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Why Africa can no longer afford to outsource its security architecture
Why Africa can no longer afford to outsource its security architecture

IOL News

time4 days ago

  • Politics
  • IOL News

Why Africa can no longer afford to outsource its security architecture

A member of the Central African Republic armed forces wears a patch with the logo of the private mercenary group Wagner on his uniform. In countries like Mali and Burkina Faso, private military groups, most notably the Wagner Group (being replaced by African Corps), have become a cornerstone of military regimes, aiding in consolidating power while playing key roles in counterterrorism operations, says the writer. Image: AFP Adeoye O. Akinola ON JUNE 17, the United Nations Working Group on 'the use of mercenaries as a means of violating human rights and impeding the exercise of the right of peoples to self-determination' co-hosted a dialogue with the Institute for Pan-African Thought and Conversation (IPATC) at the University of Johannesburg. The event, titled 'Hybridisation in the Use of Violence: Emerging Trends in Mercenaries, Mercenary-Related Actors, and PMSCs', explored the shifting dynamics of mercenaries and PMSCs in Africa, examining their historical evolution, contemporary manifestations, and the complex challenges of regulating their activities, with particular focus on protocol development and the role of civil society in influencing governance frameworks. Even as many now choose to feign ignorance of the undeniable presence of mercenaries and foreign fighters on African soil, and the havoc they continue to wreak, the revelation of nearly 300 Romanian mercenaries surrendering after being enlisted to fight alongside the national army in Goma, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in January this year, has served as a sobering reminder. This development has reinforced the urgency to confront the alarming trend and nature of the externalisation of Africa's peace and security architecture. Despite the prohibitions enshrined in the 1989 International Convention against the Recruitment, Use, Financing and Training of Mercenaries and the 1977 OAU/AU Convention for the Elimination of Mercenarism in Africa, private military and security companies (PMSCs) continue to penetrate and entrench themselves within the security apparatus of states, notably in Mozambique and across the Sahel region. While the meeting sought to draw out the perspectives of civil society actors on how foreign fighters continue to violate the human rights of citizens in affected countries globally, it is essential to interrogate the distinct realities of the African context, cautioning against universal assumptions about the role and capacity of civil society in confronting the activities of 'soldiers of fortune.' In the Global North, where the headquarters of most PMSCs are located, mercenaries typically operate beyond national borders, engaging primarily in conflict zones such as Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ This external focus allows civil society actors in countries like the United States, the United Kingdom, or France to exercise greater freedoms in assessing and responding to the use of PMSCs. By contrast, in the Global South, particularly in African states of the Sahel, mercenaries have become deeply embedded in national peace and security frameworks, creating perilous conditions that severely limit the ability of civil society to speak out, report on, or meaningfully engage with the activities of these foreign fighters on their soil. In countries like Mali and Burkina Faso, private military groups, most notably the Wagner Group (being replaced by African Corps), have become a cornerstone of military regimes, aiding in consolidating power while playing key roles in counterterrorism operations. Al Jazeera reported in March that between 1,000 and 1,500 Wagner fighters were active in Mali. What explains the resurgence of mercenaries in Africa? Among several factors, the meeting identifies Africa's weak national institutions, coupled with the externalisation of its security, which have left the continent vulnerable to foreign exploitation, particularly by powers in North America and the Gulf. Intense competition over critical minerals, a weakened UN regulatory system, the spread of terrorism, the rise of local militias and a resurgence of military rule and democratic autocracy further deepen instability, acting as some of the pull factors for the operation of PMSCs in Africa. Though there is legitimate opposition to the presence of foreign fighters on African soil, it is equally important to reflect on the profound fragility of these states and their limited capacity to secure their territories and protect their populations. The recent attack on a Niger army base near the Malian border, where over 200 gunmen killed at least 34 soldiers (as reported by the BBC last week), reinforces these security gaps. In Barsalogho, Burkina Faso, al-Qaeda-linked militants killed hundreds of people in an attack in August last year, with the French government reporting 600 deaths, while the UN estimates placed the toll at around 300. In these fragile contexts, foreign fighters have gained notoriety for grave human rights violations, surpassing even the abuses perpetrated by national armies. Civilians in Mali and elsewhere alarmingly fear Russian mercenaries more than terrorist groups themselves. Between May and December last year alone, the Malian army and Russian forces were reported to have deliberately killed at least 32 civilians (including 7 in a drone strike), forcibly disappeared four others, and burned over 100 homes during military operations across central and northern Mali. Africa can no longer afford to witness the steady loss of its vibrant population to preventable deaths. The continent must not stand by as foreign fighters tighten their grip on Africa's security architecture. It is both ironic and regrettable that the continent depends on foreign funding for its peace operations; it must not compound this by relying on foreign mercenaries to safeguard the government of its member states and protect its civilian population. The AU should engage with the UN Working Group and interact more with other think tanks and civil society actors involved in advancing the regulation of the activities of PMSCs in Africa and beyond. The continental institution must enhance the capacity of civil society actors and establish secure channels that allow them, along with the broader civilian population, to anonymously report mercenary activities. Their voices must be meaningfully incorporated into the review process of the OAU/AU 1977 Protocol on Mercenaries. Beyond the pressing need to review the Protocol on Mercenaries, the AU and African stakeholders must demonstrate greater commitment to advancing continental peace and security. The African peace and security architecture must be revived to respond to current realities. The AU Peace Fund should be deployed meaningfully to support genuine peace initiatives across Africa. While counterterrorism efforts often prioritise hard power, many armed insurrections and insurgencies are rooted in deeper issues of governance, justice, and survival. The onus lies with Africa's political elites at national, regional, and continental levels to craft visionary policies that address the 'war of the belly', ensure inclusive governance, and implement pragmatic security strategies that secure lasting peace. Mercenaries may provide temporary security solutions, but they are ill-suited to deliver the long-term stability African societies urgently require. Akinola is an Associate Professor in the Department of Politics and International Relations at the University of Johannesburg, South Africa.

India among top contributors even as global peacekeeping ops drop by 40%: Report
India among top contributors even as global peacekeeping ops drop by 40%: Report

India Today

time27-05-2025

  • Politics
  • India Today

India among top contributors even as global peacekeeping ops drop by 40%: Report

As global conflicts surge, multilateral peace operations are paradoxically shrinking in scale. According to the latest data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), deployments to peace operations have dropped by over 40 per cent in the last decade — from 1,61,509 personnel in 2015 to just 94,451 in India continued to retain its place among the top troop contributors to United Nations peacekeeping efforts. With 5,211 military personnel deployed, India ranks third globally, following Nepal (5,908) and Bangladesh (5,482). All three South Asian nations remain strong supporters of UN-led peace SIPRI report underscored a striking pattern: every one of the top 10 troop-contributing countries hails from the Global South. Besides India, the list includes Pakistan and six sub-Saharan African nations, such as Rwanda and Kenya, highlighting the South's continued commitment to global peacekeeping, even as Western powers retreat or refocus. In 2024, 61 peace operations were active across 36 countries — just two fewer than in 2023. However, these missions are operating with fewer personnel and increasingly constrained mandates, largely due to geopolitical tensions and funding shortages, according to the Africa remains the epicentre of peacekeeping activity. Of all deployed personnel, a staggering 74 per cent — amounting to nearly 70,000 — were stationed in this region. In contrast, only 0.3 per cent (314 personnel) were deployed in Asia and Oceania, including missions involving Indian operations are also being undermined by a fractured UN Security Council. Furthermore, SIPRI noted that internal rifts have effectively paralysed the council's ability to launch new large-scale UN missions. No major UN-led peacekeeping operation has been initiated in the past strains are compounding the crisis. Delayed payments from key funders — including the United States, China, and several EU nations — have placed severe pressure on UN operations. The recent closure of the Southern African Development Community Mission in Mozambique (SAMIM) was one of the casualties of this fiscal multilateral responses falter, some conflict-hit countries are turning to private military and security companies (PMSCs). However, SIPRI cautioned that reliance on PMSCs, seen in places like Mozambique and the Democratic Republic of Congo, often produces mixed or poor even host nations that previously demanded peacekeeper withdrawals are reversing course. Both the DRC and Somalia have recently urged peacekeepers to remain longer, following renewed instability and threats in areas vacated by UN the operational setbacks and declining troop numbers, SIPRI experts argued that multilateral peace operations continue to serve as essential tools for managing conflict and protecting civilians. Their remarks came ahead of the International Day of UN Peacekeepers, observed on May 29.

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