Latest news with #NikolPashinyan


Forbes
5 days ago
- Politics
- Forbes
Russia's Military Alliance Is Slowly Unraveling
ASTANA, KAZAKHSTAN - NOVEMBER 8: Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbayev (C), Russian President ... More Vladimir Putin (3rd R), Kyrgyz President Sooronbay Jeenbekov (3rd L), Tajik President Emomali Rakhmon (2nd R), Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan (L) and Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko (2nd L) pose for a photo during a session of the Collective Security Council of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) at the Independence Palace on November 8, 2018 in Astana, Kazakhstan. Leaders of Russia, Kazakhstan, Armenia, Tajikistan and Kyrgystan have gathered in Astana for a one-day summit. (Photo by Aliia Raimbekova/) Getty Images Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan held a press conference with media representatives this week to discuss Armenia's economic and social issues, as well as the country's relationship with Russia. During the session, he also hinted at Armenia's future in the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). Formed in 1992, the CSTO was created to serve as a military alliance for countries in Eastern Europe, the Caucasus, and Central Asia. The organization, led by Russia, was seen as a successor to the Soviet-led Warsaw Pact during the Cold War. Armenia was one of the founding members of the CSTO. Since joining the organization, the Armenian military has conducted numerous training exercises and operations with the other CSTO members. The Armenians even chaired the organization in 2021. Since then, Armenia's relationship with the CSTO and Russia has faltered. Armenia accused the CSTO of failing to 'fulfill its obligations to Armenia.' The Armenians stated that the collective did not send protection during Azerbaijan's attacks in 2020 and 2023. As a result, Armenia froze its membership in the organization in February 2024. Since then, Armenia has not participated in CSTO training exercises. During the July 16 press conference, Pashinyan was asked about Armenia's future in the CSTO. The Armenian prime minister stated that it was 'more likely for Armenia to withdraw from [the CSTO] than to reactivate its membership.' Should Armenia withdraw from the CSTO, it would not be the first time a country has left the organization. For example, after joining in 1992, Azerbaijan and Georgia did not to renew their membership in 1999. Instead, these two countries chose to develop stronger relationships with other countries and organizations beyond the Russian-led CSTO. Then, in 2012, Uzbekistan withdrew from the CSTO after it claimed the collective had failed to come to its defense during a skirmish with fellow CSTO member Kyrgyzstan. Other countries have had issues with the CSTO and Russia. For example, Kazakhstan has toyed with the future of its membership. When the Russian Federation launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, the Russians turned to the CSTO for assistance. In response, the Kazakh government rejected Russia's full-scale invasion by not supporting Russian territorial gains in Ukraine. Instead, the Kazakh government sent humanitarian aid to Ukraine. Kazakh officials have also distanced themselves from Russia. For example, in October 2022, Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev opted not to hold a bilateral meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin during a summit in Kazakhstan. The episode caused Putin to state that Russia demanded respect from Kazakhstan. Then, in June 2023, Tokayev did not attend a Russian-led economic forum in St. Petersburg. Since then, Kazakh officials have begun meeting more regularly with their counterparts from the United States, the United Kingdom, and the European Union. CSTO members Belarus, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan have not been as defiant toward Russia as Armenia and Kazakhstan. But they still have had their differences. In the case of Belarus, the Belarusian military has continued to hold training exercises and engagements with Russian forces. Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko has also met with Putin frequently to discuss the economic and energy relationship between Belarus and Russia. Despite this continued interaction, Lukashenko has repeatedly denied Putin's request to send Belarusian soldiers into Ukraine. In addition, a Newsweek report stated that most Belarusian citizens oppose their country's participation in Russia's war. Similarly, several Belarusian military officers do not want to participate in Russia's war. Meanwhile, the Kyrgyzstani government has been hesitant toward its relationship with the CSTO and Russia. In October 2022, Kyrgyzstani President Sadyr skipped an economic gathering organized by the Russian Federation. Kyrgyzstan then canceled a CSTO training exercise that it was supposed to host. Additionally, the Kyrgyzstani government has not deployed soldiers to assist Russia in its war. Finally, a report by The Diplomat stated that the Kyrgyzstani government has advised citizens not to travel to Russia. Finally, like the other CSTO members, Tajikistan has opted not to send soldiers to help Russia fight in its war against Ukraine. Additionally, a report by Eurasianet found that several dual Tajik-Russian citizens have considered relinquishing their Russian nationality as they do not want to be conscripted into the Russian army. Given these developments, a sense of uneasiness is growing across the CSTO. Some members have begun distancing themselves from the Russian Federation, and two countries have openly defied the military organization. The CSTO was formed as a successor to the Warsaw Pact, but the organization is now facing serious challenges. It remains to be seen how Russia will mend its relationship with the other members so that its security collective does not falter.


JAMnews
5 days ago
- Business
- JAMnews
'If only the Azerbaijan–Nakhichevan route opens, Armenia's blockade will deepen' — Opinion
Armenian needs full lifting of blockade Intense debate continues in Armenia over the recent U.S. proposal to unblock regional transportation routes, as well as over Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan's related statements. The Prime Minister noted that if the road were to be outsourced, a company could be established to attract investment and develop the necessary infrastructure. At the same time, Pashinyan reiterated his government's own initiative — the 'Crossroads of Peace' project — stating that Armenia envisions the unblocking process within this framework, which he described as having 'tremendous investment potential.' The parliamentary opposition, however, argues that the current plan does not aim to end the blockade of Armenia, but merely to open a transport corridor connecting mainland Azerbaijan with its exclave of Nakhichevan — a move they view as yielding to demands from Azerbaijan and Turkey. 'If we do not receive guarantees and cannot be sure that the construction and launch of this road will immediately and unconditionally lead to the lifting of Armenia's blockade, then the entire discussion is meaningless. I am confident that Yerevan has conveyed this message both to neighboring governments and to its international partners,' said political analyst Areg Kochinyan in an interview with Public Television. Azerbaijan continues to demand an extraterritorial corridor — the so-called 'Zangezur Corridor' — insisting on unimpeded access without Armenian oversight. The Armenian government maintains that any unblocking must adhere to four principles: sovereignty, jurisdiction, territorial integrity, and reciprocity. During his latest press conference, Prime Minister Pashinyan addressed these principles multiple times, but made no mention of reciprocity. When pressed by a journalist, he assured that discussions are indeed being held on this basis. He added that reciprocity presents a particular challenge: 'There is a railway on Azerbaijani territory, but there is none on ours.' He emphasized that the investment component of the program is especially crucial for the Armenian side. The Nakhichevan–Azerbaijan route: Main issue or subtopic? The parliamentary opposition is under the impression that the U.S. proposal does not entail the unblocking of all regional communications. Opposition members are convinced that it concerns only the establishment of a land corridor connecting Azerbaijan with its exclave of Nakhichevan. Anna Grigoryan, a deputy from the 'Hayastan' faction, stated that Washington's proposal does not imply an end to Armenia's blockade or an expansion of its economic opportunities: 'This is merely satisfying the demands of Azerbaijan and Turkey. If we narrow the question down to whether we agree to have the road controlled by an American organization, I must ask: how did the discussion about unblocking the region come to focus on the Meghri road and who will control it?' At a press conference, journalists asked Prime Minister Pashinyan whether all roads would be unblocked simultaneously. The Prime Minister left this question unanswered. However, in March 2025, he gave a clear response on the matter. 'Connecting Azerbaijan to Nakhichevan through Armenian territory is a subtopic of the broader issue of unblocking regional transport routes. Armenia has never obstructed this matter,' Pashinyan asserted in an article dedicated to the region's unblocking. Comment According to political analyst Areg Kochinyan, the publicly available information and the Prime Minister's remarks indicate the following: 'The U.S. proposal envisions a private company receiving the right to build specific infrastructure — including highways, railroads, and gas pipelines — on designated plots of land. This would be carried out without transferring ownership of the land or altering its legal — let alone international — status. In essence, it would amount to a contractual obligation taken on by the contractor.' The second stage, he explained, would involve the operation, maintenance, and management of the infrastructure. The third stage concerns ensuring security along the road and rail lines. Kochinyan sees the proposal not only as an example of American capital investment, but as a tangible Armenian-American initiative. 'In theory, if a security firm — foreign or even local, but with Armenian ownership — were to be contracted to ensure road safety, I see no issue with that. There is nothing inherently dangerous in such an arrangement,' he said. Drawing from the Prime Minister's remarks, political analyst Areg Kochinyan concludes that no aspect of the project would fall outside the jurisdiction of Armenia's police and security services. These agencies, he says, would have full authority to intervene and 'enforce legal order' as needed. 'Moreover, as I understand it, the route will remain under Armenian customs and passport control,' he added. Kochinyan believes the proposal warrants continued discussion. He is convinced that European countries should play a role in its implementation and suggests that partner nations of Armenia. As well as other regional players, may also participate. He points to Azerbaijan's experience in carrying out large-scale infrastructure projects — including oil and gas pipelines and railways — as a relevant precedent, noting that countries such as the United States, the United Kingdom, Italy, and Japan were involved in those initiatives. 'For example, a corporation or consortium could be established, with investors first receiving certain guarantees from international financial institutions. In line with their investment shares, they would take part in governance and earn returns. This could be managed through a board of directors,' he explained. In Kochinyan's view, the American proposal is significantly more favorable and attractive for Armenia than the Russian alternative. He recalls the trilateral statement signed in November 2020, which ended the Second Karabakh War, and Moscow's subsequent interpretation of its terms: 'The Russian proposal was much stricter and more dangerous in terms of violating Armenia's borders. According to Russia's reading of the agreement, armed Russian security forces were to be stationed along the route — with FSB personnel deployed every 100 meters.' He emphasizes that the Lachin Corridor was intended to mirror the route through Meghri in Armenia's south. However, with the exodus of Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh, the geopolitical landscape has shifted. Turkey and Azerbaijan now insist on a step-by-step approach: if Armenia wishes to see its borders with Turkey and Azerbaijan reopen, then the first step must be the opening of the road linking Nakhichevan with the rest of Azerbaijan. Kochinyan is adamant that Yerevan should focus not on this single road, but on its broader 'Crossroads of Peace' project and the full unblocking of regional infrastructure: 'If this road does not automatically lead to the opening of all other routes, then the entire conversation is irrelevant for Armenia. Under such circumstances, the blockade will only deepen,' he concluded. 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EVN Report
5 days ago
- Business
- EVN Report
Marathon Press Conference, Issues of Connectivity and New Political Parties
In EVN Report's news roundup for the week of July 18: a U.S.-backed proposal to lease a 32-km stretch of Armenian territory linking Azerbaijan to Nakhichevan raises questions over sovereignty; PM Nikol Pashinyan holds a marathon press conference on regional connectivity, Armenia's EU path, the CSTO and more; and from detention, Russian-Armenian billionaire Samvel Karapetyan announces plans to launch a new political party.


Time of India
16-07-2025
- Business
- Time of India
Sworn enemies join forces against Putin — Russian TV warns Baku could taken in 72 hours
Azerbaijan and Armenia, longtime rivals, are now finding common ground. Interestingly, this common consensus is not in friendship, but in their mutual frustration with Russia. Tensions between Moscow and Baku have risen dramatically, while Armenia indicates that it may no longer trust its former ally. In the midst of rising tensions with Russia, Azerbaijan and Armenia are moving closer together, challenging Moscow's long-held influence in the South Caucasus. Explore courses from Top Institutes in Select a Course Category Healthcare Data Science Cybersecurity CXO Degree Project Management healthcare PGDM Public Policy MBA Artificial Intelligence Technology Operations Management Finance MCA Product Management Data Science Others Management Data Analytics Leadership others Digital Marketing Design Thinking Skills you'll gain: Financial Analysis in Healthcare Financial Management & Investing Strategic Management in Healthcare Process Design & Analysis Duration: 12 Weeks Indian School of Business Certificate Program in Healthcare Management Starts on Jun 13, 2024 Get Details What triggered Azerbaijan's anger toward Moscow? by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like 20 Pieces of Clothing you should Ditch over 40 Learn More Undo A series of diplomatic spats, arrests, and territorial disputes have brought Baku and Yerevan closer together, jeopardizing key Russian trade routes and weakening Russia's grip on the region. Seven citizens of the former Soviet republic were arrested in the Russian city of Yekaterinburg last month, marking the beginning of the situation. Moscow held them as part of an investigation into 25 years of mafia-style killings. Live Events ALSO READ: Reddit down app not working: Thousands affected as site struggles to stay online, issues with login failures Two Azerbaijani suspects died in custody within a few days. Others showed up in court with obvious bruises and injuries. An angry response came from Azerbaijan. Russian cultural events were canceled, a group of Russian IT workers were arrested and charged with cybercrime and drug trafficking, and the Kremlin-owned Sputnik news agency's Baku bureau was raided. Could Russia really threaten Baku with invasion? The threat that Baku could be "taken in three days" was then broadcast on Russian state television, reiterating language from prior to the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. However, the likelihood of war is low. However, the rift is real and dangerous for Moscow because Armenia is siding with its old adversary to drive Putin out of the South Caucasus after a 30-year history of bloody wars with Azerbaijan, as per a report by The Telegraph. Why are Armenia and Azerbaijan suddenly on the same page? Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan met with Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev on July 10. The subject of their direct discussions was the Zangezur Corridor , a proposed route that would connect southern Armenia with Azerbaijan and its Nakhchivan exclave. The corridor would be a part of the "Middle Corridor" trade route from China and Central Asia to Europe, fulfilling a pan-Turkic dream of physically connecting Azerbaijan with Turkey. As part of the ceasefire agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan in 2020, Russia's Federal Security Service (FSB) was supposed to keep an eye on the route. However, that agreement is now in jeopardy, though, as President Aliyev wants to remove Moscow from the agreement and give Azerbaijan complete control. Is Armenia moving away from Moscow and toward Turkey? Since Armenia and Turkey do not have formal diplomatic relations, President Pashinyan's visit to Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in Istanbul last month was a significant meeting that marked a shift in momentum. What role does the West want to play in this corridor battle? Although Armenia had previously opposed the Zangezur Corridor, Erdoğan said the country was now taking a "more flexible approach" to it. In an attempt to completely exclude Russia, the West has proposed placing the route under the control of an impartial foreign entity, such as an American or Swiss company, as per a report by The Telegraph. The relationship between Azerbaijan and Moscow has deteriorated, particularly since 2023 when Baku's lightning offensive to retake the Nagorno-Karabakh region saw Russian peacekeepers mainly stand aside. Almost all Armenians left, and Azerbaijan was charged with ethnic cleansing. Since then, President Pashinyan has leaned Western and pursued reconciliation with Baku, arguing that a hostile relationship between Armenia and Azerbaijan and Turkey threatens Armenia's long-term future. What does this mean for Russia's economic interests and trade routes? Recasting the standoff as a Western conspiracy, the Kremlin blames MI6 and Turkey for inciting unrest. Long before Yekaterinburg, Russia accidentally shot down an Azerbaijan Airlines plane last Christmas, which marked the beginning of the cracks. Given that Russia is looking for ways to circumvent Western sanctions, losing access to the corridor could have a significant negative economic impact. As it works behind the scenes to try to save its relations, Russia will continue to blame the West. FAQs Why are Azerbaijan and Russia fighting now? Azerbaijan is furious about the deaths of two of its citizens in Russian custody, as well as Moscow's overall handling of regional affairs. Are Armenia and Azerbaijan truly working together? While not allies, both countries are united in their desire to drive Russian influence out of the South Caucasus.
Yahoo
16-07-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
US has told Armenia it is ready to manage transport corridor with Azerbaijan, Armenpress reports
(Reuters) -Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said the U.S. had offered to manage a potential transport corridor that would link the bulk of Azerbaijan to an Azerbaijani exclave via Armenian territory, the Armenpress news agency reported on Wednesday. The potential corridor, which Baku is keen to secure, would run roughly 32 km (20 miles) through Armenia's southern Syunik province, linking the majority of Azerbaijan to Nakhchivan, an Azerbaijani exclave that borders Baku's ally Turkey. Azerbaijan does not want the corridor to be controlled solely by Armenia due to concerns that Yerevan could revoke access too easily. Asked at a news conference if Armenia had received a specific proposal from Washington regarding the proposed corridor, Pashinyan said: "Yes, we have received proposals from the United States," Armenpress, a state news agency, reported. The transit link is one of several stumbling blocks to a peace deal between Azerbaijan and Armenia, neighbours in the South Caucasus region who have fought a series of wars since the late 1980s and remain arch rivals. The countries said in March they had finalised a draft peace deal, but the timeline for signing it remains uncertain. Pashinyan's comments came days after the U.S. ambassador to Turkey, Tom Barrack, said that Washington has proposed taking over the planned transit corridor. "They're arguing over 32 kilometres of road, but this is no joke. It's been going on for a decade – 32 kilometres of road," Barrack told reporters in New York last Friday, according to a State Department readout. "So what happens is America comes in and says, 'Okay, we'll take it over. Give us the 32 kilometres of road on a hundred-year lease, and you can all share it." Solve the daily Crossword