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Canada will recognize Palestine as a state — Here's what that means
Canada will recognize Palestine as a state — Here's what that means

Hamilton Spectator

time18 hours ago

  • Politics
  • Hamilton Spectator

Canada will recognize Palestine as a state — Here's what that means

Prime Minister Mark Carney has announced Canada will recognize Palestine as a state. In a July 30 news conference, Carney made the statement, noting official recognition would come at the United Nations General Assembly in September 2025. 'The level of human suffering in Gaza is intolerable, and it's rapidly deteriorating,' Carney said. Speaking with reporters in Ottawa, Prime Minister Mark Carney announces that Canada intends to recognize the state of Palestine at the UN General Assembly in September 2025 based on certain conditions being met by the Palestinian Authority. The news conference comes following a virtual meeting of the federal cabinet, which was focused on the state of trade negotiations with the United States and the situation in the Middle East. Foreign Affairs Minister Anita Anand is also in attendance at this event. 'International co-operation is essential to securing lasting peace and stability in the middle east,' Carney added. 'Canada will do its best to lead that effort.' The remarks came following a United Nations conference in New York. Already, the United Kingdom, France and several other countries have announced their new support for a state of Palestine. 'Australia shares the frustration of the great majority of countries that a Palestinian State still does not exist,' Australia's UN representative James Larsen. He reported on July 29, Australia and 14 countries released the 'New York Call,' which 'makes clear that the recognition of a State of Palestine is an essential step to a two-State solution.' According to the United Nations , Palestine was among former Ottoman territories placed under UK administration by the League of Nations in 1922. All of these territories eventually became fully independent states, except Palestine. A map was drawn up by the United Nations in 1947, with a plan on the partition of Palestine. It saw the division of Palestine into three parts — a Jewish state, an Arab state, and the City of Jerusalem, which was to be placed under an International Trusteeship system. A sketch map of the plan on partition of Palestine, with economic union, proposed by the majority of the United Nations Special Committee on Palestine. The plan envisages the division of Palestine into three parts: a Jewish state, an Arab State (dark tint), and the City of Jerusalem (white), to be placed under an International Trusteeship system. Palestinians allegedly rejected that idea, and in 1948, one of the two proposed states declared its independence as Israel and started a war on the neighbouring Arab states, forcing half of the residents to leave or be expelled from the Gaza area. Decades of war followed, and in 1964, the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) formed. In 1974 the United Nations General Assembly reaffirmed the rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination, national independence, sovereignty, and to return to their land. Also in that year, Palestine was given United Nations observer status , but not officially recognized as a member. In June 1982, Israel invaded Lebanon with the intention to eliminate the PLO, United Nations said on its website. A ceasefire was arranged, and in September 1983, the International Conference on the Question of Palestine again confirmed the rights of Palestinian people. In 1988, the Palestine National Council met and proclaimed the establishment of the State of Palestine. But it still wasn't internationally recognized. In 1993, the signing of the Oslo Accord led to the partial withdrawal of Israeli forces, elections to the Palestinian Council and the Presidency of the Palestinian Authority. Some prisoners were released, and Palestinian self-rule was established. In 2005, Israel withdrew its settlers and troops from Gaza while retaining control over its borders, seashore and airspace, the United Nations said. But more years of fighting and peace talks followed. On Oct. 7, 2023, a Palestinian militant group called Hamas attacked Israel, with more than 1,200 people killed and more than 250 taken hostage. Today, many are dying from starvation as attempts to provide aid are impeded by the war in the West Bank area — with Carney calling it a 'humanitarian disaster.' Currently, the state of Palestine is recognized by 147 of the UN's 193 member states — with Canada, Australia, France, New Zealand and the U.S. still not officially part of that group. 'The deepening suffering of civilians leaves no room for delaying co-ordinated international action to support peace security and the dignity of human life,' Carney said. Following announcements from France Prime Minister Emmanuel Macron , Norway , and United Kingdom Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer , Carney has added Canada's name to the list. However, Carney's statement to support a two-state system comes with strings attached. Canada's recognition is based on successful reforms by the Palestinian Authority, which currently governs in the occupied West Bank. There must be elections in 2026 — in which Hamas can play no part — and the Palestinian state must demilitarize. 'Canada has long been committed to a two-state solution: an independent, viable and sovereign Palestinian state living side by side with the state of Israel,' Carney said. He noted the war in Gaza is adding to fear, grief and antisemitism with words and violence here in Canada. 'It is why we're introducing legislation this fall that will make it a criminal offence to intentionally and wilfully obstruct access to any place of worship to schools and community centres,' Carney said. 'We will also invest in the physical protection of vulnerable communities, and places of worship, to schools and community centres.' According to the Toronto Star , Carney's declaration was immediately slammed by Israel's UN ambassador, Iddo Moed. 'Let us be clear: Israel will not bow to the distorted campaign of international pressure against it. We will not sacrifice our very existence by permitting the imposition of a jihadist state on our ancestral homeland that seeks our annihilation,' Moed said in a statement to The Star. -with files from Torstar News Service. Error! Sorry, there was an error processing your request. There was a problem with the recaptcha. Please try again. You may unsubscribe at any time. By signing up, you agree to our terms of use and privacy policy . This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google privacy policy and terms of service apply. Want more of the latest from us? Sign up for more at our newsletter page .

Historical Great Powers Asia: Medieval West Asia
Historical Great Powers Asia: Medieval West Asia

The Diplomat

time2 days ago

  • General
  • The Diplomat

Historical Great Powers Asia: Medieval West Asia

This piece is part of a series of articles covering the medieval and early modern great powers of each of Asia's regions: East Asia, Central and North Asia, South Asia, Southeast Asia, and West Asia (the Middle East). Each article discusses the great power dynamics of the main powers within that particular region as well as how the main powers of each region interacted with those of other regions. To view the full series so far, click here. Some of the most powerful and influential great powers of the medieval and early modern Asian world were centered in West Asia (the Middle East). While East Asia was generally home to one great power centered in China, India featured multiple, competing states, and empires came and went on the Central Asian steppe, throughout history, the West Asian system was usually characterized by two roughly co-equal powers that both balanced each other and projected influence across the Middle East, Africa, Europe, and Asia. West Asian empires have often expanded beyond their region to dominate parts of Central and South Asia. These two powers were based in the western and eastern halves of the region, in the eastern Mediterranean — with a power base in modern Turkiye or Egypt — and in modern Iran (Persia) and Iraq (Mesopotamia). At the beginning of the period covered by this article, the region was mostly controlled by the Eastern Roman (Byzantine) Empire and the Sassanian Persian Empire; a thousand years later, two empires, the Ottoman and the Safavid, based in the same territories as their predecessors, also dominated West Asia. One derived its power by controlling the Mediterranean sea routes; the other, the overland routes between Central Asia and the Mediterranean world. West Asian empires were acknowledged as among the major players of the world by the Arabs, Chinese, and Indians. In fact, the region is oddly fragmented, and home now to many middle powers in a way that is historically uncharacteristic. West Asia is the central region in the Old World, situated between all of the other major regions of the Eurasian and African landmasses. Although it is not nearly as populous as China, India, or Europe, and although it was relatively resource-poor until the discovery of oil, the region has had an oversized impact on world history due to its location, which facilitated trade and the spread of ideas, especially the world-spanning religions of Christianity and Islam. The region is the heartland of Islam, and most of the region's population is Muslim today. Many of humanity's early agricultural and technological developments originated in West Asia, and much of the present-day population of both Europe and the Indian Subcontinent is descended from farmers who spread out from Anatolia (in modern Turkiye) and Iran in Neolithic times. West Asia is a relatively well-defined region, both culturally and geographically, though it blurs into the Mediterranean, Saharan, and Central Asian worlds at its edges. To the northwest of West Asia are the Mediterranean, Aegean, and Black seas, which clearly differentiate it from the peninsula that forms the western extremity of Eurasia: Europe. The Anatolian peninsula, which contains most of modern Turkiye, is also surrounded by the three aforementioned seas. Mountains stretch eastward from Anatolia, through the Armenian highlands, Caucasus Mountains, and the Alborz and Kopet Dag of northern Iran, almost up to the Hindu Kush range in central Afghanistan, walling off West Asia from the Central Asian steppe and the Indian Subcontinent. There is one exception that has been described as Iran's 'most serious geostrategic weakness': the mountains break to allow passageway between the plains of Central Asia and Iran. The geography of Iran, in particular, has been likened to a fortress or a box, allowing it to maintain a geopolitical coherence over time, and giving rise to its Sassanian (224-651 CE) and Safavid-era (1501-1736 CE) names, Eranshahr, 'fortress of Iran' (a shahr is a walled city), and mamalek-e mahruse, the guarded domains. To the south of Anatolia and the Iranian Plateau lies the narrow cultivated band known as the Fertile Crescent, winding through the Levant and Mesopotamia. To the southwest of the Fertile Crescent lie Egypt and the Sahara Desert, while to the south are the Syrian and Arabian deserts that encompass most of the Arabian Peninsula — save some highlands in Yemen — a large landmass surrounded by the Arabian Sea of the Indian Ocean, the Red Sea, and the Persian Gulf. The Arabian Peninsula separates the rest of Asia from Africa. Unlike other Eurasian subcontinental landmasses, such as India and Europe, the Arabian Peninsula is sparsely populated. While deserts are an effective barrier for the mass movements of populations, especially those dependent on farming, they easily permit movement and utility for nomadic tribes. Even though agriculture arose in West Asia, over time, according to Douglas E. Streusand, a professor who has studied Islamic civilizations, during the time of the Abbasid Caliphate in the Middle Ages, 'ecological conditions became less favorable to agriculture and more favorable to pastoral nomadism. Agriculture required considerable investment, while pastoral nomadism was a profitable use of land.' The ecology of West Asia has meant that a few regions are agricultural and densely populated — though with limited capacity to grow — while most others, such as deserts and high plateaus, have been dominated by nomadic pastoralism. Unlike the steppe nomads of Central Asia, who practiced pastoralism, but sometimes created states that ran the affairs of nomadic and conquered settled populations separately, in West Asia, the same peoples who spoke the same languages engaged in both agriculture and pastoralism. Journalist Tim Mackintosh-Smith, author of 'Arabs: A 3,000-Year History of Peoples, Tribes and Empire' described a duality between the settled and nomadic Arabs, whose lifestyles complement each other: 'the two meet, and overlap, and interact, and never more fruitfully than when the stationary and the mobile intersect at halts on highways: oases and suqs, caravanserais and pilgrim shrines.' Most medieval and early modern West Asian states — dominated by Turks or Arabs — ruled through both nomadic and settled populations. By the 19th century, half of Iran's population was nomadic, according to historian Abbas Amanat of Yale University. Governed by the Qajar Dynasty of nomadic Turkic origin, nomads and tribes dominated political life in Iran and elsewhere, but the state used the revenues of agriculture to support the bureaucracy and army. Although in ancient times, West Asia had been home to numerous small states, starting with the Assyrian Empire in the 10th century BCE, the region had witnessed a series of large empires — Babylonian, Achaemenid Persian, and Alexander the Great's domain — that consolidated rule over vast amounts territory. But the empires of the region were unlike the highly centralized bureaucratic state of China. Peoples and tribes enjoyed autonomy, and often the writ of the state barely extended to the nomads and clans who lived in the mountains and deserts. At the beginning of the period covered by this article, around the time of the rise of Islam in the 7th century CE, West Asia had been dominated by two empires for over 600 years: the Romans in the west — the eastern Roman polity is often known as the Byzantine Empire — and a succession of two Iranian states, the Parthians and Sassanians in the east. Both empires maintained contact with a variety of steppe tribes and used them against each other, as well as with China. Persian relations with China were especially close, with the last members of the Sassanian Dynasty seeking refuge there after the Arab conquest of their state. After the Byzantines and Persians nearly destroyed each other in a war lasting nearly 30 years, the Arabs, newly empowered by Islam, conquered much Roman territory and the entirety of the Sassanian Empire in the period between the 630s and 650s CE. Later, the Umayyad Caliphate (661-750 CE) extended Arab territory and Islam into Central Asia and the northwestern parts of the Indian subcontinent. The geopolitical impact of the Arab state on the trajectory of Asian history was enormous: it swept away old states and tribes and brought to power new ones, such as the Turkic mercenaries it hired. The Turks would go on to have a major impact on South and West Asian history. Arab armies permanently checked Chinese expansion into Central Asia and diminished the sphere of Indian, Hindu-Buddhist influence. Islam continued to spread, going on to have an impact on the lives of millions of Asians in places such as Indonesia and Bengal. The Abbasid Caliphate, which succeeded the Umayyads in 750 CE, effectively ruled the West Asian region for two centuries. Although it was a cultural golden age, the Abbasid period also witnessed the fragmentation of the empire, losing territory in North Africa and Central Asia. The region reverted to a geopolitical type, dominated by two major states, one in the east and the other in the west. In the west, the Fatimid Caliphate came to power in Egypt in the early 10th century, extending its control over the Levant and Syria, while in the east, the Persian Buyids, and then the Turkic Seljuks, extended their control over Iran and Iraq, reducing the Abbasid Caliph in Baghdad to a puppet. The Seljuks also conquered most of Byzantine Anatolia, laying the groundwork for future Turkish rule there. Over the next two centuries, a variety of events occurred in West Asia: state fragmentation, Crusades, but none had more impact than the Mongol invasions. In 1258 CE, the Mongols destroyed the Abbasid Caliphate and reduced most of the region, including the Turkic successor states of the Seljuks in Iran and Anatolia to either tributary status or direct rule. But Egypt and the Levant remained independent after defeating the Mongols at the Battle of Ain Jalut in 1260 CE. For some time, the two dominant powers in the region were the Mamluk Dynasty of Egypt and the Mongol successor state based in Iran and Iraq, the Ilkhanate. After another period of fragmentation brought about by the collapse of the Ilkhanate in 1335 CE, the region began to see the emergence of two new powerful states, both dominated by Turkic dynasties: the Ottomans (1299-1923 CE) and the Safavids (1501-1736 CE). The Ottomans, who successfully deployed muskets and cannon, conquered the remainder of the Byzantine Empire and the Balkans before also annexing Egypt and all of its territories in the Levant and Arabia in the 16th century. It also seized Iraq from the nascent Safavid Empire. By this time, the Ottoman Empire's territory mirrored and exceeded that of the late Eastern Roman Empire, and the Sunni Ottoman sultan assumed the mantle of the caliphate. The empire's influence and impact ranged quite far. Arab tribes deep in the Sahara and Arabian deserts paid it tribute, the empire gained suzerainty over parts of Somalia, Muslim rulers in Gujarat in India sought Ottoman help against the Portuguese, and the Sultanate of Aceh in Indonesia became its vassal. Meanwhile, the Safavid Dynasty in Iran held its own, though it hardly had the geopolitical impact or influence of the Ottomans. It succeeded in creating a Persian state that united Iran for the first time in centuries, and spread Shia Islam, laying the groundwork for modern Iran. By keeping the Uzbeks of Central Asia out and establishing a firm border with the Ottomans and the Mughals, it distinguished Iran firmly from its Sunni neighbors. But the empire also had its limits. Previous Iranian-based dynasties — even those such as the Ghaznavids and Seljuks, who had conquered Iran — were able to wield more influence throughout West, Central, and South Asia. Throughout the Safavid and subsequent Qajar eras, Persian cultural influence began to wane, even though Persian culture had previously dominated the Ottoman and Mughal courts. In the shadows of these larger, geopolitically dominant, culturally influential, and more confident empires, Iran began to experience a culture of strategic loneliness, according to political scientist Vali Nasr. Safavid Iran is considered one of the three major gunpowder empires of the early Islamic world, but the population of its core territories may not have exceeded six million, while the Mughal Empire was home to over 100 million people and the Ottoman Empire somewhere in the range of 20-25 million. The Ottoman and Mughal empires also depended less on tribal manpower and made use of rich, agricultural land in their newly conquered territories to build more effective states and institutions that could extract more taxes and support larger armies. A clear geopolitical pattern thus emerges in West Asia as we near the present day. Two empires, one based around modern Turkiye and another based around modern Iran dominate the region, and divide up the Fertile Crescent for much of history. Both also project power and influence other parts of Eurasia. Over time, though, power shifts toward the western, more Mediterranean-oriented of the two empires, because of trade, demographics, ideology, and the efficiency of state institutions. The interesting geopolitical pattern in West Asia is that the western, Mediterranean power in the region has steadily grown more powerful than the eastern, Persian-oriented one. The Achaemenid Persian Empire (550-330 BCE) controlled all of West Asia, including Turkiye, as well as Egypt, parts of northwest India, and Central Asia. The Sassanid Empire was much smaller, dominating only modern Iran, Iraq, and parts of western Afghanistan and the Caucasus range. While it was able to hold its own against the Roman Empire, it was significantly smaller and less populous, and was usually at the losing end of the Roman-Persian wars. The Safavid Empire shrunk further, losing Iraq to the Ottomans and present-day Afghanistan to the Mughals or the new Afghan national state that grew up in the 18th century. The Qajar Empire (1789-1925 CE) contracted even further, such that it was no longer regarded as a great power by anyone. With the brief exception of the conqueror Nader Shah's (who ruled Iran from 1736 to 1747 CE) career, Persian influence virtually disappeared from Central Asia and the Indian subcontinent by this time. Meanwhile, even though the Ottomans also entered a period of decline, their empire lasted longer, and remained geopolitically relevant throughout many regions for much longer. Even during World War I, the Ottomans were players in the Arabian Peninsula, Caucasus Mountains, and in Russian Central Asia. The modern Middle East is a very different place than medieval and premodern West Asia. The old empires are gone, replaced by a large number of nation-states, most of which are independent Arab nations, few of which existed until a century ago. Yet among the two most influential geopolitical players in the region — and in the larger world — remain Turkiye and Iran. In some ways, their odds are now more even than before because Turkiye has lost its empire and is of a similar size and population to Iran, while Iran has built modern state institutions over the course of the last century. Both Turkiye and Iran have been able to exert their influence over neighboring Arab states, to varying levels of success; after all, these Arab states also desire geopolitical autonomy and the ability to wield influence. Both Turkiye and Iran also epitomize some of the strengths and weaknesses of their predecessors: Iran remains strategically lonely, home to a branch of Islam that is still a minority in the Islamic world, and struggles to project real power, especially given its diminished economic prowess as a result of its limited integration into the world economy. Meanwhile, Turkish companies, diplomacy, geopolitical reach, and popular culture have a much wider currency today.

You can spend the day in Maldives-style overwater huts – just 3 hours from the UK
You can spend the day in Maldives-style overwater huts – just 3 hours from the UK

The Irish Sun

time4 days ago

  • The Irish Sun

You can spend the day in Maldives-style overwater huts – just 3 hours from the UK

IMAGINE soaking up the sun whilst suspended over the sea - you'd think you were in the Maldives, right? Well you can actually enjoy Advertisement 7 The Lost Seaside beach club is located in Sarandë, Albania Credit: Google 7 At the club there are a number of facilities including a pool, restaurant and bar Credit: Google 7 Guests can also hire a sunbed, with different kinds to choose from Credit: Google Located in Sandwiched between the The Lost Seaside features a pool , beach, restaurant and lounge. And it has multiple different Advertisement Read more on travel inspo The beach club strikes a balance between chilled vibes and luxury with In addition, there is also a restaurant where you can grab eats, including fresh salads, feta dishes and squid. Prices for sunbeds vary depending on what type you want and when you visit. But prices for August are £106.95 for a net cabana in the beach area, which hangs over the water, for three people - so around £35 per person. Advertisement Most read in News Travel Alternatively you can grab a normal cabana for £62.39 for two people or two sunbeds for £35.65. By the pool there are also a couple of options included Beach Club that's like being on the Med Guests can grab a beer for around £4.46, an Hundreds of keen travellers who have headed to the resort have posted videos of the spot on social media. Advertisement One visitor said: "The music and food were top tier, loved the views as well." Another visitor mentioned how they went to the resort in June and found it to be less crowded than other popular spots. There are a couple of different ways to get to the resort. One way is to fly to Advertisement 7 Some sunbeds cost as little as £17 per person Credit: Google 7 Or you can upgrade to Maldive-style beds hanging over the ocean for around £35 each Credit: Google 7 Drinks are reasonably priced at the club too, with an Aperol spritz costing less than £6 Credit: Google Return flights to Corfu can cost as low as £85 from Birmingham or £110 from London Gatwick in August - which is a peak month. Advertisement And whilst the ferry prices rise and fall depending on the day you travel and the time, return tickets can be found as low as £23 per adult. In total, it could cost you just over £100 per person to get to the town. Alternatively, you could fly to In Sarandë itself, there is a selection of restaurants and bars worth exploring as well. Advertisement And also nearby is the popular spot of The Blue Eye - a natural spring in the village of Muzinë with Another great location is Gjirokastër, known for its Ottoman architecture and Maldives hotel named one of the best in the world SIYAM World, a Maldives hotel, has earned global recognition from Tripadvisor. This vast resort offers unique experiences for all guests, set within the stunning Maldivian landscape. It boasts four kilometres of beaches and six kilometres of reef. Accommodations range from villas to residences, with many water villas featuring private pools and ocean slides. Adrenaline junkies can enjoy the floating waterpark, sporty jet cars, and even a semi-submersible Seabreacher. On land, the resort features a horse ranch, jungle go-karting, and an international football field, offering diverse activities. Families are catered to with "Kidz World," while adults can relax at the onsite spa. The resort operates on an all-inclusive basis, with extensive dining and drink options. To reach this paradise from the UK, fly directly from London Heathrow to Velana International Airport, followed by a quick seaplane or domestic flight and speedboat transfer. There is also a Plus, the Advertisement 7 The surrounding area also has some amazing sites like a natural spring and historic town

+500 artifacts stalled: Al-Anbar Museum waits security clearance
+500 artifacts stalled: Al-Anbar Museum waits security clearance

Shafaq News

time24-07-2025

  • General
  • Shafaq News

+500 artifacts stalled: Al-Anbar Museum waits security clearance

Shafaq News – Al-Anbar The reopening of the al-Anbar Cultural Museum remains on hold as authorities await security clearance to transfer more than 500 archaeological artifacts from Baghdad, an official informed Shafaq News. Located in Ramadi, the museum—founded in 1981—was heavily damaged during earlier military operations. It has since undergone full restoration by the provincial government, including new display cases, surveillance systems, fire safety equipment, and environmental controls. Speaking to Shafaq News, Ammar Ali, Director of Antiquities in al-Anbar, confirmed that the Ministry of Culture approved the artifacts' return. 'They've been catalogued and prepared for transport. Everything on our side is complete—we are simply waiting for the green light,' he explained. Meanwhile, researchers and historians consider the museum's reopening essential to reviving the province's cultural identity. Omar al-Rawi, a historian specializing in Iraqi heritage, described al-Anbar as rich in archaeological heritage, spanning Assyrian, Babylonian, Abbasid, and Ottoman eras. He also warned that keeping the artifacts in Baghdad risks deterioration and detachment from their original context. 'Keeping these pieces outside the province limits public access—especially for the younger generation, which has never seen its own material history up close.' In Ramadi, civil activist Mohammed Fahd al-Eisawi described the museum's reopening as essential for restoring social cohesion, calling it 'not optional—but necessary.' He further envisioned it as a cultural and educational hub that could help build a counter-narrative to the province's recent wartime legacy.

Turkish Religious Affairs President Visits Tombs of Imam al-Shafi'i & Muhammad Zahid al-Kawthari in Cairo
Turkish Religious Affairs President Visits Tombs of Imam al-Shafi'i & Muhammad Zahid al-Kawthari in Cairo

See - Sada Elbalad

time23-07-2025

  • Politics
  • See - Sada Elbalad

Turkish Religious Affairs President Visits Tombs of Imam al-Shafi'i & Muhammad Zahid al-Kawthari in Cairo

Nada Mustafa In a significant gesture honoring Islamic scholarship and the enduring legacy of Islamic jurisprudence, the President of Turkey's Directorate of Religious Affairs, Prof. Dr. Ali Erbaş, visited two of the most revered figures in Islamic intellectual history during his stay in Egypt. Erbaş paid tribute at the Imam al-Shafi'i Mosque and Mausoleum in Cairo, where the founder of the Shafi'i school of Islamic jurisprudence, Imam al-Shafi'i, is laid to rest. He also visited the grave of Muhammad Zahid al-Kawthari, one of the last great Ottoman scholars, theologians, and a former deputy Shaykh al-Islam. In a message shared on social media, Erbaş stated, 'We visited the Imam Shafi'i Mosque and Mausoleum in Cairo, where the esteemed Imam al-Shafi'i, a pioneer of our tradition of knowledge and wisdom, is buried. We also paid our respects at the grave of Muhammad Zahid al-Kawthari, one of the last great scholars and thinkers of the Ottoman era. We commemorated their lives, which were devoted to knowledge, with mercy and gratitude.' 'May our Almighty Lord be pleased with the scholars who walked the path of the Qur'an and Sunnah and left behind a rich legacy of knowledge. May He not separate us from this path of wisdom and learning to which they devoted their lives," he continued. read more Gold prices rise, 21 Karat at EGP 3685 NATO's Role in Israeli-Palestinian Conflict US Expresses 'Strong Opposition' to New Turkish Military Operation in Syria Shoukry Meets Director-General of FAO Lavrov: confrontation bet. nuclear powers must be avoided News Iran Summons French Ambassador over Foreign Minister Remarks News Aboul Gheit Condemns Israeli Escalation in West Bank News Greek PM: Athens Plays Key Role in Improving Energy Security in Region News One Person Injured in Explosion at Ukrainian Embassy in Madrid News Israeli-Linked Hadassah Clinic in Moscow Treats Wounded Iranian IRGC Fighters Arts & Culture "Jurassic World Rebirth" Gets Streaming Date News China Launches Largest Ever Aircraft Carrier Videos & Features Tragedy Overshadows MC Alger Championship Celebration: One Fan Dead, 11 Injured After Stadium Fall Lifestyle Get to Know 2025 Eid Al Adha Prayer Times in Egypt Arts & Culture South Korean Actress Kang Seo-ha Dies at 31 after Cancer Battle Business Egyptian Pound Undervalued by 30%, Says Goldman Sachs Sports Get to Know 2025 WWE Evolution Results News "Tensions Escalate: Iran Probes Allegations of Indian Tech Collaboration with Israeli Intelligence" News Flights suspended at Port Sudan Airport after Drone Attacks

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