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The Wire
6 days ago
- Politics
- The Wire
Hindutva Groups' Threats, Boycott Calls Drive Muslim Families Out of Two Pune Villages
Communalism A team of People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) and Association for Protection of Civil Rights (APCR) members conducted a fact-finding exercise on July 2 in both villages, only to find a palpable climate of fear, shuttered businesses, disrupted lives, and displaced families. Illustration: Pariplab Chakraborty. Mumbai: In a disturbing wave of targeted communal intimidation and socio-economic boycotts, several Muslims have been forced to flee the Paud and Pirangut villages in Mulshi taluka, Pune district. Although most of these Muslim individuals and their families have lived in these villages for over two decades, many Hindus from the villages have justified the boycott claiming that they are 'non-native Muslims'. A team of People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) and Association for Protection of Civil Rights (APCR) members conducted a fact-finding exercise on July 2 in both villages, only to find a palpable climate of fear, shuttered businesses, disrupted lives, and displaced families. The PUCL and APCR investigations followed reports of illegal posters calling for a boycott of non-native Muslims, which surfaced after an alleged desecration of an Annapurna Devi idol on May 2, in Paud, followed by a march by BJP and other right-wing groups on May 5. At these rallies, open threats were given to the Muslims of the village. The posters, along with threats and harassment, created a communal atmosphere, PUCL says, prompting them to submit a memorandum to Pune Rural Superintendent of Police Sandeep Singh Gill. The posters eventually were removed. But the damage it caused were much deeper. The Muslim-owned businesses like bakeries, scrap shops, salons, and chicken shops continue to remain closed. 'Despite repeated complaints to the police, we've received no protection to reopen our businesses,' said owner of Roshan Bakery in Paud, during a press conference that the PUCL organised in Pune on July 4. The owner further added, 'Our family has lived here for 40 years, yet we're labelled outsiders because my father's village is in Uttar Pradesh. We were warned not to reopen our bakery or face consequences.' Besides Roshan Bakery, two others – New Sangam and New Bharat – have been padlocked, costing around 400 workers their daily wages. The bakery provided employment to both Muslims and non-Muslims. 'Five Hindu vendors who sold our bread door-to-door are now jobless,' added owner of Bharat Bakery, which was established over 32 years ago. 'This isn't just about religion; it's about destroying our means of survival,' he said. The fact-finding committee met with Paud Police Station Inspector Santosh Girigosavi, who confirmed that controversial posters were removed following the SP's orders. However, the issue does not get resolved just with the removal of the posters. Several Hindutva members have allegedly been openly intimidating Muslim business owners to lease their shops and leave. Hindu Rashtra Sena member Dhananjay Desai, who has earlier faced trial in the killing of a IT professional Mohsin Shaikh in 2014 and was subsequently acquitted for want of evidence, has been once again accused of orchestrating threats from a farmhouse near Vitthalwadi village in Pune. Police confirmed a case against Desai for seizing a farmhouse, declaring that he is absconding. Another scrap shop owner, whose shop was set ablaze in early June, causing a loss of Rs 20 lakh, recounted his ordeal. 'I've lived here for years, married here, but after my shop was burned, I had to move my family to Kamshet. I filed a complaint and requested compensation, but nothing has come of it.' Like many others, he hopes to return once the situation stabilises. The hate campaign has also targeted religious spaces. Posters outside two mosques restricted namaz to local Muslims, deterring worshippers from nearby Kolvan village. Though removed, the fear lingers, with Muslims avoiding the mosques. 'The atmosphere is still tense,' a local Muslim resident, requesting anonymity, has said. The displacement has taken a severe toll. Many have had to flee to their ancestral villages in Uttar Pradesh; several have found refuge in close by Kamshet. In all this, along with livelihood, the children are the worst affected. Many had to abruptly stop their education. One of the villagers also shared instances of heightened surveillance that he and other Muslims from the village have been facing. 'A WhatsApp group of 400 villagers tracks our movements. When I went to a medical store for my son's medicine, my photo was immediately shared in the group,' he said. Ashok Matre, former Congress taluka president in Pirangut, lamenting the erosion of Mulshi's 'historical harmony', said, 'Muslims used to participate in the [Hindu religious festival of] Harinaam Saptah, wearing traditional attire. But groups like RSS, Shiv Pratishthan, and Hindu Rashtra Sena have poisoned minds.' PUCL condemned the economic boycotts as 'unconstitutional'. The Indian constitution, the human rights group emphasises, guarantees that an individual can conduct business anywhere. Civil rights groups are preparing legal action to address the violations. The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments.

The Wire
05-07-2025
- Politics
- The Wire
Anti-Maoist Operations Aimed at Enabling Corporate Loot, Violence Must End: Joint Statement
Citizens, tribal rights activists and organisations urged the Union and state government to stop repression and violence in Adivasi areas. Illustration: Pariplab Chakraborty. New Delhi: In a joint statement released on Saturday (July 5), citizens, tribal rights activists and organisations called for an end to the 'repression' and 'violence' in predominantly Adivasi areas across the country, especially in Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh. More than 40 organisations are signatories to the joint statement, including the People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL), Jharkhand; the National Alliance for Climate and Ecological Justice; the Adivasi Adhikar Manch, Jharkhand; and the National Alliance of People's Movements. Individuals who are signatories include poet and writer Jacinta Kerketta and economist Jean Dreze under the banner of the Jharkhand Janadhikar Mahasabha. Violence and repression in the name of 'eradicating Maoism' have increased in predominantly tribal areas such as Bastar, Chhattisgarh in recent years, the statement said. However, civilians are also killed along with Maoists in these operations. Moreover, the government's attitude is against the peaceful and democratic protests of indigenous communities against displacement, forced mining, forced camp construction and militarisation, the statement said. 'The Adivasis have been fighting against forced land acquisition, eviction from forests and arbitrary mining for decades. They are fighting for a dignified life and constitutional rights. Even then, the widespread violation of PESA, Fifth Schedule, Forest Rights Act and constitutional rights of the Adivasis is increasing,' the statement read. The fifth schedule of the constitution aims to protect tribal autonomy and their rights over land in areas notified as part of this schedule. The districts of Surguja, Bastar, Raigarh and Raipur in Chhattisgarh, for instance, come under the Fifth Schedule. The Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996, meanwhile extended the provisions of gram sabhas or panchayats to the tribal areas of nine states that have Fifth Schedule areas, including Chhattisgarh, in an effort to enable tribal self-governance in these regions. The Forest Rights Act – officially the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006 – recognises the rights of tribal and other forest dwellers to their ancestral lands within forested areas and proffers them rights to live on the land, sustainably use forest resources, and protect and conserve these areas. The July 5 statement claimed that the 'real objective' of anti-Maoist operations in states such as Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand is to enable 'corporate loot': 'Big business houses have their eyes on them. The disagreement of the Gram Sabhas, various movements of non cooperation and resistance of the Adivasis, progressive organizations fighting for the poor and the Maoists stand against this loot. And naturally, the government comes forward to protect corporate interests, administratively suppresses these protests.' Though the insurgent Communist Party of India (CPI) (Maoist) has expressed its intent to engage in peace talks, Maoist elimination campaigns still occur. Most recently, security forces killed 31 people – including Maoists and, allegedly, unarmed tribals – in the Karregutta mountain range of Bastar in Chhattisgarh, the statement said. In many of these cases, the dead bodies have not even been handed over to their families, it claimed. 'This shows that in the name of 'eradicating Maoism', the government is set out to destroy the constitution, international laws, humanity and social cultural customs,' the statement said, adding that this was a 'blot on our democracy and constitutional system'. The signatories called on the state and Union governments to put an immediate stop to armed aggression and violence in these areas and implement a 'credible ceasefire'. It also urged that authorities engage with local indigenous communities on their issues, and start a dialogue with the CPI (Maoist). A tribal youth organisation in Bastar, the Moolvasi Bachao Manch, which was fighting against forced camps and displacement, has been banned and its leaders arrested under 'fake charges'. This needs to be undone by withdrawing the charges against its leaders and releasing them, the statement said. It also urged the governments to remove all armed force camps, camps built without the consent of gram sabhas as well as camps setup in schools, apart from ensuring the proper implementation of laws such as the PESA, the fifth schedule and Forest Rights Act in these areas. The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments.

The Wire
03-07-2025
- Entertainment
- The Wire
'Poison PR', an Investigative Collaboration Between The Wire and International Outlets Wins One World Media Award
The project examined how a US-government funded PR firm profiled activists and scientists opposing pesticides across the world, including India. Illustation: Pariplab Chakraborty The Award As part of this investigation, The Wire published the story titled 'How a US-Based PR Firm Is Profiling Activists, Scientists Opposing Pesticides and GMO', on September 24 last year. The story highlighted how the US-based v-Fluence Interactive, a reputation management firm which received funding from the United States government, was working to combat opposition to pesticides and genetically modified (GM) crops by secretly profiling critics, both across the world and in India. The One World Media Awards, given every year across 13 categories including news, print, press freedom and refugee reporting, recognise exceptional and underreported journalism from the global south. In 2025, more than 50 judges from 20 countries chose the winners from more than 500 entries. 'Poison PR' won the 2025 Environment Reporting Award at the 37th One World Media Award ceremony on June 25. The list of media houses that collaborated on the 'Poison PR' investigation included Lighthouse Reports, The Wire, Africa Uncensored, The New Lede, The Guardian, The New Humanitarian, the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) and Premium Times Nigeria. The other nominees for the Environmental Reporting Award were the online text story ' Cattle Hustle ' by Mekong Eye, and a video story ' The 'black box' of the Mare Doricum ' by Producer and reporter Cynthia Gichiri of Africa Uncensored who was also part of the Poison PR investigation with her video story on the profiling of African activists and scientists by the US-based reputation management firm was among the three nominated for the One World Media's 'Journalist of the Year' award. 'It is as important as ever to celebrate the journalists and filmmakers who risk so much to bring us nuanced and in-depth storytelling, especially against a backdrop of intensifying global conflict and shrinking media freedom,' One World Media director Vivienne Francis said in a press statement. The Wire's Story The investigation by Lighthouse Reports, in partnership with The Wire and other international news houses, uncovered that v-Fluence had created a private social network that hosted profiles of over 500 individuals globally, including prominent Indian environmentalist Vandana Shiva, ecologist Debal Deb and other individuals including scientists and academics. Access to the network was invite-only and its members included agrochemical and biotechnology industry employees and allies from around the world, including India. This has raised concerns among some Indians profiled by v-Fluence about how their data might be used, highlighting potential risks to privacy. Scientists also told The Wire that 'critically profiling' activists and scientists is detrimental to scientific temper in a democracy like India, especially at a time when there is 'general hostility' towards civil service organisations. Among the eight Indians who had access to the network was Raghavan Sampathkumar, the Executive Director of the Federation of Seed Industry of India (FSII). Sampathkumar, an agribusiness professional, has been working in the fields of GM crops, animal protein and agricultural trade while also engaging in policy advocacy and public relations outreach for agriculture enterprises. The FSII has ties to agro-industry companies and is involved in a project with the Ministry of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare for deploying technologies to agro-ecological zones allotted for cotton production. Another member was Anand Ranganathan, the consulting editor of the Indian right-wing magazine Swarajya. Ranganathan, who is a regular political commentator, has also worked with the International Centre for Genetic Engineering and Biotechnology (ICGEB) as staff research scientist. The ICGEB partners with the Department of Biotechnology and the Department of Science and Technology, under the Union Ministry of Science and Technology, for supporting biotech research and development. However, Ranganathan told Lighthouse Reports and The Wire that this was the first he was hearing of this network and that he has never been associated with it, or the people who run the network. He also said that he had never used the network's services, and that although he was pro-GMO, he 'wholeheartedly condemned' such malpractices or 'any unethical and malicious practices or espionage against those who are anti-GMO'. This is the second honour for The Wire at the 2025 One World Media Awards. A five-part multimedia series, ' Breaking the Nets: An Oral History of India's Fisherwomen, ' has been awarded in the Innovative Storytelling category. It was reported by Shamsheer Yousaf, Monica Jha and Sriram Vittalamurthy. The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments.

The Wire
25-06-2025
- Politics
- The Wire
Iranians Do Not Want a West-Led Change of Their Repressive Regime
We may have to wait for another moment when, unguided or prompted by the saviours of democracy in the west, the people of Iran will do the needful for themselves. Illustration: Pariplab Chakraborty. For the moment the US seems to have decided that regime change is a bridge too far in Iran. They have agreed to a ceasefire and have ordered the Israelis to accept as well. The US realised that they were tempting hubris in getting involved in another war in the region. A regime change may have been the Israelis' fondest goals but they have clearly lacked the means to accomplish it and have also suffered unprecedented battering from Iranian missiles. Without air defence, Iran was helpless in resisting the Israeli-American bombing campaign and so has quickly grasped the ceasefire. The choreographed ending of the war with Iran launching 12 missiles at Al Udeid air base in Qatar – equal to the number of bombs the Americans had dropped on Iran – and that too after warning the Americans in advance, seems to suggest that the parties of the war agree to live to fight another day. Two recent events tell us a lot about nationalism and the resilience of societies. On February 21 and 22, 2022, the Russian attack on Ukraine focused a major thrust by Spetsnaz elements towards Kiev. This was part of a 'shock and awe' strategy of capturing the capital city of Ukraine through a coup de main. The attack devolved into a fiasco. The Russians were repelled, not only did Ukraine stand firm, but the event led to the consolidation of Ukrainian nationalism that continues to successfully battle the Russians today. On June 13, Israel launched a similar 'shock and awe' attack on Iran declaring that not only would they finish off the Iranian nuclear programme, but effect a regime change in the country. The attack was accompanied by decapitating strikes to assassinate a cross-section of the Iranian security and nuclear establishment. The police headquarters was struck, as well as the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) intelligence directorate and the state television broadcaster. The Israelis threatened to 'take out' Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. In an interview with Fox News on June 15, Netanyahu said that the government in Teheran was very weak and given the chance '80% of the people would throw these theological thugs out.' Netanyahu was wrong here, as he was in Iraq when he egged on the US to remove Saddam Hussein because the Iraqis would welcome it. But as the Americans and the world learnt to their cost, regime change was not quite the same thing as regime destruction. Iran's central location and size marks it out as a major country in West Asia. The vast country has an ancient history and a strategic location in West Asia and is rich in natural gas and oil. They have a theocratic government system that gives primacy to Mullahs or clerics, and from the outset they have been bitterly opposed to Israel and seek to expel the US from the region. Their defence strategy has involved supporting militants in Lebanon, Syria, Gaza and Yemen and they have good ties with Russia, China and North Korea. Necessity has led to the development of a sophisticated defence industry that produces its own missiles, drones, aircraft, armoured vehicles, small arms, naval vessels and electronic warfare systems. With a negligible air force, they have relied on missiles and drones for deterrence. All this has been built by a sophisticated industry, dependent on their substantial educated class which features a large number of STEM graduates, especially engineers. In recent years the Mullah regime has faced a steady attrition of its position – its ally Bashar al-Assad was overthrown in December 2024, between October 7, 2023 to now, the Hamas and Gaza itself has been virtually levelled by Israeli bombs, in September 2024, Hassan Nasrallah's death marked the near-demise of the Hezbollah. In April 2024 Iran and Israel fought their first round of war which saw the destruction of Iran's air defence network. And now in June 2025, Iran has suffered the decapitation of its military and civil leadership and destruction of its nuclear programme. Iran's economy has suffered for long on account of mismanagement and the US-led embargo on its oil exports and from the fact that its Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamanei, 86, has no clear successor. The repressive Mullah regime has progressively tightened its grip on the country following the popular unrest in 2022 following the killing of Mahasa Amini, an Iranian woman, for not wearing her hijab. The protests saw the killing of 1500 people and over 20,000 arrested and were spread across social classes, universities and schools. These protests had followed those in 2019 that shook more than 21 cities following the hike in oil prices. The protests saw widespread destruction of public property and affected all classes of people. The protestors called for among other things, the overthrow of Ali Khamanei and were the most violent protests since the 1979 disturbances that saw the overthrow of the Shah of Iran. The Israeli government, and some elements in the US felt that these events were an indicator that the geopolitical setbacks of 2024 could be translated into an uprising against the regime. But despite the deep unpopularity of the mullahs the people of Iran were not about to work along the plans thought up in Tel Aviv and Washington. No doubt the Mossad and the CIA would have worked hard in the last week to trigger some kind of an uprising, but it just did not occur. The Supreme Leader's (Rahbar) government is a carefully constructed autocracy. Rahbar himself is appointed for life by an Assembly of Experts and is supreme in all affairs. For example, he had issued a fatwa against making nuclear weapons in 2003, and it seems to have been obeyed by his government. The Assembly of Experts are 88 clerics elected from among the clergy every 8 years. Theoretically they supervise and can dismiss the Supreme Leader. Then there is the Guardian Council of 12 members, of which 6 clerics are appointed by the Supreme Leader and 6 jurists nominated by the judiciary and approved by the Majlis or Parliament. The Guardian Council vets candidates for all elections – president, parliament, Assembly of Experts, and all laws. It has veto powers over parliament laws. The President is the head of the government and is elected by popular vote every four years for a maximum of two years. He managed the domestic and economic policies and the foreign policy of Iran, all under the Supreme Leader's supervision. The Majlis is elected every 4 years by popular vote and handles issues of everyday governance, though its laws must be approved by the Guardian Council and have all its members also vetted by it. The Expediency Council is appointed by the Supreme Leader and advises him and resolves disputes between the Majlis and the Guardian's Council. The Judiciary head is appointed by the Supreme Leader is independent, but has to align itself to Islamic laws. It enforces laws and prosecutes crimes. The Supreme Leader's sword arm is the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) which is parallel and even more powerful than the Iranian military itself. But for the average citizen, the most feared is the Basij volunteer militia that is one of the branches of the IRGC and which enforces the Islamic laws. As can be seen, this cruelly constructed autocracy is designed to preserve the authority of the theocracy and repress the average citizen. Contrary to its stated goals of creating an ideal Islamic republic, the Mullah government is riven with corruption and rivalries. Its handling of the economy has been poor and there has been no effort to reform the system. Dissent has been brutally crushed and the Mullah ideological control have alienated the young Iranians for generations. Perhaps the worst aspects of Islamic rule are its treatment of women. Ayatollah Khomeini's Islamic 'revolution' took away the rights of the women and removed restrictions on polygamy and child marriage. The ban on the hijab was lifted and complete covering of women's hair made compulsory by imprisonment and even death. Yet in one area Iranian women have achieved a great deal. Education of women is a particular success story. Today the youth literacy rate among women is at 98% and their overall literacy is 85.5%. Fully 70% of STEM graduates are women, more than that of the US and, in some fields like engineering, Iranian women are ranked first globally. But patriarchy has restricted their abilities to get jobs related to their competency, indeed, there are legal and societal limits to their workforce participation, to their rights to divorce and travel. But Iranians who face this repressive system, do not want to participate in western-led regime change because they have seen what has happened in Iraq, Libya, Syria and Afghanistan. People who were promised freedom are instead grappling with chaos and anarchy. Their attitude is that bad government is preferable to no government. So we may have to wait for another moment when, unguided or prompted by the saviours of democracy in the west, the people of Iran will do the needful for themselves. Manoj Joshi is a distinguished fellow with the Observer Research Foundation in Delhi. This piece was first published on The India Cable – a premium newsletter from The Wire & Galileo Ideas – and has been updated and republished here. To subscribe to The India Cable, click here. The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments.


The Wire
13-06-2025
- Politics
- The Wire
Women's Role in War Must Extend to Peace
Support independent journalism. Donate Now Society Peace processes must clearly recognise and directly promote women's agency. This does not mean paying lip service to women's needs and contributions. Illustration: Pariplab Chakraborty. Real journalism holds power accountable Since 2015, The Wire has done just that. But we can continue only with your support. Contribute Now Pretoria: Despite all the progress that has been made toward gender equality globally, many are still tempted to view armed conflict as primarily the domain of men. In fact, women often prove decisive in such settings, including in combat, non-combat, and leadership roles. Nonetheless, they are routinely sidelined in formal peace processes and post-conflict governance. This pattern reflects a moral and practical failure. During armed conflicts, women become more vulnerable to genocide, trafficking, slavery, and sexual violence, with all the associated health risks and psychological trauma. This alone earns them the right to participate in peace processes. But women are not only passive victims of conflict: as we have seen in Ukraine, they make profound wartime contributions on the battlefield, as well as in civil society and as peace advocates. In this sense, women often increase their agency during times of conflict, despite the risks they face. But when they are then excluded from peace negotiations and what follows – as is the case, so far, in Ukraine – these agency gains are reversed, with outdated gender norms reasserting themselves. This is especially true in conflict-affected countries with more entrenched patriarchal structures. Legal frameworks promoting women's inclusion in conflict resolution, peace-building, and post-conflict reconstruction have so far failed to turn the tide, owing partly to implementation and operational challenges. For example, United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, adopted in 2000, 'urges all actors' to increase women's participation and 'incorporate gender perspectives in all UN peace and security efforts.' But, as of 2018, the number of women signing peace agreements had not significantly increased. This has important implications for the content – and outcomes – of peace agreements. In a recent study, my co-authors – Matthew Clance, Romuald Meango, and Charl van Schoor – and I used natural language processing to examine the use of gendered language (including words like man, girl, boy, her, his, female, male, wife, and daughter) in peace agreements reached between 1990 and 2023. We created a 'gender bias index' – ranging from -0.6 to 0.6 – with a lower score indicating lower use of gendered language and, thus, a reduced focus on gender-based outcomes. None of the peace agreements we studied had a particularly high gender bias index, but even those that used more gendered language – which reflected a somewhat positive bias toward women – were not necessarily associated with significant improvements in women's agency. In other words, even frameworks that were gender-sensitive (acknowledging gender inequality) did not bring about meaningful change. The problem is that the mentions of gender were not accompanied by concrete requirements, let alone monitoring and enforcement mechanisms. For example, a peace agreement might advocate for increased women's political participation, but include no targets to be met, and thus produce few, if any, results. This approach can even harm gender equality, by giving the impression that action is being taken when it is not. Other studies show that peace agreements with disarmament, demobilisation, and reintegration (DDR) components rarely mention women. This compromises the post-conflict rehabilitation of women combatants, who might be excluded from the kinds of interventions aimed at their male counterparts. Evidence shows that including women in conflict-resolution and peace-building processes leads to better outcomes for everyone. As a 2018 analysis found, there is a 'robust correlation' between the inclusion of female delegates as signatories of peace agreements and the durability of the ensuing peace. Moreover, agreements signed by women tend to include significantly more provisions focused on political reform, and boast higher implementation rates for such provisions. In El Salvador, the 1992 agreement that ended the country's 12-year civil war extended DDR benefits to women fighters, and included non-combatant female members of the opposition movement in reintegration programs. Women went on to play a stabilising role in reintegration processes and to make major contributions to reconstruction efforts. The communities that received more consistent, systematic support through reintegration and reconstruction programs made greater progress on gender equality and, ultimately, on development. Similarly, in Liberia, women were involved in negotiations to end more than a decade of civil war in the early 2000s. Female representation in politics subsequently increased significantly, with Ellen Johnson Sirleaf in 2005 becoming the first female elected head of state in Africa. The message is clear: women must be included in all dimensions of any peace process, from designing, negotiating, and signing agreements to implementing post-conflict stabilization and reconstruction plans. They also must have access to all relevant benefit programs, such as those related to DDR, as well as initiatives to address gender-specific needs. More broadly, peace processes must clearly recognise and directly promote women's agency. This does not mean paying lip service to women's needs and contributions, while relying on ambiguous language to minimise accountability. Rather, supporting women's agency in making peace and forging the post-conflict future demands concrete, enforceable measures to uphold women's rights and expand their participation in all forms of decision-making. Carolyn Chisadza is Associate Professor of Economics at the University of Pretoria. Copyright, Project Syndicate. The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments. Society 'Could Not Believe What I Saw, Just Started Running': Sole Known Survivor Aboard Air India Flight 171 View More