Future The Africa-France Partnership," and offering new forms of partnerships. Unveiled by Macron ahead of his tour of Central Africa, the strategy advocates abandoning old paradigms and puts a new emphasis on economic and trade relations rather than focusing on security issues. The central idea of this new model is based on a transition from "a logic of aid to a logic of solidarity investments and partnerships," and is meant to be a "symbiotic relationship" beneficial to all parties. What France used to consider as its "backyard" for a long time is disappearing amid wider change in the Sahel region. In addition, Africa as a whole is no longer France's exclusive business playground. Countries like Turkey, Russia, China and even Germany are advancing their positions, forcing French companies to readjust their business policy if they are to survive in an increasingly competitive environment. A French corporate consultant, speaking on condition of anonymity, told DW that in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, the real French presence was "already marginal before recent tensions" with their colonial motherland. In the mining industry, he said, the main players are now often from Australia or Canada, like Toronto-based mining giant Barrick Mining Corporation. "The perception that France is omnipresent is stronger than the reality," he said. He also noted that behind "official posturing," a strategy was becoming clearer: "Maintain a presence, but through more indirect means." French companies would now seek to maintain market share "without provoking rejection" by launching joint ventures, local partnerships or the creation of project companies under local law. "There is now a dynamic in which these companies are adapting through cooperating more with local partners, setting up shared structures. It's a way of staying active while avoiding head-on visibility," he added. Yves Ekoue Amaizo, the director at the Afrocentricity Think Tank, thinks the gradual withdrawal of French companies also opens the door to new alliances, because African countries would now have "the capacity and the partners to replace these companies." "China, Turkey and other immediate players are already involved. But this means accepting new, often opaque conditions, and managing a context of risks [such as] political instability, terrorism and legal uncertainties," he told DW. While withdrawal seems inevitable for some French multinational corporations, others are still betting on rebalancing their business strategies. According to a report in the offshore industry magazine , energy giant TotalEnergies, for example, is trying to find a new footing in English- and Portuguese-speaking countries, including Kenya, South Africa, Namibia and Angola. But competition there is fierce, and France can no longer rely on a historical advantage in these countries. Even more so as questions of legitimacy and social responsibility also play an increasing role, said Amaizo. "The real question is one of mentality. If companies want to remain credible, they must prove that they are co-constructing locally and sharing the benefits, rather than going it alone with the resources." With the era of the Francafrique special relationship between France and its former African colonies now coming to an end, there are signs that French multinationals are trying to transform themselves, too, by collaborating more strongly with local partners or moving operations elsewhere in Africa. No matter what they do or where they go, legitimacy remains their main capital and must be regained.
