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13 Pakistani soldiers killed in suicide bombing near Afghan border
13 Pakistani soldiers killed in suicide bombing near Afghan border

Saudi Gazette

time2 hours ago

  • Politics
  • Saudi Gazette

13 Pakistani soldiers killed in suicide bombing near Afghan border

ISLAMABAD — At least 13 Pakistani soldiers were killed and 24 others wounded, including 14 civilians, in a suicide bombing on Saturday targeting an army convoy in North Waziristan, near the border with Afghanistan, local media reported. The attack occurred in the Khadi Market area of Mir Ali, a town in the volatile Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province. Citing security sources, Khyber Chronicles reported that a suicide bomber detonated an explosive device near a bomb disposal unit vehicle belonging to the 22 Frontier Force Regiment. The incident marks one of the deadliest single-day assaults on Pakistani security forces in recent months in the tribal border regions. Among the 24 injured, many were critically wounded, according to local hospital sources. A local militant faction led by Hafiz Gulbahadar claimed responsibility for the bombing, although the Pakistan Army has not yet issued an official statement. In the wake of a spate of attacks targeting military and law enforcement personnel across Waziristan, Khyber, and Kurram districts, Pakistan's military has intensified intelligence-based operations across the province. Islamabad continues to blame the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), which it claims operates from sanctuaries across the border in Afghanistan. Kabul has repeatedly denied such allegations, asserting that Afghan soil is not being used for cross-border terrorism. — Agencies

CM distributes Rs400m to specially-abled people
CM distributes Rs400m to specially-abled people

Express Tribune

time10 hours ago

  • General
  • Express Tribune

CM distributes Rs400m to specially-abled people

At a ceremony held at the Chief Minister House, under the Department of Empowerment of Persons with Disabilities (DEPD), Chief Minister Syed Murad Ali Shah announced financial assistance of Rs400 million for the welfare of specially-abled people. Aimed at creating an inclusive, empowered, and equitable society, cheques were distributed among 56 partner organisations at the event, with the aid amounts, reportedly, already transferred to the beneficiaries. Further, CM Shah announced that the DEPD budget would be increased to Rs800 million for the next fiscal year, and that 20 new centres have been established, in collaboration with NGOs, while the capacities of 15 existing centres have been enhanced. Transport has also been provided at 66 centres, offering pick-and-drop services. The CM noted that 12 CRTs (rehabilitation centres) will become functional by the end of this year, with one centre established in each district. Regarding inclusive education, CM Shah announced that a special directorate and curriculum have been developed to enroll children with disabilities in regular schools. He also deemed assistive technologies such as wheelchairs, prosthetic limbs, and communication devices, as symbols of independence and dignity for specially-abled persons, directing the installation of wheelchair ramps in all government buildings and mentioning that the Chief Minister House is now fully accessible At the close of the ceremony, specially-abled children presented tableaus paying tribute to the Pakistan Army, and also gifted artworks to the CM.

Why Asaduddin Owaisi is losing the trust of young Indian Muslims
Why Asaduddin Owaisi is losing the trust of young Indian Muslims

Scroll.in

time13 hours ago

  • Politics
  • Scroll.in

Why Asaduddin Owaisi is losing the trust of young Indian Muslims

Fiercely articulate, legally astute and unapologetically Muslim, Asaduddin Owaisi has carved out a space where Indian Muslims can feel represented, not merely as a vote bank but as citizens with constitutional dignity But he has unleashed a torrent of disappointment with his recent participation in an all-party delegation to the Gulf to explain the government's position after Operation Sindoor. In news clips, Owaisi can be seen fiercely denouncing Pakistan while insisting that Muslims in India are in a way better shape, has unleashed a torrent of disappointment. What happens when a voice of dissent begins to echo the narratives of the establishment it once challenged? Critic echoes the state It was not Owaisi's criticism of Pakistan that sparked outrage. Indian Muslims have no illusions about the Pakistani state. Far from offering it support, they do not even have any expectations of it. Rather, it was Owaisi's tone and timing, his eagerness to present a sanitised picture of India abroad, at a moment when Muslims at home are being subjected to bulldozer justice, arbitrary arrests and public lynchings by the same establishment he was representing overseas. This made many of those who looked up to him feel abandoned. Amid this deeply violent landscape, what does it mean for Owaisi to offer the narrative of internal harmony to the world? Participation in such delegations could have been used as an opportunity to highlight the paradox of Indian democracy, its capacity to showcase token diversity while eroding real dissent. Asaduddin Owaisi drops a truth bomb "A terrorist wanted by America is being sheltered by the Pakistan Army in Muridke and Bahawalpur" @asadowaisi says it like it is! Pakistan is shielding terrorists, and the world needs to see it #IndiaPakistanWar — Nabila Jamal (@nabilajamal_) May 10, 2025 Instead, Owaisi chose to align with the state's script, insisting that India's internal tensions are merely political differences. That erasure of Muslim suffering is a wound far deeper than any ideological disagreement. Thus far, Owaisi's strength has been his refusal to bend to the Hindutva machinery. He was that rare voice who dared to challenge the ruling Bharatiya Janata party and its mother organisation, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, while also holding secular parties accountable for their token gestures towards ensuring minority rights. His insistence on constitutionalism, on asserting rights not through communal appeals but legal frameworks, was refreshing. Today, that insistence is becoming performance. By chanting 'Pakistan Murdabad' or death to Pakistan, not as a critique of that nation's policies but as a means of proving loyalty, Owaisi has crossed a symbolic threshold. It is not just that he's critical of Pakistan – it's that he appears eager to use anti-Pakistan sentiment as a way to buy legitimacy in the eyes of an establishment and a section of India's people who already view Muslims with suspicion.. For many Indian Muslims, this feels disorienting. This is not because they sympathise with Pakistan – far from it – but because their everyday lives are shaped by being equated with it. At a time when India's Muslim neighbourhoods are branded as 'mini-Pakistans' and community youth are jailed merely on the allegation of supporting Pakistan in cricket, what does Owaisi's vilification of Pakistan globally really accomplish? His actions of presenting a united front on an international level play into the BJP's narratives that project India through a Hindutva lens and marginalise Muslims. AIMIM MP Asaduddin Owaisi- 'Bharat Zindabad Pakistan Murdabad' — Haryana Mail (@HaryanaMail) May 8, 2025 The irony is bitter. Indian Muslims are denounced as being 'anti-national' for everything from their dietary habits to their choice of clothing, yet the man they looked to for defense now seems to be parroting the very lines that reinforce their marginalisation. Owaisi's nationalist credentials may earn him mainstream support, media space and diplomatic access, but at what cost? When the bodies of Muslims lie broken in the streets and their homes reduced to rubble, silence is complicity. Owaisi's silence, dressed in this hyper-nationalist rhetoric, speaks volumes. Internal discontent For the BJP, Owaisi is becoming a prized possession. His striking presence in the Parliament, his traditional attire and his eloquence in Urdu, make him the perfect 'other'. With his recent international posturing, he becomes even more valuable. Owaisi has become both figurehead and foil. The more he speaks about foreign enemies, the less he cares about the enmity manifesting itself back home. Young Muslims, once inspired by Owaisi's defiance, now feel betrayed. They watch their brothers lynched and their sisters harassed while the man they saw as their advocate poses for photos with those complicit in their suffering. They see bulldozers where schools once stood. They see headlines criminalising their grief. It is not enough to say that Owaisi is 'doing what he must' to survive politically. Representation without resistance is vacuous. If he cannot call out the violence and the state machinery that facilitates it, his voice is no longer that of the community. This growing sense of alienation could have tangible electoral consequences too, particularly in states like Bihar and West Bengal, where his All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen party has sought to expand its influence. The question now is no longer just about his strategic brilliance, but about trust. Can Indian Muslims still see Owaisi as a bulwark against systemic injustice or is he becoming just another player in a rigged game? Owaisi once inspired a new variety of Indian Muslim politics, one rooted in legal consciousness, political engagement and unapologetic identity. Today, however, that feels hollow. It speaks at global press conferences, not about the streets. It performs nationalism, not justice, and in doing so, it loses the very people it was meant to protect. Yes, politics demands compromise. Yes, Muslim leaders walk a tightrope in today's India. However, there is a difference between walking carefully and walking away. Owaisi's recent actions suggest he may be doing the latter. In a nation where Muslim existence is increasingly criminalised, where bulldozers replace courts and where silence is state policy, what Indian Muslims need is not a strategist but a witness: someone who will name the violence – even if it costs him the mic. Until that happens, Owaisi may not be seen as a political alternative but merely a bearded accessory to an increasingly Hindutva state. Ismail Salahuddin is a writer and researcher based in Delhi, focusing on Muslim identity, communal politics, caste, and the politics of knowledge, social exclusion and inclusive policy at Jamia Millia Islamia in New Delhi. Mohammad Aaquib is a Kolkata-based writer and researcher. He works on communalism, political violence and Muslim identity in contemporary South Asia.

Flood warnings trigger evacuation along Nullah Leh
Flood warnings trigger evacuation along Nullah Leh

Express Tribune

time15 hours ago

  • Politics
  • Express Tribune

Flood warnings trigger evacuation along Nullah Leh

The water level rose to 18 feet at Nullah Leh after a heavy downpour in the twin cities on Tuesday. PHOTO: Agha Mahroz/EXPRESS As the pre-monsoon season approaches, residents and traders living near Rawalpindi's low-lying areas and along the 22-kilometre-long Nullah Leh have begun moving their belongings to safer locations. Many traders in the inner city have already emptied their warehouses and shifted goods to secure storage to avoid flood losses. Once a pristine stream fed by springs and rainfall from the Margalla Hills, Nullah Leh entered Rawalpindi at New Katarian, flowing through both city and cantonment areas before merging with the River Soan. Over 500 years ago, Mehmood Ghaznavi camped beside its banks. Aryan settlers made it their home centuries ago, and Arya Mohalla still bears their name. Until 1925, it had clean, fish-filled waters used for drinking and religious rituals. After partition, unchecked urbanisation and industrial waste transformed it into a sewage drain. Municipal records show the nullah spans 500 to 1,000 feet in width and stretches 22 kilometres, 11 km through the city and the rest through cantonment zones. Floods through the years Rawalpindi has witnessed at least seven major floods over the decades. The most devastating occurred on July 23, 2001, killing 65 people and hundreds of animals, and causing damages worth Rs7 billion. Subsequent floods in 1967, 1969, 1972, 1975, 1982, and 1986 also caused significant loss of life and property. Despite repeated pledges by successive governments, including those of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, General Zia, Nawaz Sharif, and Benazir Bhutto, to resolve the issue through projects like the Leh Expressway and separate sewage tunnels, no plan has been fully executed. Unfulfilled promises In 2007, the then-President General Pervez Musharraf launched the Nullah Leh project at an estimated cost of Rs17 billion. Only 25% was completed before the project was shelved in 2008. The cost has now surged beyond Rs100 billion. Every year, WASA and district officials claim to desilt the drain with a reported annual budget of Rs140 million, but locals say the results are negligible. High-risk areas According to an estimate, approximately 0.7 million residents and traders live in these flood-prone zones. The most flood-prone areas include Nadeem Colony, Javed Colony, Arya Mohalla, Dhoke Elahi Bakhsh, Chah Sultan, Raja Bazaar, and Gawalmandi, among others. These densely populated localities suffer extensive damage each year. Significance of Leh Expressway WASA Director Admin Umar Farooq claimed that desilting work on Nullah Leh and 15 associated drains has been carried out efficiently this year. Deputy Commissioner Hasan Waqas Cheema said that all departments are on high alert and that the Pakistan Army's Triple-One Brigade remains on standby. However, residents such as Haji Noor Deen and Fazal Elahi remain unconvinced. They say official preparations are largely cosmetic, and the first pre-monsoon rain last Saturday already left streets submerged in up to two feet of water. Many families are once again packing up and evacuating, bracing for yet another season of flooding. Experts believe that until the Leh Expressway is constructed and a separate tunnel is built for sewage, Nullah Leh will continue to wreak havoc year after year.

On Pak Nobel Nomination For Trump, Chetan Bhagat's Liquor, Deaddiction Dig
On Pak Nobel Nomination For Trump, Chetan Bhagat's Liquor, Deaddiction Dig

NDTV

timea day ago

  • Entertainment
  • NDTV

On Pak Nobel Nomination For Trump, Chetan Bhagat's Liquor, Deaddiction Dig

Celebrated author Chetan Bhagat likened Pakistan's Nobel Prize nomination for US President Donald Trump to a liquor shop owner opening a de-addiction clinic. Speaking at NDTV Creators Manchester, Mr Bhagat was asked if he wishes to receiver a Booker Prize for his literary works. "Trump is not getting the Peace Prize, I'm not getting the Booker Prize. He (Trump) has said he should have gotten it four to five times by now. I also feel the same (about getting a Booker Prize)," he said. Pakistan's nomination Trump for the Nobel Prize is what Mr Bhagat said amuses him. "How can Pakistan nominate anyone for the Peace Prize? It is like a liquor shop opening a de-addiction clinic. I have not received any (Booker Prize) nomination yet from (Pakistan Army chief) Asim Munir type people. If it comes, then maybe I will get it," he joked. During the chat, Mr Bhagat also supported Punjabi star Diljit Dosanjh, who is in the middle of a raging controversy about the casting of Pakistani star Hania Aamir in his latest film Sardaar Ji 3. He said, "I love Diljit. he is one of the truly exceptionally talented individuals. I admire him. He sticks to his principles. He wanted to be in Bollywood, but he didn't cut his hair... He still became a star. It's not a joke, anyone can get tempted. His music, his concerts, his reels are hilarious." The 2 States author said that a film does not belong to just an actor, but the hundreds of people that work on it. "Even if you have an issue with Diljit, penalising those people is not fair, so much money has gone into it. Banning a film is too much. You don't like the film, don't watch it. The calls for his boycott are highly unfair," he said. Speaking to NDTV on the sidelines of the event, the author was asked about his opinion on the most overrated book. "I'm thinking... It's mine. If I say someone else's, I'll get beaten up," he quipped.

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