Latest news with #Nishads
Indian Express
9 hours ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
NISHAD party demands national memorial at Kanpur ghat
The Nishad Party, a BJP ally in Uttar Pradesh, demanded that the Satti Chaura Ghat in Kanpur be declared a National Memorial. The demand comes in remembrance of the 1857 incident where British forces allegedly massacred people from the Nishad community at the same ghat, and the party is marking the anniversary as 'Smriti and Sankalpa Diwas' for Nishads. 'We will rewrite with our blood the history that is not written in books,' said party chief and minister Sanjay Nishad, adding the ghat is a witness to the sacrifice and first spark of freedom by Nishad community. He said Satti Chaura Ghat be declared a national memorial and the Criminal Tribes Act of 1871 be included in school syllabus to educate future generations about their ancestors.
Time of India
10 hours ago
- Politics
- Time of India
‘Satti Chaura, Massacre Ghat should be declared national monuments'
1 2 Kanpur: Minister of fisheries and national president of the Nishad Party Sanjay Kumar Nishad, stated that this river bank is not just the edge of the Ganga, but is a witness to the sacrifices, bravery, and the first spark of freedom of the country by the Nishad community. "In 1857, Nishad boatmen drowned the British in the Ganga here, shaking the foundations of British rule. In retaliation, hundreds of Nishads were hanged without trial at the Massacre Ghat, and in 1871, the Criminal Tribes Act labelled the Nishad community as 'born criminals,' and humiliated them," said Sanjay Nishad while addressing a gathering in a programme organized in the memory and on the occasion of the Resolution Day of the Nishad community at Satti Chaura Ghat on Friday. Sanjay Nishad said, "Today, we are fighting our battle through the Constitution, pen, and vote to ensure separate reservations for the Nishad community." He demanded that Satti Chaura and Massacre Ghat be declared as national monuments and that the truth about the Criminal Tribes Act be included in school curriculum, emphasizing that Nishad children should learn about their ancestors' bravery to instil pride and prepare future generations for leadership. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Избавляемся от боли в суставах с помощью натуральных средств! Здоровые Суставы Undo The Nishad community leader detailed various welfare schemes initiated by the Central and the state govts for the upliftment of the fishing community, such as the Pradhan Mantri Matsya Sampada Yojana, Mukhya Mantri Matsya Sampada Yojana, Fishermen Accident Insurance Scheme, Kisan Credit Card, Intensive Fish Farming Aeration System, Nishad Raj Boat Scheme, Mata Suketa Cage System, and Fish Farmer Welfare Fund. These schemes are being transparently delivered to the community, with pond and reservoir leases being prioritised for the Nishad community, and the government is fully committed to removing illegal encroachments and protecting water resources, he added. Regarding the Etawah Katha Vachak controversy, the minister condemned the incident as highly reprehensible, and said that the Indian Constitution grants all citizens equal rights to perform and conduct religious rituals, and no caste can be deprived of this. When asked about the removal of the words 'socialist' and 'secular' from the Constitution, he remarked that any constitutional amendment requires a parliamentary majority, questioning the basis on which the Congress had added these words during the Emergency when democracy was nearly suspended. He suggested that there should be a debate in Parliament on this issue, and if the words are deemed necessary by it, they should remain; otherwise, they should be removed. "In a democracy, no amendment can be made without collective consent of the people and Parliament," he said.
Indian Express
a day ago
- General
- Indian Express
From margins to political mobilisation: The story of the Nishad community
The story of the 'Nishad' community occupies an important place in the socio-economic and political landscape of north India. It illustrates how people from different jatis have come together to forge a common identity to bolster their numerical strength and translate it into political power. Nishads, also known as 'Gangaputras', comprise boatmen, fishermen, and net makers whose livelihoods are centred around rivers and water bodies. Although members of the community are known by different names in different regions, like Kaibartas in Assam and Jaliya Kaibartas in West Bengal, the term 'Nishad' has emerged as an umbrella identity among members belonging to different sub-castes or jatis in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. The Nishad community includes 22 sub-subcastes, including the Mallahs, Binds, Manjhis, Kewats, Kashyaps, Turhas, Majhwas, Bathams, Beldars, Chaiye, and Tiyar, among others. They are classified as Other Backward Classes (OBC) in Uttar Pradesh and Extremely Backward Castes (EBC) in Bihar. Traditionally, they are associated with fishing, boating, and riverbank agriculture. In rural Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, many Nishads are also engaged in daily-wage labour such as sand mining/dredging and manual work. Migration to metros such as Mumbai and Delhi in search of employment is common. In cities like Prayagraj and Varanasi, where rivers and ghats are vital to the economy, the community is engaged in boating and religious tourism. The term Nishad began gaining prominence in the early twentieth century as part of a broader effort to forge a collective caste identity for members belonging to different sub-castes. According to the 2023 caste-based census of Bihar, the Nishads make up approximately 9.6% of the state's total population, spread across regions like north Bihar and Mithilanchal, especially in districts such as Muzaffarpur, Darbhanga, Vaishali, Madhubani, Jhanjharpur, Supaul, Samastipur, Begusarai, Munger, and Motihari. Their demographic strength, coupled with geographical spread, enables them to exert considerable influence in a large number of electoral constituencies across the state. It is this numerical strength that the community now seeks to transform into political mobilisation. Across North India, the development or nurturing of political consciousness among marginalised communities has been a gradual process, shaped over decades, where events like the Mungeri Lal Commission in the 1970s, the Mandal Commission in the 1980s, and the post-Mandal politics in the 1990s have acted as catalysts to hasten this process of political awakening. Colonial roots Despite their numbers, the Nishads remain among India's most socio-economically disadvantaged communities. A key reason is the colonial classification of certain sub-castes — such as Mallahs (the most dominant among the Nishads) — as criminal tribes under the British colonial Criminal Tribes Act of 1871. As cultural anthropologist Assa Doron writes in her book Life on the Ganga: Boatmen and the Ritual Economy of Banaras (2013), 'The Mallah caste was listed as a criminal tribe under the Criminal Tribes Act. Notifying certain groups as such under the Act had important implications.' Such a classification allowed the state to 'resettle those notified under it, in other words, to impinge upon and actively reshape and mould the existence of the notified tribes, amplified their social marginalization, for any interaction with such groups could be seen as breach of the law.' (ibid.) This classification not only stigmatised the community but also restricted their negotiating powers, leading to further marginalisation. The 'stigma' of being referred to as the 'criminal tribe' was finally lifted in 1952, five years after India gained independence from British rule. Reclaiming history through Ramayana and Mahabharata The stigma attached to the modes of colonial governance had a deep influence on how the community decided to rewrite its history. In the post-Mandal era of the 1990s, many caste journals emerged in the Hindi heartland, aiming to narrate history through the lens of marginalised communities. One such caste journal, Nishad Jyoti, invokes a mythological past, where the Nishads were portrayed as prosperous and were second to none in terms of wealth, opulence, and knowledge. Intellectuals from the Nishad community, such as Lotan Ram Nishad, who edited Nishad Jyoti, sought to link the mythological past with a historical lineage, an attempt that is commonly visible in the rewriting of several caste-history narratives prevalent among the marginalised backward castes. As Doron writes, 'Mythical stories are a common part of the Nishad identity which reinforce the narrative as imagined evidence for their dignified status in the past and how the injustices they are suffering in the present are due to particular high castes like brahmins who want to deny them their exalted status in history.' These journals frequently reference the Hindu epics like the Mahabharata and Ramayana. Figures like Satyavati and Eklavya from the Mahabharata and Guharaj Nishad from the Ramayana are portrayed as central characters whose roles were crucial in shaping the course of these stories. These accounts emphasise that these figures are not mere footnotes, but pivotal protagonists whose actions significantly influenced the epics' trajectories. For example, it was Satyavati's fisherman father, Dashraja, who forced Bhishma to pledge celibacy for life to protect the interests of the children born out of his daughter and Bhishma's father, Shantanu's marriage, who eventually went on to become the Kauravas and the Pandavas. Similarly, in the Ramayana, Maharaj Guharaj Nishad or Nishad Raj Guha, is depicted as a king of the Nishad community, who was not only a contemporary and compatriot of Lord Rama but was also his friend or 'bal mitr'. He is celebrated as an equal contemporary of Rama, with his kingdom near modern-day Prayagraj, Uttar Pradesh. A statue of Guharaj Nishad embracing Lord Ram in Shringverpur today symbolises this bond and has also been promoted for political mobilisation among the Nishad community. Nishads refer to these narratives of their caste history, closely embedded in Hindu mythology, as a source of authority for their claim to respectable social status as well as to challenge ideological domination and to affirm their legitimacy to conduct rituals at ghats, which are dominated by Brahmin priests or pandas. From oppression to political mobilisation The re-telecast of the Ramayana on television during the Covid-19 lockdown in 2020 and ahead of the 2022 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections, gave the Bharatiya Janata Party and various religious organisations working among the Nishad community an opportunity to leverage the symbolism of Kevatraj or Guharaj Nishad for political mobilisation, using slogans like, 'Guharaj Nishad ne ram ki naiyya paar lagayi thi, aap log (nishad ke vashanj) humaari naav paar lagaiye (Your ancestors helped Lord Rama cross the river, now you as their follower must help us (who uphold the name of Lord Rama) cross this (electoral) river).' However, long before this wave of Hinduised mobilisation, it was the Samajwadi Party under Mulayam Singh Yadav that played a key role in nurturing and bringing a distinct political consciousness to the Nishad community in the 1990s. In the post-Mandal phase of politics in the Hindi heartland, when political parties were looking for subaltern symbols of leadership, Yadav elevated the surrendered bandit Phoolan Devi, who belonged to the Bind caste, as a symbol of resistance against patriarchy and the hegemony of the Thakurs (upper castes). The Samajwadi Party took back all cases registered against her and brought her into the political mainstream of Uttar Pradesh, forging a strong connection with large sections of the Nishad community, who saw in her not only a caste kin but also a symbol of resilience and resistance against upper-caste oppression. Before the advent of the Hinduised political mobilisation, the Nishad community found its political consciousness in the framework of subaltern politics challenging the pre-existing mechanisms of upper caste dominance. The future In a society embedded with deep-rooted caste-based fault lines, the Nishads continue to face suppression. For instance, in 2022, authorities in Uttar Pradesh were accused of destroying several boats of the Nishad community members near Prayagraj, based on allegations of illegal sand-dredging in the Yamuna. The idea of political mobilisation among the community is emerging to challenge such injustices. Like other backward castes with a significant numerical strength, the Nishads aspire to find the strength to be able to create an identity akin to what Benedict Anderson calls 'imagined community'. Though the community has engaged in politics since the 1950s, people like Lotan Ram Nishad argue that the community has not seen any significant transformation in their economic, social, or political conditions. However, the emergence of political parties like the Nishad Party and the Vikassheel Insaan Party indicates a shift in the community's political preferences. Further Readings: Assa Doron, Life on the Ganga: Boatmen and the Ritual Economy of Banaras, 2013. Assa Doron, Caste Away: Subaltern Engagement with the Modern Indian State, Journal of Modern Asian Studies, 2010. Rama Shanker Singh, Nadi Putra: Uttar Bharat mein Nishad aur Nadi, 2022. Sarthak Bagchi, Understanding Small Caste-Based Parties in India, 2019
Time of India
3 days ago
- Politics
- Time of India
EC allots polls symbols to three parties
Patna: Election Commission (EC) allotted poll symbols to three parties—Jan Suraaj, Vikassheel Insaan Party (VIP) and Rashtriya Lok Morcha (RLM). An official letter in this regard was issued on Tuesday. According to the EC's letter, Jan Suraaj of poll strategist Prashant Kishor was allotted the "school bag" symbol, while VIP, led by former minister Mukesh Sahani, got the old poll symbol of a "boat with man and sail". RLM, which is headed by Rajya Sabha member Upendra Kushwaha, was allotted "gas cylinder". A spokesperson of Jan Suraaj said the party had got the school bag symbol during the bypolls to four assembly seats in the state and requested the poll body to give it permanently. Similarly, the VIP also got its original symbol. The VIP had fought the 2024 Lok Sabha elections on the 'ladies purse' symbol. "This is a major victory for the VIP. The EC has once again returned our election symbol, the 'boat mark'. This is a triumph of our trust and struggle" the party said in a statement. It added that the boat symbol is not just an election symbol but the voice of lakhs of Nishads.
Indian Express
18-06-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
UP Congress in-charge: ‘Alliance with SP in place but we are prepared for all 403 seats … nobody should take us for granted'
Though the Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections are almost a couple of years away, all the major parties in the state are making a move for the vote of the Other Backward Classes (OBCs), with the Congress reaching out to the Most Backward Class (MBCs) communities such as Nishads, Prajapatis, Kumhars, and Rajbhars. On June 14, the Opposition party launched a one-month campaign to this end. The All India Congress Committee (AICC) general secretary in charge of UP, Avinash Pande, flagged off the 'Bhagidari Nyaya Campaign' that will include awareness campaigns in villages and urban areas, and outreach to students and the youth. The party plans to reach out to the OBC youth between July 1 and 14, timing it with the college admission period. In an interview, Pande discusses what the party wishes to achieve through this one-month initiative, its efforts to rebuild in UP, the alliance with Samajwadi Party (SP), and why the Congress is preparing for all 403 Assembly seats. The aim is to dedicate this year to rebuilding the party before moving ahead. Several experiments are taking place, with the idea to rebuild in a proper, structured manner by fixing the responsibility of each and every member. The first phase of 100 days is currently ongoing, and we are confident it will be completed by August 15. Once this process is over, we will have identified and connected with 23 lakh office bearers and workers, who will be given party posts right from the booth level and panchayats to the Assembly level. Through this exercise, we are identifying faces who can be probable candidates for the future, even at the panchayat ward, Nagar Parishad ward member level. The idea is to have a panel of names ready at all levels, who can be considered for contesting polls at different levels. Once completed, our teams will have two segments, one an elected force that will be considered for elections and another for organisational posts. There may be about 20% overlap as well. Yes, panchayat, Nagar Parishad, Nagar Palika, we have decided to contest all these elections alone. By August 15, we will be able to have a panel of potential candidates, who will not just be probable candidates but also responsible office-bearers. We are prepared for all 403 (Assembly seats). Keeping the interest of the state, its people, and party workers in mind, the Congress decides at the time of the election. But nobody should take us for granted. If the Congress does not get respect and the desire of its workers is not respected, we want to be prepared for all 403 seats. The alliance (with SP) is definitely in place. It is normally monitored and nurtured by the national leadership, and we follow their instructions. But depending on the views of the state unit, we take decisions, like in the case of the panchayat elections. However, it is our moral responsibility and duty to prepare for the 403 Assembly seats. We want to make it clear that if we are making sacrifices and leaving seats, it is only to defeat the BJP and for the welfare of the state. Since the Congress was born, its sole motto has been to work for OBCs, the most backward, Dalits, Adivasis, and minorities. Rahul Gandhi went on an all-India yatra for social justice and he is of the opinion that communities should get representation as per their number. The SP came to this later, but the OBCs have always been on the agenda of the Congress. We are working on the formula of 'paanch tatva (five elements)' while rebuilding the state unit. That is why it is taking time, and such long deliberations are going on. This means I will not give clearance to any committee unless 60% of the office-bearers and rank-holders are either Dalit, tribal, minority, OBC, or women. Along with this, we are also ensuring that 50% of the office-bearers are below 50 years. After August 15. We are working on a new format in which office-bearers will not be decided first. They will first be given tasks and their activities will be monitored. Based on their performances, they will be given posts and responsibilities.
