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AllAfrica
07-07-2025
- Politics
- AllAfrica
Tehran and Moscow missteps expose Caspian region faultlines
Both Iran and Russia are attempting to assert influence in the Caspian Sea region, but their recent miscalculations are provoking visible resistance. Most recently, Azerbaijan's sharp responses to Tehran's accusations about hosting Israeli drones and to Moscow's deadly police raid on Azerbaijani nationals in Yekaterinburg (followed by Baku's cancellation of a Russian foreign ministry official's visit) highlight that not only Azerbaijan but the entire Caspian Sea region, including Central Asia, is increasingly unwilling to play the role of passive buffer. These incidents, while seemingly bilateral, illuminate deeper structural shifts: the waning deterrent power of old hegemons and the emergence of a new regional assertiveness grounded in multi-vectorism and cooperative plurilateralism. The Central Asian states are quietly observing the evolution of affairs in the South Caucasus, and vice versa. With the Organization of Turkic States gaining coherence, and with multiple trilateral cooperative structures nested within it, the South Caucasus-Central Asia macroregion is increasingly shaped not by vertical power projection but by lateral linkages. The word 'unprecedented' is overused, but it is entirely accurate to observe that the emergence of the South Caucasus as a region relatively autonomous from larger neighborhood powers is without precedent. The crucial geopolitical location of the South Caucasus between the Caspian Sea and the Black Sea, including its already deep and still-deepening links with Central Asia to the east and Europe to the west, makes the present-day evolution of the region one of those butterfly-wing-flapping phenomena that will have implications far beyond the local context, as the structure of the post–Cold War international system continues to evolve over the next two decades and undergoes transformation beyond. It is instructive to begin with some brief historical background. Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia had relative autonomy from both Russian/Soviet and Persian/Iranian spheres of influence only once before in the modern era. This was during the brief interlude from 1918 to 1921, when the three independent republics – the Democratic Republic of Georgia, the First Republic of Armenia and the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic – were established. Before then, one must go back to the mid-10th through the early 13th centuries to find a time when the region was not wholly subject to Russian, Persian or other imperial spheres. During that time, different regional state formations flourished with relative independence from both the Abbasid Caliphate (by then in decline) and Persianate hegemonies, while Moscow – then not even yet a principality – remained entirely external to the region. These South Caucasus state formations included the Bagratid Kingdom of Armenia, the Kingdom of Georgia,and various Caucasian Albanian and Artsruni principalities. The region we now call Azerbaijan was then in a politically and ethnoculturally intricate transitional state, governed by different semi-autonomous dynasties such as the Shirvanshahs, who maneuvered among Arab, Persian and Turkic influences. The vernaculars spoken across the South Caucasus formed a complex mix consisting primarily of Northwestern Iranian languages, Northeast Caucasian languages, Kartvelian languages (Georgian being the most prominent but not the only one), Armenian, Indo-Iranian languages and Turkic languages (including the early forms of what evolved into Azerbaijani Turkic). The Byzantine Empire had a presence but did not exercise consistent control over the highland South Caucasus interior. Seljuk Turkic incursions began in the 11th century, but political fragmentation and local resistance excluded their hegemony until the Mongol invasions. These began around 1220 and effectively ended this era of South Caucasus autonomy. Thus, leaving aside the three years following the end of World War I – too short to qualify as a 'historical era,' properly speaking – the last time the South Caucasus was relatively autonomous from Russian, Persian and other spheres of influence was approximately 800 to 1,100 years ago: before the Mongol conquest and well before the flourishing of the Romanov, Safavid (and their successors) and Ottoman dynasties that define the emergence of the modern era in present-day historical consciousness. Jumping to the present, the South Caucasus today anchors a westward corridor of strategic depth for Central Asia, offering the only viable east-west transit alternative to routes passing through Russia or Iran. Azerbaijan arguably serves as the linchpin of this corridor, the critical enabler without which the system would not function. Its territory hosts and integrates essential infrastructure linking Central Asia with Turkey and onward to Europe, not through rhetorical connectivity but via physical corridors that are already operational and expanding. At the core is the Middle Corridor (Trans-Caspian International Transport Route, TITR), which originates in Kazakhstan, crosses the Caspian Sea and runs through Azerbaijan, Georgia and Turkey before entering European markets. Following Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022 and the re-imposition of sanctions, this route has gained heightened significance. The Middle Corridor is not merely a grand infrastructural vision; it rests on concrete, multilateral agreements and functioning multimodal logistics hubs. A central node of the Middle Corridor is the Port of Alat, south of Baku, which accommodates container transshipment from maritime to rail and road traffic. It serves as the principal logistical hinge point between the trans-Caspian and South Caucasus transit systems. The Baku–Tbilisi–Kars (BTK) railway provides a direct rail link from the Caspian basin to Anatolia and then to Europe, bypassing both Russian and Iranian territory. Its freight volume has significantly increased in recent years, particularly since early 2022. Its recently achieved capacity expansion and double-tracking of key segments establish it as a permanent artery of Eurasian transit. Energy export infrastructure further increases Central Asia's focus on the South Caucasus. The Southern Gas Corridor (SGC) – a non-Russian and non-Iranian energy vector – transports Azerbaijani natural gas from the Caspian Sea to European markets. The expansion of SGC throughput, including interconnectors into Balkan networks and now East Central Europe, reflects its geostrategic irreversibility. Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan are embedding the South Caucasus further into Central Asian strategy through growing energy and transport cooperation. In 2022 and 2023, Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan signed successive agreements to boost oil transshipment via the Caspian, while Uzbekistan has similarly coordinated on containerized freight routes. Trilateral and quadrilateral formats among Central Asian and South Caucasus states have begun to institutionalize regular coordination on such practical tasks as customs simplification, port throughput and freight schedule alignment. Uzbekistan and even Turkmenistan – with the assistance of Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan – are now becoming integrated more integrally into the Middle Corridor. International financial institutions, which had originally targeted only Kazakhstan in Central Asia, are now extending cooperation to other states in the region. This development complements the coordination of customs harmonization and digital documentation among Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Turkey to resolve non-physical bottlenecks to the west of the Caspian Sea. From this perspective, it is clear that the South Caucasus no longer functions as a marginal buffer but is an active integrator of Central Asia into the broader Eurasian system. Moreover, the region's infrastructural and diplomatic initiatives no longer depend upon great-power patronage. Instead, they reflect an emerging Eurasian pluralism anchored in mutual interests realized through concrete investments. These dynamics point toward nothing less than a re-patterning of Eurasia's modern-era geoeconomic core. The infrastructural and diplomatic realignments across the South Caucasus and Central Asia are not isolated developments. They mark a reconfiguration of Eurasia's internal architecture, in which the ability to coordinate across domains – transport, energy, customs and digital systems – now carries more strategic weight than traditional bloc alignments or alliance rhetoric. These regional actors are not immune to external pressure, but their increasingly self-directed orientation reflects the slow erosion of vertical hegemonic structures in favor of horizontal operational linkages. This re-patterning gains further significance in view of China's growing presence in Central Asia. Rather than competing directly with Beijing, the South Caucasus offers a parallel route (complementary in many cases) for east–west exchange. Azerbaijan's role is emblematic in this regard: It does not challenge China's infrastructural logic but instead mediates how external flows, including Chinese ones, connect to Western markets. This is a form of infrastructural agency that shapes the modalities and conditions under which regional and transregional integration takes place. Its function is one of filtering rather than resistance. As the international system continues to shift through the late 2020s and into the 2030s, the Caspian region will increasingly matter, not just as a site of contestation between larger powers but as a space where smaller and middle powers consolidate meaningful influence. The logic of passive buffering is being replaced by active modulation. The post–Cold War order may be bifurcating; it is not wrong to see, from a top-down structural perspective, a fundamental opposition between a US–led Anglosphere and a Chinese-led Sinosphere. In the increasing disorder that will overtake the system's macrostructure for a dozen years starting in the early 2040s, what will provide continuity is the differentiated system of coordination among second-tier actors, who will increasingly define regional coherence while constraining great-power projection. Azerbaijan's role in the emerging Central Asia–South Caucasus macroregion, indexed by its riposte against the recent hegemonic démarches by Russia and Iran, foretokens this broader re-patterning.
Memri
03-06-2025
- Business
- Memri
At Summit Of Organization Of Turkic States (OTS) In Budapest, Turkish President Erdoğan Urges Member-States: 'We Must Also Think Beyond Our Borders'; 'Stand Against Israel's Expansionism And Support T
Addressing an informal summit of the Organization of Turkic States (OTS), hosted by Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and held in the Hungarian capital, Budapest, on May 20-21, 2025, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan called upon member-states to think outside their borders on global issues such as Gaza, while the OTS leaders expressed support for "the de facto [Taliban] authorities" and called for an inclusive government in Kabul, which was promptly rejected by the Taliban spokesman as interference in the internal affairs of Afghanistan. Billed as "The Meeting Point Of East and West," the summit was attended by heads of OTS member-states: Azerbaijan, Turkey, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, and the Secretary General of the Turkic World Organization, Kubanıçbek Omuraliyev.[1] According to the official website, the OTS includes Northern Cyprus, formally the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), which is recognized only by Turkey, as an observer state.[2] Turkmenistan and Hungary also have observer status in the OTS, which was founded by Turkey and others in 2009. The next summit of the OTS will be held in Azerbaijan. The leaders of OTS member-states at the Budapest summit, May 20-21, 2025. Addressing the summit, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan urged the member-states to "think beyond their borders," stating: "The tragedies that have taken place in the past in Cyprus, Karabakh, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and today in Gaza remind us that we must also think beyond our borders."[3] He said: "We overcame challenges and prejudices. Looking back, we are now on an exemplary level. We have more to do, but I believe we will reach our goals with our brothers here."[4] Speaking about the dire situation in Gaza, Erdoğan also called for taking a stand against Israel. "As the Turkic world, our contributions to efforts for maintaining a cease-fire, uninterrupted delivery of humanitarian aid, and the reconstruction of Gaza are crucial. We have to stand against Israel's expansionism and support the territorial integrity of Lebanon and Syria."[5] The Turkish leader stated: "Every occasion where we raise our voices will be addressed to a fairer order, a just share (of resources), and a law-based system that humanity needs. We need to stand for each other as the principle of our fraternity and make our solidarity more visible."[6] Speaking on the occasion, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban thanked Erdoğan for admitting Hungary as an observer member of OTS and said: "[We] did not expect the OTS to gain such significance when Hungary became an observer state seven years ago. Back then, the Turkic world was on the rise. But at the same time, the development of Europe, where Hungary is, the European Union, dramatically slowed down."[7] Péter Szijjártó, Hungary's Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade told a press conference held after the summit that Hungary has benefited from increasing cooperation with Turkic states through joint partnerships in sectors such as railways, pharmaceutical, air connectivity, and natural gas. "The region represented by the Organization of Turkic States has become the world's third-largest source of oil and natural gas; so Hungary's good cooperation with these countries is of enormous importance in terms of energy supply," he added.[8] Szijjártó also disclosed plans to build nuclear power plants in Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan. "Hungary's energy supply would not be as secure as it is today without the Turkic states… This is not a political question but a physical one, given that the majority of natural gas is already transported via the Turkish Stream pipeline," he said and noted that Hungarian companies have acquired stakes in oil and natural gas fields in Azerbaijan and "decisions have been made to build nuclear power plants in Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan, with Hungarian technology to be used in the process."[9] The meet was also notable for the fact that the OTS heads of state issued a joint statement on Afghanistan, which was adopted into the Budapest Declaration signed by the OTS leaders. According to the joint statement, the OTS leaders agreed to work "to assist the de facto [Taliban] authorities" and Afghan people and to encourage "establishment of a representative administration reflecting the diversity of the Afghan nation"; they called for "respecting human rights, including restoring and ensuring the fundamental rights of all citizens of Afghanistan without any distinction" and urged "taking stronger and more resolute measures in countering terrorism so that the territory of Afghanistan will not be used to threaten or attack any country by terrorist organizations." They also urged enhanced international cooperation through a "performance-based roadmap" for Afghanistan to be "at peace with its people, its neighbors."[10] The summit leaders also signed the Budapest Declaration. Despite the OTS leaders' support for the de facto Taliban rulers, the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (IEA, i.e., the Afghan Taliban) was displeased and saw the statement as interference in the internal affairs of Afghanistan. Zabihullah Mujahid, the Afghan Taliban spokesman perhaps angered by call for a "representative administration" and need for protecting human rights, said that the Islamic Emirate will handle its international affairs.[11]
Budapest Times
23-05-2025
- Business
- Budapest Times
FM: Hungary is prepared for extensive strategic cooperation with the Turkic states
Péter Szijjártó, Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade, has stated that Hungary is prepared for extensive strategic cooperation with the Turkic states. 'We are ready for this in all areas,' the foreign minister said at an informal meeting of foreign ministers of the Organization of Turkic States (OTS) in Budapest on Wednesday. 'We're increasing our trade turnover, welcoming more students and encouraging mutual investments.' In the current 'era of dangers', Eurasia and Central Asia's importance, he said, had grown significantly in terms of energy security, the economy and trade routes. Turkic states, he added, contributed greatly to Hungary's security as exporters of energy, noting last year the start of Azerbaijani and Turkish shipments of natural gas and Hungarian oil and gas company MOL embarking on natural gas production in Kazakhstan. Minister Szijjártó said it was 'an honour' that the TSO is holding its summit for the first time in Europe and in Hungary, which has observer status in the organisation. He noted that when Hungary's prime minister paid a visit to Azerbaijan, 'the West' slammed Hungary. 'Now the same people … are jostling others aside, trying to take selfies with your leaders,' he said. Minister Szijjártó underlined Hungary's role as an East-West hub in pursuing 'economic neutrality' and attracting Chinese, Japanese, South Korean and Turkish companies alongside German, American and Austrian investors. Turkic countries, he said, would play 'a key role in this strategy'. In recent years, 'Hungary has benefitted hugely from cooperation with the Turkic states, and we would have missed out on many opportunities for economic development had we not cooperated with you.' Since Hungary joined the Turkic organisation as an observer, trade turnover between Hungary and the Turkic states 'has doubled', hitting five billion dollars, he said. Students from Turkic states have the chance to win 1,436 Hungarian university scholarships, he noted. Turkic countries, the minister said, were 'members of the international peace camp' alongside Hungary, and he thanked Turkiye 'for its peace efforts and two successful mediation attempts'. He said 'Brussels and European political leaders' should not try to hold back peace negotiations coordinated by the US president. At a press conference after the meeting, Minister Szijjártó noted that OTS's European centre was in Budapest, with former Hungarian consul general to Istanbul Balazs Hendrich as its head. Minister Szijjártó highlighted OTS members as managing to reinforce their economies despite 'the current, turbulent times', adding that they increased their GDP by 20 percent in recent years, and expended their internal trade turnover by 50 percent. Meanwhile, Minister Szijjártó called OTS as a 'real peace organisation, a champion of peace', adding the organisation was in a good position to promote settlement in three serious conflicts in the world. He highlighted Turkiye for mediating between belligerent parties in the war in Ukraine, and welcomed an agreement concerning the drafting of a peace treaty between Azerbaijan and Armenia. Participants of the meeting adopted a declaration which could offer Afghanistan 'a good chance for stabilisation' and eliminate a serious source of terrorism, Minister Szijjártó said. 'Turkic states have made serious efforts in the interest of peace and security in the world, while Hungary is ready to contribute its pro-peace policies to those efforts,' the minister said.
Budapest Times
23-05-2025
- Politics
- Budapest Times
PM Orbán: Turkic countries play a key role in Hungary's energy supply
Prime Minister Viktor Orbán said on Facebook on Wednesday that Turkic countries play a key role in Hungary's energy supply, adding that if Hungary wanted cheap energy, it needed friends rather than enemies. Speaking in connection with the ongoing informal meeting of the Organization of Turkic States (OTS) in Budapest, PM Orbán noted that Ukraine had shut down the pipeline system linking Russia and Hungary. This would have put Hungary in 'an impossible and even tragic situation' if it had not established close cooperation with the Turkic states in the previous years, he added. 'You may recall — President Erdogan certainly does — the intense debates in the west about whether the TurkStream pipeline should be allowed to be built,' the prime minister said. He said the 'westerners' had done everything they could to prevent the pipeline from being built, 'but we persevered and we built it.' 'If this pipeline system didn't exist today, Hungary wouldn't have gas and it wouldn't have energy,' PM Orbán said.
See - Sada Elbalad
19-05-2025
- Business
- See - Sada Elbalad
Uzbekistan and Hungary: Strategic partnership in a new era
Dunyo IA President of Uzbekistan Shavkat Mirziyoyev will pay an official visit to Hungary from May 19 to 21 and will also take part in the informal summit of the Organization of Turkic States, which will be held in Budapest. Diplomatic relations between Uzbekistan and Hungary were established on 14 March 1992, shortly after Uzbekistan's independence. Since then, bilateral cooperation has undergone a significant evolution - from formal interaction to building a constructive and mutually respectful dialogue. The foundation for today's intensive cooperation was laid in March 2021, when, following the visit of Prime Minister of Hungary Viktor Orbаn to Tashkent, a Joint Declaration on Strategic Partnership was signed. This document solidified the parties' intention to elevate relations to a qualitatively new level. Today, the political dialogue between the two countries is characterized by a high degree of dynamism. Beyond Viktor Orbаn's visit to Uzbekistan, the official visit of President of Uzbekistan Shavkat Mirziyoyev to Hungary in October 2022 warrants particular attention. As a result of the high-level negotiations, 16 bilateral documents were signed, covering a wide range of areas - from industrial cooperation and scientific-technical interaction to academic exchanges. The visit also included an Uzbek-Hungarian business forum, in which leading representatives of the business communities of both countries participated. Currently, active cooperation is underway both bilaterally and in multilateral formats. Interstate interaction is underpinned by an extensive legal framework comprising over 50 bilateral documents. Key among these are agreements on the mutual protection of investments, cooperation in the fields of science, innovation, agriculture, water management, as well as interdepartmental memorandums in education, healthcare, and high technology. This scale of legal formalization demonstrates a deliberate strengthening of the institutional basis of the relationship. Inter-parliamentary cooperation between Uzbekistan and Hungary plays a vital role in solidifying the strategic partnership between the two countries, supporting the institutional foundation for political dialogue, economic interaction, and humanitarian exchanges. This mechanism not only strengthens the basis of the strategic partnership but also serves as an important channel for the exchange of experiences, the coordination of legislative initiatives, and the development of common approaches to international challenges. In 2020, inter-parliamentary cooperation groups were established in the Oliy Majlis of Uzbekistan and the National Assembly of Hungary. This format of interaction contributes to the growth of political trust and the sustainability of the partnership. Moreover, parliamentary diplomacy is increasingly utilized as an instrument for promoting humanitarian initiatives, supporting academic and youth exchanges, and expanding economic ties. Fruitful cooperation has also been established between the foreign policy departments of the two countries. A prime example of this was the signing of the inter-ministerial Cooperation Program for 2024-2026 during the visit of Hungarian Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade Péter Szijjártó to Uzbekistan. Trade and economic cooperation remains a key factor in the development of Uzbek-Hungarian relations. The volume of bilateral trade turnover has a significant potential for growth and the sides are steadily increasing their trade relations. If according to the data for 2024, trade between the countries exceeded 78 million US dollars, in January-March of this year this figure was 25.1 million dollars, demonstrating stable growth. The Uzbek-Hungarian Intergovernmental Commission on Economic Cooperation holds particular significance in the process of establishing trade and economic ties. The ninth meeting of the commission took place in Tashkent in May 2024. As a result, a number of bilateral documents were signed, including a memorandum of understanding between the chambers of commerce and industry of both countries. Issues related to the implementation of bilateral agreements were discussed, including the creation of a Special Industrial Zone for Hungarian companies in the 'Angren' Free Economic Zone. An investment agreement for the implementation of this project was signed in October 2024. The activities of the Uzbek-Hungarian Business Council, established in 2021, and the Uzbek-Hungarian Development Fund, founded in 2022, occupy a special place in the economic dialogue. The primary objective of the latter is to finance joint investment projects. In 2023–2024, the fund supported initiatives worth over €100 million, including the establishment of manufacturing facilities, the modernization of agricultural infrastructure, and the introduction of digital solutions in resource management. Hungary is now consistently among the most active European investors in Uzbekistan. The main areas of economic interaction are pharmaceuticals, the agro-industrial complex, the food industry, mechanical engineering, and water technologies. Currently, 17 enterprises with Hungarian capital participation are operating in Uzbekistan, including 10 joint ventures and 4 with 100% Hungarian capital. In the context of the reform and privatization of state-owned banks in Uzbekistan, interaction in the banking sector is becoming an important area of cooperation. In December 2022, an agreement was signed between OTP Bank and the Ministry of Finance of Uzbekistan on the phased acquisition of 100% of the shares of Ipoteka-Bank. Business forums, missions, and B2B meetings have become a regular practice. Representative Hungarian delegations, led by heads of ministries in the economic sector, have become traditional participants in the annual Tashkent International Investment Forum. Over the past two years alone, a number of major business events have been held, including a business forum in Tashkent and a road show of Uzbek companies in Budapest. These platforms facilitate the formation of sustainable contacts between business circles, the establishment of supply chains, and cooperation in the real sector of the economy. Cultural and humanitarian cooperation remains an important area in the development of bilateral interaction. One of the most prominent symbols of the historical and cultural ties between Uzbekistan and Hungary is the Hungarian orientalist, Turkologist, and traveler Ármin Vámbéry (1832-1913). His scientific and research activities related to modern Central Asia, particularly the territory of Uzbekistan, laid a solid foundation for intercultural dialogue that continues to this day. Currently, educational programs of the University of Debrecen are operating in Uzbekistan, and projects on academic exchanges, internships, and scientific research are being implemented. Hungarian universities, including Semmelweis University, are open to students from Uzbekistan, especially in the fields of medicine, engineering, and agriculture. Annually, the Hungarian government, through the Stipendium Hungaricum program, allocates 170 scholarships for Uzbek students wishing to continue their studies at universities in that country. Cultural initiatives include the organization of cultural days, concerts, photo exhibitions, and presentations of national traditions. The Hungarian capital hosts a Center for Uzbek Language and Culture, which has become a platform for dialogue between the two peoples. In 2020, the exhibition 'Hungarian Dervish in Central Asia,' dedicated to the life and travels of Ármin Vámbéry, was organized in Budapest. It featured manuscripts, historical exhibits, and items from the scholar's personal museum, collected during his travels in Uzbekistan. The exhibition was visited by more than 5,000 people, indicating a high level of interest in the history and culture of our country in Hungary. Further evidence of this was the opening in October 2024 of a monument to the Uzbek poet Alisher Navoi in the Hungarian city of Lakitelek, created by Hungarian sculptor György Lantosh. In January 2025, the Days of Uzbek Cinema were held for the first time in Budapest to great success, becoming a significant event in strengthening cultural ties between Uzbekistan and Hungary. The Hungarian public received modern Uzbek films with great interest, reflecting the diversity of themes and genres of national cinema. Ties between libraries, museums, and creative unions are also actively developing. Hungary is also interested in studying and promoting the Turkic cultural heritage, which contributes to the development of joint scientific and archaeological expeditions. In conclusion, Uzbek-Hungarian relations are on the rise, demonstrating examples of mature, balanced, and multifaceted interaction. They confirm that geography and historical differences is not an obstacle to building strong cooperation based on strategic thinking, mutual understanding, and a forward-looking approach. Given the current dynamics, it can be confidently stated that Uzbekistan and Hungary are entering a new stage of partnership, where mutual interests find realization in concrete projects and proactive solutions. Of particular importance is cooperation within the Organization of Turkic States (OTS), where Hungary has been an observer since 2018. This participation allows Budapest to build close ties with Turkic-speaking countries and contribute to interregional integration. Cooperation within the OTS provides Uzbekistan and Hungary with unique opportunities to implement joint projects in transport, energy, digitalization, education, and ecology. In the context of global changes and the growing role of regional alliances, Hungary is viewed by Uzbekistan as a partner capable of facilitating the deepening of ties with the European Union while simultaneously supporting the initiatives of the Turkic world. In this regard, the upcoming official visit of the President of Uzbekistan to Hungary is intended to solidify the agreements reached and define new horizons for the partnership. 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