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Charter Signed By Hundreds Of Muslim Scholars Supports Hamas' October 7 Attack On Israel: It Was Jihad Against The Infidels; Israel Has No Right To Exist And Agreements With It Lack Religious Validity
Charter Signed By Hundreds Of Muslim Scholars Supports Hamas' October 7 Attack On Israel: It Was Jihad Against The Infidels; Israel Has No Right To Exist And Agreements With It Lack Religious Validity

Memri

time10-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Memri

Charter Signed By Hundreds Of Muslim Scholars Supports Hamas' October 7 Attack On Israel: It Was Jihad Against The Infidels; Israel Has No Right To Exist And Agreements With It Lack Religious Validity

Amid the diplomatic efforts to reach a ceasefire agreement between Israel and Hamas and the criticism heard around the world regarding Hamas' conduct, on June 27, 2025 hundreds of religious scholars and clerics from across the Muslim world held a conference in Istanbul, Turkey and issued the 'Charter of the Islamic Nation's Religious Scholars regarding the Al-Aqsa Flood and Its Implications.' The goals of the charter are to give religious sanction to Hamas' conduct; establish the religious legitimacy of its October 7, 2023 attack on Israel ('Operation Al-Aqsa Flood'), in which about 1,200 people were murdered and 240 were taken hostage, and of the subsequent war with Israel, and to reject the calls to disarm Hamas. Signed so far by 39 organizations and unions of religious scholars and by 350 individual clerics from around the Muslim world, the charter states, similarly to the ideology of the Hamas movement itself,[1] that the conflict with Israel is a religious one between Muslims and infidels, and that Hamas' 'resistance' against Israel constitutes 'jihad for the sake of Allah.' According to the charter, Palestine 'from the river to the sea' and 'from Ras Naqoura [in the north] to Umm Al-Rashrash [in the south]' – namely all of Israel's territory – is Islamic land, and that anyone who gives up any part of it is a traitor. The Jews, it says, have no right to Palestine or any part of it; their control of it is occupation by an infidel enemy and therefore jihad against this is a religious duty. Seeking to rebuff the harsh criticism voiced against Hamas for its October 7 attack and for the heavy cost of the war that broke out as a result of the attack, the charter declares that 'the Al-Aqsa Flood was a link in the continuous chain of defensive jihad against the occupying Zionists and against the British and the Americans,' and that the price paid by the Gazans is just evidence of their "righteous faith and sacrifice.' The charter emphasizes that the jihad fighters are "the best of the believers," and that the religion forbids to doubt the righteousness of their jihad or criticize them in times of war. Furthermore, the charter rejects the calls to disarm Hamas as part of an arrangement in Gaza, stating that it is a "religious duty" to "obtain and prepare strength in all its forms" and that the demand to disarm Hamad is "treason against Allah, His Prophet and the believers" and "fulfills the goals of the enemies of the faith." The charter exhorts the Muslim nation – including the clerics, rulers, capitalists, media figures and academics – to assist the jihad fighters in Gaza in every way, by fighting and by providing them with weapons, funds, advocacy and support. Finally, it highlights the necessity of educating the younger generation to wage jihad for the sake of Allah. An examination of the signatories to the charter reveals that many of them are senior members of the International Union of Muslim Scholars (IUMS). Based in Doha and backed by the Qatari and Turkish regimes, the IUMS constitutes an arm of these regimes that spreads an extremist anti-Western Islamist ideology and constantly incites terror, jihad and antisemitism.[2] Since the October 7 attack the IUMS has been unreserved in its support for Hamas and its terrorism.[3] Moreover, in March 2025 the IUMS sparked controversy in the Muslims world when it issued a fatwa (religious ruling) calling on Muslims and Islamic countries to embark on jihad against Israel, presenting this as a religious duty incumbent on all believers. Dar Al-Ifta, Egypt's official fatwa-issuing body, described this fatwa as "an irresponsible call that contradicts the principles of shari'a."[4] In keeping with the IUMS's ideology, the organization's website posted an approving report on the charter, which endorsed it and described it as "a comprehensive religious document… that presents a well-grounded religious perception in response to the propaganda that distorts and casts doubts [on the truth]. The charter," it added, "reflects a new uprising by the nation's religious scholars, through which they voice the truth, enhance awareness, awaken the conscience, renew the covenant [to advance] the nation's causes, chief of them the Palestinian cause… and provide the nation with a [moral] compass…"[5] Some of the conference participants and charter signatories (Image: June 27, 2025) This report presents the content of the 'Charter of the Islamic Nation's Religious Scholars regarding the Al-Aqsa Flood and Its Implications.' The Purpose Of The Charter: Establishing The Religious Legitimacy Of Hamas' Positions In Light Of Criticism Against It In The Arab And Muslim World The drafting of a charter that supports Hamas and grants religious sanction to its military activities reflects the initiators' desire to defend this movement at the present time – when its standing in the Arab and Islamic world is suffering due to the heavy toll paid by the Gazans for the movement's terror attack and for its insistence on continuing the war against Israel. Abd Al-Hay Yousuf, chairman of the Charter Committee and a member of the IUMS,[6] spoke of the "urgent need" to "refute the doubts raised by the liars and the campaigns that harm the heroic jihad fighters."[7] In recent months, there has been growing criticism of Hamas in the Arab and Islamic world, primarily from liberals but also from religious figures, including some Salafi ones, as well as from locals in Gaza, who have condemned Hamas' decision to launch the attack, claiming it was neither legitimate nor justified in light of the heavy loss of life and damage to property inflicted on the Gaza Strip. Some even called on Hamas to cede power and lay down its arms in order to save what is still salvageable in Gaza.[8] This is in addition to the aforementioned dispute between Egypt's Dar Al-Ifta, the country's official fatwa-issuing body, and the IUMS, which called on Muslims to wage jihad against Israel. The preamble to the charter explicitly acknowledges that there is a lack of consensus in the Arab and Islamic world regarding the legitimacy of Hamas' attack. It clarifies that the purpose of the charter is 'to unify the religious discourse on the issue of Palestine, especially regarding the Al-Aqsa Flood, its implications and its consequences. This is in order to consolidate a religious perception of the matter that strengthens the hearts of the faithful, refutes the rumors spread by biased [parties], and informs the Muslim rulers and scholars, and the entire nation, of their religious responsibility to support the jihad fighters, rescue the people of Palestine and liberate the Muslim holy sites.' To give the charter additional weight, its authors declare that it is "based on a collective religious effort through meetings and discussions with institutions of religious scholars and several senior clerics, and with attention to their comments. The preparation, review and final drafting of the charter involved religious scholars from several countries, as well as qualified experts, and it was signed by religious bodies and associations and by jurisprudential organizations, in the hope that the nation will rally behind it and that every Muslim will fulfill his duty to support [the people of Gaza], according to his ability..." Basic Terms Defined In The Charter's Preamble: 'Resistance' Means Any Jihad Against Israel; 'The Zionist Narrative' Is The False Claim That The Jews Have A Right To Palestine The charter's preamble defines some of the basic terms used in the document. For example, it clarifies that the term "Al-Aqsa Flood" refers not only to Hamas' October 7 attack but to all the months of war that followed it, and that the objective of the struggle against Israel is not just to effect an Israeli withdrawal from the Gaza Strip but to remove Israel from the region, i.e., to eliminate it. The preamble says: "Resistance: any jihad or effort to drive the aggression off the soil of Palestine. "The [Al-Aqsa] Flood is the October 7, 2023 campaign, and the confrontations between the jihad fighters and the occupiers that came after it. "Defensive jihad [jihad al-daf'][9]: efforts invested by [devoting] one's soul, property, tongue and every [other] means to repelling the occupying enemy and its aggression, present and future… "Palestine: one of the geographically- and historically-significant areas of the blessed land of Al-Sham [Greater Syria]… It is located in the southeastern part of the Mediterranean [basin]. Its capital is the entire city of Jerusalem and its area is 27,027 square kilometers…[10] "The occupied lands: all of Palestine, as well as the adjacent territories that the Zionists occupied from Syria, Lebanon, Jordan and Egypt… "The Zionist entity: the racist entity that replaced [Palestine] and is expanding, is hostile to humanity and usurps Palestine and its vicinity… "Zionism: a secret political-ideological organization with expansionist ambitions whose objective is to establish an entity for the Jews in Palestine and its vicinity so as to enhance [Zionism's] regional and international influence. [A Zionist is] anyone who espouses the [Zionist] idea and serves it, including non-Jews. "The Zionist narrative: the false Zionist media narrative that is based on the claim regarding the historical and political right to establish a national home for Jewish communities on the soil of Palestine…" Poster advertising the charter ( June 27, 2025) Palestine Is Islamic Land "From The River To The Sea"; Israel Is Illegitimate, Jihad Against It Is A Duty The first chapter of the charter, titled "The Islamic Position on the Occupation of Palestine and on the Zionist Entity," stipulates that all of Israel's territory is Islamic land, and therefore that Israel is illegitimate and the Muslims are obligated to fight it until it is eliminated. The chapter also states that the resolutions recognizing Israel issued by the UN and other international bodies are null and void, and that peace and normalization agreements signed with it by several Arab states are likewise invalid because they imply recognition of Israel's existence. Moreover, the charter labels as a "traitor" anyone who is willing to concede any portion of this land as part of an agreement. The charter says: "Palestine is Islamic from the river to the sea, from Ras Naqoura [in the north] to Umm Al-Rashrash [in the south], including Jerusalem and its environs; this has been the case since the Prophet Muhammad made his Night Journey [to Jerusalem] and descended from it to heaven, [and will remain the case] until Allah inherits the earth and everything in it. "Islam is the identity of Jerusalem and Palestine, and Jerusalem is part of the Muslims' identity and is at the heart of the Islamic lands. Therefore, when an infidel takes control of [Palestine] and occupies it or any part of it, the Quran, the Sunna and ijma' [the consensus of Islamic scholars] obligate waging jihad against him. Nobody, no matter what his identity, is entitled to relinquish any part of Palestine's territory or abandon even an inch of it. Anyone who does so is a traitor; that is the consensus of the Muslim scholars. Jihad is incumbent upon the people of Palestine in particular and upon the Muslims in general, especially the clerics and the rulers, so as to liberate the [Muslims'] land, the [destination of] their Prophet's Night Journey [i.e., Jerusalem], and their prisoners…" The charter proclaims that the Palestinian refugees' right of return is permanent and irrevocable: "The return of the people of Palestine to their land and the land of their fathers and forefathers, from which they were displaced, is a right and a duty that cannot be revoked on the grounds of the time that has elapsed and cannot be waived or [exchanged for] compensation, under any circumstances… The Zionist entity [Israel] is illegitimate from a shari'a perspective and lacks any legal basis. Resistance against it is a duty anchored in divine law, as well as in international laws and rules. The gangs of usurping Jews have no right to Palestine or to any part of it." The charter states further that the normalization agreements signed with Israel by several Arab countries "do not invalidate the duty of waging jihad and resistance against it. [Such an agreement] is a baseless contract lacking any religious impact that does not in any way obligate the [Muslim] nation or the peoples of those countries…" The Al-Aqsa Flood Was A Duty Carried Out On Behalf Of Islam; Those Who Carried It Out Deserve Our Support The charter's second chapter, titled "Principles of Shari'a Discourse regarding the Al-Aqsa Flood," discusses the legitimacy of Hamas' October 7, 2023 terror attack and its implications, seeking to rebuff the criticism voiced against Hamas in the Islamic world after this attack. The chapter first outlines the criteria for a valid religious ruling: it must be grounded in the Islamic sources, namely the Quran, the Prophet's Sunna and the consensus of religious scholars; it must not reflect the aspirations of the rulers, and its benefits must outweigh its costs, based on a calculation that considers both religious principles and pragmatic ones. Based on these principles, the charter states that "those who wage jihad for the sake of Allah – chief of them the jihad fighters in Jerusalem and its environs – are the best of the believers, who carry out this duty on behalf of the [Muslim] nation, and [therefore] they deserve loyalty, assistance and praise. [We must] advertise their virtues and achievements and reject the suspicions raised [against them] by ignorant or biased people. Raising doubts regarding the jihad of the jihad fighters and spreading them in the media and among the public is an act of impaired people who abandon [others in time of need] and avoid fulfilling their duties." The charter stresses: "No cleric or preacher may prevent people from coming to the aid of the jihad fighters, [nor is permitted to] harm them or draw attention, in public and in times of war, to errors they made in matters of jurisprudence. The [correct] approach is to dispense advice in a friendly matter, in the suitable circumstances." The Al-Aqsa Flood Was Defensive Jihad That Does Not Require The Approval Of A Ruler; The Victims Of The War Will Be Rewarded By Allah The third chapter, titled "The Al-Aqsa Flood in the Scales of the Shari'a," addresses the claim that the October 7 attack was unjustified in light of the heavy price paid by the people of Gaza. The chapter begins by stating that the attack was defensive jihad, which does not require the approval of a ruler or for the attackers to be equal in strength to the enemy. It says: "The Al-Aqsa Flood was a link in the continuous chain of defensive jihad against the occupying Zionists and against the British, the Americans and others who have enabled them to [consolidate their presence in Palestine] for over a century… This is defensive jihad, [and embarking on it] does not require the approval of a ruler, a father or a husband, or [a state of] parity with the enemy in terms of manpower or gear. It was an organized collective action based on the decisions of the jihad fighters' leadership, and the condition [for its validity] was that all possible preparations had been made… The charter goes on to state: "The heavy price paid by the people of Gaza in the Al-Aqsa Flood war is no cause for regret or for a mental breakdown. On the contrary, it is a sign of righteous faith and great sacrifice. They sacrificed their lives and their property for the sake of Allah and fulfilled their sincere pledge of loyalty to Almighty God. Their reward is from Allah, Who honors those who give everything [they have] and grants bounty to those who give of themselves…" The charter enjoins all Muslims, both rulers and subjects, to assist the jihad fighters in Gaza "with their lives, their wealth, their minds and their tongues, and not to make this assistance conditional upon being consulted…" The charter also holds the Muslim rulers responsible for withholding help from the jihad fighters and the people of Gaza, because the rulers "possess considerable military gear that fills their warehouses, purchased with vast sums of money belonging to the Muslims. They are [therefore] responsible before Allah for every drop of blood spilled and for all property and homes destroyed…" Taking Up Arms Is A Duty; Calling On The Resistance To Disarm Is Treason Against Allah Titled "Expulsion, Disarmament of the Resistance, and Starvation," the fourth chapter of the charter comes out against the calls to disarm Hamas and to expel the people of Gaza. The chapter proclaims it a "religious duty" to "obtain and prepare strength in all its forms in order to prevent aggression by the infidels against the Muslim lands, defend the [Muslims'] holy places, land, lives and property, and prevent their expulsion." It adds that "the shari'a prohibits every Muslim, both rulers and subjects, from demanding the disarmament of the resistance… [On the contrary], the resistance must be armed and provided with every means of power." The charter states that any demand of this sort constitutes "treason against Allah, His Prophet and the believers; a conspiracy against the Palestinian cause; abandonment of the Muslim holy sites, and a fulfillment of the goals of the enemies of the faith." Moreover, "the resistance forces must not heed the demand to disarm, for that would lead to great corruption, allow the enemy to achieve his aim for free, and [constitute an act of] willful self-destruction…" The Islamic Nation Must Support The Palestinian Jihad And Raise All Its Sons To Wage Jihad Having set out the religious justification for the October 7 terror attack, the charter outlines the Muslims' obligations towards those who carried it out, addressing different sectors: clerics, rulers, capitalists, academics, legal experts, media figures and the nation at large. Clerics must "encourage the people to wage jihad and prepare for it, clarify how the shari'a regards the war against the Zionists and their allies, and inform the people about the laws of jihad and of assisting jihad…" The charter exhorts them to condemn fellow clerics "who lie, as well as faithful clerics who err or misunderstand some aspects of the Al-Aqsa Flood," and urges them to "mobilize all sectors of the nation and all of its resources to support the jihad fighters and aid the Palestinian cause in every way…" The rulers must support the "Palestinian jihad fighters" in every way, both directly, with "the manpower, weapons and funds at their disposal," and indirectly, through international organizations. They must sever all relations and contacts with the "criminal Zionist enemy," for such contacts "lack religious validity" – otherwise they will be punished by Allah. The rulers must also allow the people "to support their brethren, the jihad fighters, and those around them," and "make it possible to train the [younger] generation for jihad, recruit young people to wage jihad for the sake of Allah, and liberate the Islamic holy sites." They are also warned against "tying the hands of the faithful clerics and preachers and preventing them from performing their duty of educating people to jihad…" Capitalists must give of their wealth to the jihad fighters and provide them with all the weapons they need, while bearing in mind that this does not come at the expense of zakat.[11] Media figures must devote their efforts and use their influence in the media and social media to advocate for the jihad fighters in Gaza and Palestine. They must praise and exalt the jihad fighters' actions in order to foster Muslim support for them and fight "the false Zionist narrative about the Al-Aqsa Flood war." Academics and legal experts must boycott any academic, cultural or media activity that "advocates normalization with the Zionist enemy, encourages it or involves Zionist participation." They must also encourage student movements that support the Palestinian cause and the Al-Aqsa war; conduct studies on the Al-Aqsa war and all its aspects, ramifications and regional and international implications, in ways that serves the plan of liberating Palestine from the filth of the occupiers"; file lawsuits against companies and bodies that "collaborate with the Zionist entity or support it"; clarify the legal non-validity of normalization agreements with the "Zionist entity" and file lawsuits against these agreements, and take part in legal action against Israel in the international courts, such as the International Criminal Court in the Hague or the International Court of Justice. The entire nation must "raise its children on the principle of jihad and sacrifice, and teach them the history of the Palestinian cause and the stories of jihad and of the jihad fighters…"[12] * Y. Yehoshua is MEMRI Vice President for Research; N. Mozes is a research fellow at MEMRI.

US-Israeli plans for the region - World - Al-Ahram Weekly
US-Israeli plans for the region - World - Al-Ahram Weekly

Al-Ahram Weekly

time03-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Al-Ahram Weekly

US-Israeli plans for the region - World - Al-Ahram Weekly

Could a permanent ceasefire in Gaza pave the way for a comprehensive regional settlement Following the conclusion of the 12-day war between Israel and Iran, optimism is growing about the possibility of an end to the Israeli war on Gaza. Ceasefire negotiations had earlier reached deadlock due to the conflicting parties' insistence on specific conditions. However, the current discussions about a potential deal extend beyond a ceasefire in Gaza, falling within a broader regional framework that, according to reports, includes expanding the so-called 'Abraham Accords' between Israel and the Arab countries to include Syria, Lebanon, and Saudi Arabia. If such Accords are signed, this would mean Hamas' failure in halting normalisation with Israel in the region, which it has been promoting as a key objective of its Operation Al-Aqsa Flood, launched on 7 October 2023. There are indications, however, that the geopolitical environment in the region is not conducive to such a transformation, and there are few signs that its implementation is feasible in this form. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's coming visit to Washington is expected to include meetings on a Gaza deal. Several indicators suggest that the US is considering not only ending the war on Gaza but also integrating it into a broader regional settlement. Israel's Yedioth Ahronoth newspaper has reported that US President Donald Trump threatened to suspend aid to Israel in a post on Truth Social if efforts to prosecute Netanyahu on corruption charges continue, arguing that such a trial would harm Israel and the interests of the US. If anything, this means that Netanyahu is willing to fully engage with Trump's regional plan. According to this narrative, the next steps would involve working to end the Gaza war, followed by early Israeli elections aimed at replacing Netanyahu's extremist allies with figures more open to participating in future settlements. Netanyahu does not appear apprehensive about such early elections, especially with his popularity rising since the 12-day war with Iran. Prior to this war, his approval ratings had declined in favour of competitor Naftali Bennett, prompting Netanyahu to undertake a political manoeuvre to prevent the Haredim Party from dissolving the Knesset. Leaks related to the US plan for the region indicate Israel's willingness to relinquish positions it occupied in southern Syria following the fall of the regime of former Syrian president Bashar Al-Assad in December. However, questions remain regarding the fate of Mount Hermon, which Tel Aviv considers a strategic location. This scenario would be contingent on Israel retaining control of the Occupied Golan Heights, ultimately paving the way for normalisation with Syria. The problem here is that Syria will not be able to reclaim sovereignty over the Golan, which would be unacceptable at the popular level in a country still grappling with instability after the collapse of the former Baathist regime. Other sources have suggested that the Golan Heights could be transformed into a 'peace park,' with no mention of the issue of final sovereignty. According to the Hebrew-language channel i24NEWS, the war between Israel and Iran has contributed to a rapprochement between Damascus and Tel Aviv, after Syria allowed Israeli aircraft to use its airspace during its operations. Some of these operations, according to the Israeli media, were launched from Syrian territory, against the backdrop of tensions between Iran and Syria following the fall of the former Syrian regime. As for Lebanon, also included on the normalisation agenda, the areas seized by Israel during its war with Hizbullah raise questions about the path of normalisation with Beirut. The Lebanese government says that Israel's presence in these areas hinders the implementation of the ceasefire agreement with Hizbullah. However, Lebanon's ongoing economic crisis may push it towards accepting a framework that guarantees land border demarcation with Israel or facilitates access to an International Monetary Fund (IMF) loan. These incentives, along with a broader package, could be sufficient to advance Israel's normalisation process with Lebanon. On Hizbullah's position on normalisation, security and political developments in the region following the Operation Al-Aqsa Flood suggest that the group's influence has waned militarily and politically. Leaks have mentioned the possibility of integrating Hizbullah into the Lebanese Army, though the feasibility of this remains uncertain. Meanwhile, Israel remains active on the northern front. According to Israeli military assessments, its army still needs additional time to address threats from the north. Regarding normalisation with Saudi Arabia, Riyadh has repeatedly stated that normalisation with Israel will not be on the table without a clear political horizon for resolving the Palestinian cause. Netanyahu's office, according to Israeli media, continues to deny the existence of any talks between Israel and the US concerning a two-state solution, while internal criticism continues to rise within Israel. According to Yedioth Ahronoth, extremist Israeli Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich has said that 'they [the Saudis] should be the ones 'paying' for peace with Israel… The idea that we need to give the Saudis a Palestinian state in return for peace is so out of touch, only the Israeli Left could think of it.' This points to Israel's lack of understanding of public opinion in Saudi Arabia, a country with a population exceeding 30 million, where public sentiment exerts pressure on the political leadership. According to a study on Arab public opinion regarding the war on Gaza, 64 per cent of respondents in Saudi Arabia stated that the Operation Al-Aqsa Flood was the result of Israel's continued occupation of the Palestinian Territories, indicating broad public sympathy for the Palestinian cause. An important factor in any deal is Hamas, especially given that the points that have obstructed a permanent ceasefire since October 2023 remain unresolved. What is certain is that Hamas is striving to secure its continued presence in the Gaza Strip, even if outside the structure of governance. The formula for a deal was initially introduced on a smaller scale, limited to normalisation with Saudi Arabia, by former US secretary of state Antony Blinken. Under the administration of former US president Joe Biden, the deal included the return of all Israeli prisoners held in Gaza, the full withdrawal of Israeli military forces from the Strip, and the transfer of internal security responsibilities to a Palestinian Authority (PA) police force. At the time, the deal failed to move forward because the cost demanded of Israel, ending the war and withdrawing from Gaza, was seen as too high, and Netanyahu was unable to impose it on his extremist coalition. While it remains difficult to persuade far-right Israeli ministers to halt the war in Gaza, the Israeli military level in the Strip now suggests that combat operations have reached their peak. According to statements by Israeli Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir, Operation Gideon's Chariots has achieved its objectives. This is a key variable that was not present when a similar version of the deal was proposed under Biden. * A version of this article appears in print in the 3 July, 2025 edition of Al-Ahram Weekly Follow us on: Facebook Instagram Whatsapp Short link:

Redrawing the map: How Iran–Israel war is reshaping the Middle East
Redrawing the map: How Iran–Israel war is reshaping the Middle East

Shafaq News

time20-06-2025

  • Politics
  • Shafaq News

Redrawing the map: How Iran–Israel war is reshaping the Middle East

Shafaq News/ Since the Hamas-led Operation Al-Aqsa Flood on October 7, 2023, the Middle East has experienced an unrelenting chain of upheavals. What began as a sudden and devastating incursion into Israeli territory evolved into a regional conflagration, drawing in state and non-state actors, shaking the core of long-standing alliances, and dismantling the fragile stability that once defined the post-Arab Spring order. At the center of this transformation stand two arch-rivals: Israel and the Islamic Republic of Iran. The escalation that erupted in June 2025 between Israel and Iran is not an anomaly, but the culmination of years of covert hostilities, diplomatic friction, and strategic miscalculations. The events now unfolding in open warfare—including cross-border missile strikes, drone swarms, and targeted assassinations—are radically reshaping the Middle East's power dynamics and redrawing the region's strategic map. For decades, Iran and Israel conducted their confrontation through proxy wars, espionage operations, and cyberattacks. Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, and Yemen became arenas of indirect competition. Israel systematically targeted Iranian positions in Syria and covertly sabotaged elements of Tehran's nuclear and military infrastructure, while Iran, through its so-called "Axis of Resistance," leveraged Hezbollah, the Houthis, and Iraqi factions to pressure Israeli and American interests. This dynamic persisted until the tectonic rupture of October 2023. Hamas' surprise attack on Israel—aided, according to Israeli and Western intelligence assessments, by Iranian logistical and strategic backing—reignited full-scale war in Gaza and set the stage for broader regional confrontation. Israel's overwhelming military response in Gaza led to tens of thousands of casualties, prompting Iran-aligned actors to escalate operations from Lebanon, Yemen, and Iraq. By early 2024, Israel and Iran had entered a new phase: one of sustained, direct, though still largely deniable attacks. Israeli airstrikes intensified against Iranian commanders in Syria and Iraq, while suspected Mossad operations targeted nuclear scientists and IRGC personnel deep within Iranian territory. Iran, in turn, increased its support to regional players and expanded its drone and missile programs, preparing for a scenario where deterrence might fail. That failure came on June 13, 2025, when Israel launched Operation Rising Lion, striking multiple Iranian nuclear and military sites, including Natanz, Fordow, and Tehran. The operation resulted in the deaths of senior IRGC commanders, nuclear experts, and political figures. Iran's airspace was sealed, and retaliatory planning began immediately. 'This is not a spontaneous conflict,' said Dr. Haitham al-Hiti, professor of political science at the University of Exeter. 'It's part of a broader regional restructuring—starting with Hezbollah assassinations, now moving through Iran's command structure, and possibly reaching Iraq and Lebanon.' Iran's counter-operation, dubbed True Promise 3, marked a turn with Tehran directly fired hundreds of ballistic missiles and drones at Israeli territory. Civilian and military targets were hit in Tel Aviv, Haifa, Bat Yam, and the Gush Dan area. Israeli casualties surpassed two dozen, while Iran reported more than 200 fatalities from the initial strikes. Beyond the destruction, what sets this confrontation apart is its regional resonance. Turkiye, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Qatar launched urgent diplomatic initiatives. President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan warned that the conflict could 'drag the entire region into the fire,' and began intensive phone diplomacy with key Arab and Iranian leaders. 'Israel's aggression could ignite a devastating regional war,' Erdogan said, noting the potential for refugee flows, economic collapse, and the collapse of security arrangements in Lebanon, Syria, and Iraq. Saudi Arabia, historically cautious in its dealings with Iran, sought to reclaim its role as a balancing force. A diplomatic source told Shafaq News, 'Riyadh is seeking to reclaim its place as a regional anchor, stepping into a mediation role once held by Qatar and Oman.' Yet these efforts have yielded little. The collapse of traditional deterrence and the erosion of international diplomatic credibility have allowed the military logic to dominate. The Muscat channel between Tehran and Washington was suspended. UN efforts were paralyzed by US veto power and a lack of consensus among major powers. 'The UN doesn't have the freedom to act without US approval,' said Lebanese analyst George Alam. 'That makes any international initiative vulnerable to paralysis.' Meanwhile, Iran has framed its retaliation as part of a broader realignment. 'These focused and retaliatory operations will continue until the Zionist entity is eliminated,' the IRGC declared after confirming the death of Brigadier General Mohammad Kazemi, head of its Intelligence Organization. Egyptian expert Mounir Adeeb emphasizes that the conflict has exposed the fragility of the global system, 'Major powers, led by the United States, were direct enablers of the Israeli strike,' he said. 'They turned a blind eye to violations of international law and allowed red lines to be crossed. The result was war.' Internally, Iran now faces the twin challenges of sustaining a long war and containing potential unrest. Kurdish movements in the northwest and Ahvazi activists in the southwest are reportedly organizing demonstrations amid the crisis. Israeli analysts speculate that continued strikes on Iranian infrastructure may be designed to exacerbate internal fractures. 'If Iran collapses internally or fragments,' warned Dr. al-Hiti, 'we could see the emergence of new secessionist waves—Kurdish independence, Ahvazi autonomy, even unrest in Iraq. That's how geopolitical maps change.' And while regional states seek to prevent such an outcome, the war has already forced governments to recalibrate. Iraq has condemned the use of its airspace by Israeli forces. Armed factions aligned with Tehran have threatened to target US bases if Washington intervenes. The Houthis have escalated strikes on Israeli interests in the Red Sea. Hezbollah has declared its full support for Iran. The consequences are not limited to military strategy. Oil prices have surged. International flights have been suspended across several countries. Diplomacy has stalled. Most importantly, a new regional paradigm is taking shape—one defined not by US-led alliances or post-ISIS stability, but by direct state conflict, multipolar competition, and the return of mass-scale confrontation. As the missiles continue to fall, one thing is increasingly clear: the Middle East is undergoing a strategic reordering. Whether this leads to a new balance of power or deeper fragmentation remains uncertain. What is certain, however, is that the rules have changed—and so has the map.

Israeli War Spending Tops $46 Billion as Daily Cost of Gaza Assault Surpasses $81 Million
Israeli War Spending Tops $46 Billion as Daily Cost of Gaza Assault Surpasses $81 Million

Al Manar

time30-05-2025

  • Business
  • Al Manar

Israeli War Spending Tops $46 Billion as Daily Cost of Gaza Assault Surpasses $81 Million

As the Palestinian resistance endures in the face of relentless Israeli aggression, new data reveals the staggering toll the war has taken on the Zionist entity's economy. Israeli Channel 12 reported Thursday that, 600 days after the Palestinian resistance launched the landmark Operation Al-Aqsa Flood on October 7, 2023, the financial toll on the Israeli occupation—through its so-called 'Operation Swords of Iron'—has exceeded $46 billion in direct military costs, making it one of the most economically draining wars in its history. According to figures from the Israeli security establishment cited in the report, the average cost of a single day of war is approximately 300 million shekels (about $81 million). These figures represent only the direct military expenditures, excluding broader economic impacts such as civilian compensation, evacuation costs, and non-defense emergency measures. The report emphasized that the Israeli occupation forces, unusually transparent for a military institution, have provided real-time budgetary updates throughout the conflict. Of the total more than $40 billion spent so far: Approximately $1.36 billion has been allocated for rehabilitation, medical treatment, and family support services. However, Channel 12 noted growing concern within the defense establishment and Finance Ministry over the enduring nature of these costs. Unlike wartime expenditures, these are long-term liabilities. Payments to wounded soldiers, widows, orphans, and others under the Ministry of War's Rehabilitation Division will persist for years. The report added that around 16,000 Zionist soldiers have been injured in the war so far, with nearly 50% suffering from psychological trauma. Channel 12 linked the war's staggering cost directly to the adoption of the Israeli austerity budget for 2025, which includes tax increases to help cover military expenditures. The Finance Ministry, the report added, fears the prolonged conflict could force a reopening of the 2025 budget due to projected overspending by the security establishment in the billions. This scenario could result in further budget cuts and additional tax hikes as early as 2026. The war's mounting financial burden continues to drain the Israeli occupation's economy, reflecting the sustained resilience and impact of the Palestinian resistance.

Israeli Military Admits Failure to Protect Kibbutz in October 7 Attack in New Probe
Israeli Military Admits Failure to Protect Kibbutz in October 7 Attack in New Probe

Al Manar

time25-04-2025

  • Politics
  • Al Manar

Israeli Military Admits Failure to Protect Kibbutz in October 7 Attack in New Probe

The Israeli occupation army published the investigation into October 7 attack on Kibbutz Nir Yitzhak on, in which it determined that the Israeli military failed in its mission to protect the kibbutz and its settlers. The findings were presented to the settlers of the kibbutz and the families of the captives before they were made public on Friday. The investigation found that the 2023 Hamas's assault on Kibbutz Nir Yitzhak raged on for many hours, with the Kibbutz security forces left to face dozens of Hamas fighters alone. Around 90 Hamas fighters broke into the community in two waves, captured five Israeli settlers and three soldiers' bodies, and set the kibbutz factory on fire. Only at 13:30 — more than seven hours after the battle began — did the first Israeli troop enter the kibbutz, just four minutes after the last fighters left, according to the probe. The findings published Friday are the latest in a series of detailed investigations into some 40 battles that took place during Hamas's Operation Al-Aqsa Flood. Similar to other investigations, the probe concluded that the Israeli military 'failed in its mission to protect' the residents of Nir Yitzhak, mainly because the military never prepared for such an event. The occupation military also lacked an intelligence warning, and therefore, troops were unprepared for Hamas's attack, the probe found.

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