Latest news with #ParkGeun-hye
Korea Herald
09-07-2025
- Politics
- Korea Herald
Sewol records from Presidential Archives released
Sensitive information, including then-President Park Geun-hye's whereabouts, actions during '7-hour controversy,' not disclosed A total of 7,784 sealed presidential records from the Park Geun-hye administration have been made accessible, including 22 pieces of information related to the 2014 sinking of the Sewol ferry that left 304 dead or missing. Of some 204,000 documents and points of data that were preserved and sealed during Park's 2013-17 presidency, the state-authorized sealing of the 7,784 records has expired, according to Presidential Archives data submitted to Rep. Yang Bu-nam of the ruling Democratic Party of Korea. Park was impeached and ousted from the office in March 2017 in a corruption scandal. No new revelations on Sewol controversies Among the newly released records are those related to reports submitted to Park during the investigation of the maritime disaster, which was one of the worst in the country's history. The government was severely criticized for its handling of the tragic incident, which took the lives of mostly high school students on a field trip, after the investigation revealed lackluster rescue efforts and a network of corruption across the civilian and public sector predating the accident. Other records included documents on follow-up measures to the special act on the Sewol investigation and on the parliamentary discussion over enactment of the special act. But most of the information sought by civic groups related to Sewol ferry disaster remain sealed, such as reports submitted to the presidential office on the day of the accident. This information is closely linked to the "seven-hour controversy," referring to a lack of records indicating where Park was or what she was doing between her first Sewol-related order at 10:15 a.m. and her visit to the Central Disaster and Safety Countermeasures Headquarters at 5:15 p.m. What Park did in the initial stages of the disaster remains a mystery to this day, as does why it took over an hour for the news to reach the president when the first report to the Coast Guard was made at around 8:50 a.m. In her impeachment trial in 2017, the Constitutional Court acknowledged that Park did not do her best in the tragedy, given that she apparently stayed inside the presidential residence in the early hours of the accident. But the court did not consider her action or inaction in its decision, as it had determined that a president's apparent incompetence does not constitute grounds for impeachment. Other records related to the Park administration released so far include the results of a working-level meeting between South Korea and Japan on defense policies, the results of a security briefing made to the United Nations commander and reports related to the legislative process in the National Assembly, such as for the Child Care Act. The Act on the Management of Presidential Archives states that presidential records that could pose a severe risk to national security or obstruct the stability of the national economy if disclosed may be held inaccessible for up to 15 years, or up to 30 years for records concerning the private lives of individuals. Will Sewol records be released? It is unclear when records related to Park in the crucial hours of the Sewol disaster will be released, or if the documents actually carry detailed information on what she was doing at the time. Hwang Kyo-ahn, who became acting president upon Park's impeachment, designated all documents created by the presidential office on April 14, 2016, to be sealed in the Presidential Archives. Both the content and list of documents are classified. The special government-civic committee on investigation of the disaster in 2021 reportedly mulled requesting a search and seizure of the Presidential Archives for the crucial information, but the plan was ultimately scrapped. An administrative trial related to releasing the documents related to the seven hours was launched in 2017 by lawyer Song Ki-ho, who is now an aide for President Lee Jae Myung. After the Seoul High Court ruled against Song in 2019, the Supreme Court in January reversed the decision and ordered the redeliberation of the case.
Korea Herald
03-06-2025
- Business
- Korea Herald
From left to right to left again: S. Korea's political pendulum swings again
Lee Jae-myung's victory marks return of liberal rule after just three years under conservative leadership Since South Korea's democratization in 1987, power has swung back and forth between conservative and progressive forces with a certain rhythm — roughly every decade. These shifts have often been triggered by public discontent over corruption, economic crises, and leadership scandals. In more recent years, however, that rhythm has noticeably accelerated, signaling an era of increasingly unpredictable and chaotic politics. With conservative President Yoon Suk Yeol removed from office in April, an early presidential election was held on Tuesday just three years after the last one. (South Korea has a single-term, five-year presidency.) Now that progressive politician Lee Jae-myung has won the election, the country has shifted once again, bringing a liberal administration back to power and reinforcing a pattern of rapid political turnover. From a steady cycle to whiplash South Korea's political pendulum began with a period of conservative party dominance. Roh Tae-woo won the presidential election in 1987 — the first direct vote held after decades of military rule. He was succeeded by another conservative leader, Kim Young-sam, in 1993. Progressives first rose to power in 1998, with Kim Dae-jung, a longtime opposition figure and human rights advocate, taking over the top post to steer the country from the depths of the Asian financial crisis. His successor, Roh Moo-hyun, who took office in 2003, further advanced the liberal agenda. In 2004, the second year of his administration, Roh survived a parliamentary impeachment attempt. It was the first time that the country saw this mechanism mobilized against a sitting president. In 2007, voter fatigue with liberal leadership — compounded by concerns over economic stagnation and a lack of progress in relations with North Korea — brought the conservatives back. The business-friendly President Lee Myung-bak took the reins in 2008. Five years later, Park Geun-hye, the daughter of former strongman Park Chung-hee, became the country's first female president and continued the period of conservative rule. Her presidency, however, came to an abrupt end in 2017 after a massive influence-peddling scandal ignited nationwide candlelight protests. Park Geun-hye was impeached and removed from office with roughly a year left in her term — the first time a sitting leader was formally ousted. This marked the start of a disruption in the 10-year cycle of power shifts. With Park Geun-hye's fall, the liberals surged. Moon Jae-in, former chief of staff to President Roh Moo-hyun and the runner-up in the vote that elected Park, won the election that followed. After five years of Moon's liberal administration, the pendulum swung back once again. In 2022, Yoon Suk Yeol, a former prosecutor with no prior political experience, narrowly won the presidency on a conservative platform. Yoon's presidency lasted only three years. In April 2025, Yoon was removed from office by the Constitutional Court over his short-lived martial law declaration in December 2024. He became the second president in South Korea's history to be impeached. With Lee Jae-myung having won Tuesday's early presidential election, the pendulum has once again swung to the left. Now, the question is how long the liberal bloc can hold on to power in South Korea's increasingly turbulent political landscape -- one marked by mounting domestic challenges and growing pressures on the global stage. shinjh@
New Straits Times
01-06-2025
- Politics
- New Straits Times
S. Korea's right grapples with ideological crisis
ACCUSED of being complicit in insurrection and with its last two presidents both impeached, South Korea's conservative party is in crisis and heading towards likely defeat in tomorrow's snap election. South Korea will vote to choose a successor to the People Power Party's disgraced former president Yoon Suk Yeol, whose removal from office threw the country into turmoil. Yoon's impeachment over a disastrous declaration of martial law — which saw armed soldiers deployed to parliament — made him the second straight conservative president to be stripped of office after Park Geun-hye in 2017. "It's fair to say that the current political crisis in South Korea was already under way when Park Geun-hye won the election in 2012," said Minseon Ku, a postdoctoral researcher at the William & Mary Global Research Institute. Former president Park's father, Park Chung-hee, was a military dictator who ruled the country with an iron fist for more than 15 years. Running for Saenuri, a predecessor of the PPP, Park tapped into nostalgia for the rapid economic growth of her father's authoritarian era. But critics say this is no way for the party to win long-term support in the democratic South, pointing to the growing fragmentation of the right, which has drawn in anti-feminist young men and extreme religious figures but lost much of the middle. The PPP is now facing an "ideological identity crisis", Ku said. Yoon, a former star prosecutor, was a political novice when he became the PPP's presidential candidate — a sign the party had failed even then to cultivate in-house talent capable of appealing to a broad cross-section of society, analysts say. Yoon won the 2022 election by the narrowest margin in South Korean history, defeating the Democratic Party's Lee Jae-myung — who is now the clear frontrunner for the June 3 vote. During that campaign, Yoon sparked controversy by saying that former president Chun Doo-hwan — a military dictator responsible for the 1980 Gwangju massacre — was "quite good at politics in many people's view". On Dec 3 last year, Yoon tried to suspend civilian rule, justifying his bid as necessary to break legislative gridlock and "root out" pro-North Korean, "anti-state" forces. PPP lawmakers initially refused to join an opposition-led vote to impeach him, but after days of mass street protests, enough of them defected to allow the motion to pass. Weeks later, when prosecutors moved to arrest Yoon on insurrection charges, some PPP lawmakers physically intervened to block authorities from entering his residence. The party's former leader, Han Dong-hoon — once a Yoon ally — faced an intense internal backlash for publicly opposing Yoon's martial law attempt. Its current presidential candidate, Kim Moon-soo — Yoon's former labour minister — rose to public attention for refusing to join a cabinet-wide apology bow over the failure to stop martial law. Critics have repeatedly called for the PPP's dissolution, with the Democratic Party's candidate branding it "a party of insurrection and military rebellion". All major polls place liberal candidate Lee as the clear frontrunner for tomorrow's vote, and given the retaliatory nature of South Korean politics, experts say his victory could further accelerate the PPP's downward spiral. The party "lost the moral high ground due to the insurrection", said Byunghwan Ben Son, a professor at George Mason University. It "now faces significant legal burdens as investigations into various corruption charges involving Yoon and his wife continue", he added. The new government "could also file a constitutional review of the PPP", he said, which could potentially lead to the party's dissolution. The party has also faced sharp criticism from its own former leaders, with one of them, Lee Jun-seok, now running with a separate party and refusing to unite with the PPP against the Democratic Party's Lee. Lee's party already holds a parliamentary majority, and analysts say the fractured conservative base will struggle in opposition unless it can resolve its issues. The PPP will become a relic unless it succeeds in "rebranding itself and distancing itself from its unsavoury past", said Vladimir Tikhonov from the University of Oslo. If Lee wins, "I won't be surprised if the PPP splits, with influential bosses and faction heads leaving the sinking ship", the Korea studies professor added.
Korea Herald
28-05-2025
- Politics
- Korea Herald
S. Korea's accelerating political swings: Will pendulum move again?
Administrations don't fade from favor gradually — they fall fast, paving way for sharper, fiercer power swings Since South Korea's democratization in 1987, power has swung back and forth between conservative and progressive forces with a certain rhythm — roughly every decade. These shifts have often been triggered by public discontent over corruption, economic crises, and leadership scandals. In more recent years, however, that rhythm has noticeably accelerated, signaling an era of increasingly unpredictable and chaotic politics. The upcoming snap presidential election, set for June 3, is taking place just three years after the last one. (South Korea has a single-term, five-year presidency.) With conservative President Yoon Suk Yeol ousted in April, the country appears poised to shift once again, potentially bringing a liberal administration back to power and reinforcing the growing pattern of rapid political turnover. South Korea's political pendulum began with a period of conservative party dominance. Roh Tae-woo won the presidential election in 1987 — the first direct vote held after the fall of a decadeslong military rule. He was succeeded by another conservative party candidate, Kim Young-sam, in 1993. Progressives first rose to power in 1998, with Kim Dae-jung, a longtime opposition figure and human rights advocate, taking over the top post to steer the country from the depth of the Asian financial crisis. His successor, Roh Moo-hyun, sworn in in 2003, further advanced the liberal agenda. In 2004, in his second year in office, Roh survived a parliamentary impeachment attempt. It was the first time that the country saw this mechanism being mobilized against a sitting president. In 2007, voter fatigue with liberal leadership — compounded by concerns over economic stagnation and a lack of progress in relations with North Korea — brought the conservatives back. Business-friendly Lee Myung-bak took the reigns in 2008. Five years later, Park Geun-hye, the daughter of former strongman Park Chung-hee, became the country's first female president and continued the conservative rule. Her presidency, however, came to an abrupt end in 2017 after a massive influence-peddling scandal ignited nationwide candlelight protests. Park Geun-hye was impeached and removed from office with roughly a year left in her term — the first time a sitting leader was formally ousted. This marked the beginning of a disruption in the 10-year cycle of power shifts. With Park Geun-hye's fall, liberals surged. Moon Jae-in, former chief of staff to President Roh Moo-hyun and the runner-up in the vote that elected Park as president, won the election that followed. After five years of Moon's liberal administration, the pendulum swung back once again. In 2022, Yoon Suk Yeol, a former prosecutor with no prior political experience, narrowly won the presidency on a conservative platform. Yoon's presidency lasted only three years. In April 2025, Yoon was removed from office by the Constitutional Court over his short-lived martial law declaration in December 2024. He became the second president in South Korea's history to be impeached. Now, South Koreans prepare to cast their ballots in yet another snap presidential election on June 3. The question may be not just the direction the pendulum will swing — but how long it would stay there in this nation caught in a political overdrive. shinjh@
Japan Forward
26-05-2025
- Politics
- Japan Forward
Conservatism or Collapse? Ex-PM Hwang Kyo-ahn's Warning Call
From Tokyo to Ottawa, Sydney to Washington, center-right conservatism appears to be in retreat. Across the democratic world, traditional moderates are being squeezed out by nationalist populists on one flank and ideological progressives on the other. South Korea is no exception. The last two general elections saw a crushing defeat for the conservative People Power Party. Two right-leaning presidents were impeached and ousted in less than 10 years. And now, with the June 3 snap presidential election looming, a staunchly left-wing candidate is leading the national polls. This moment represents a final reckoning in the eyes of Hwang Kyo-ahn, South Korea's former Prime Minister and Justice Minister. Hoping to revive what he sees as the true spirit of conservatism, Hwang has broken with his party and launched an independent run for the presidency. In an exclusive interview with JAPAN Forward, Hwang reflects on his crusade to uphold embattled conservative values. He served as acting president during President Park Geun-hye's impeachment from 2016 to 2017. I left the People Power Party to run independently because my core values demand it. This campaign is about defeating anti-state forces, stopping election fraud, and building a truly free, liberal democracy. I concluded that these goals could no longer be achieved within the party. Hwang explains how alleged electoral fraud unfolded in South Korea. (©Kenji Yoshida) Right now, South Korea's conservative party appears either unwilling or unable to stand up to anti-state forces or rein in left-wing opposition. In fact, some lawmakers even supported President Yoon Suk-yeol's impeachment. Without their votes, he wouldn't have been ousted. More critically, today's conservatives suffer from a lack of strong leadership. Leaders like Rhee Syngman, Park Chung-hee, and Chun Doo-hwan once commanded authority and charisma. But after losing twice to the left in general elections, the conservative movement weakened. The breaking point came with President Park Geun-hye's impeachment in March 2017. Since then, the party has turned inward, prioritizing survival and personal interests over a unified conservative vision. South Korea is currently at the center of an ideological war. Since China's economic and military rise in the 2000s, more voices have emerged arguing that Seoul should pivot toward Beijing. During the consecutive left-wing administrations of Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun, pro-North and pro-China elements began to take root and gradually coalesced into a broader political force. Unlike neighboring Japan, South Korea has the unique experience of enduring the Korean War and national division. Geopolitically, it is situated closer to China and North Korea, and the influence of these regimes remains significant. Anti-state forces here are not only persistent, but they also systematically train and embed their people. Meanwhile, the conservative camp is unprepared. Focused mainly on economic revival, it has failed to engage in a serious ideological struggle. President Roh meets North Korea's Kim Jong-il for the 2007 Inter-Korea Summit (©Pool photo) President Moon with North Korea's Kim Jong Un at the 2018 inter-Korea Summit (©Blue House) We must first strengthen our traditional alliance with the United States and other like-minded partners. Simultaneously, we must cultivate a new generation of conservative leaders, politicians and intellectuals alike. Confronting the leftist and anti-Korea forces is also critical. I repeatedly urged the Yoon administration to address these threats head-on through investigations into former President Moon Jae-in and presidential frontrunner Lee Jae-myung. But they refused to listen. Without determination, we cannot restore the core conservative values of strong national security, liberal democracy, free and fair elections, a free market economy, and the rule of law. Achieving this vision is nearly impossible within the current People Power Party. It has become concerned with short-term gains rather than defending principles. Yet there is a glimmer of hope. Following the December 3 martial law declaration, public awareness has heightened. More citizens, especially the younger generation, are beginning to grasp the true stakes: the fragility of liberal democracy and the threat posed by anti-state forces. To win the June 3 presidential election, conservatives must consolidate their forces. That said, during my leadership years after President Park's impeachment, I learned that forced or superficial unity can be more harmful than helpful. At that time, I brought in figures like Yoo Seung-min, Lee Jeun-seok, and Lee Eun-joo to build a broad coalition. But this completely fell apart in the general election. I realized then that unity built on overlooking deep-rooted problems, like shielding problematic members, only fuels more discord. Kim Moon-soo visits Park Chung-hee's birthplace during his campaign in May (©Kim Moon-soo FB) Unity remains essential even now. However, third-party candidates like Lee Jeun-seok have clarified that he will not join hands. Forcing a coalition under these circumstances risks backfiring down the line. Fortunately, Kim Moon-soo of the People Power Party is in strong form as the election approaches. His recent approval ratings have climbed nearly 40%, and he's rapidly closing the gap with Lee Jae-myung. If Lee becomes president, the relationship between Washington and Seoul will suffer greatly, and ties with Tokyo could face irreversible damage. With the opposition Democratic Party pushing legislation unchecked and Lee implicated in multiple crimes, the very foundation of the rule of law is at risk of collapse. Democratic Party lawmakers protest the Supreme Court's May 1 guilty ruling against Lee Jae-myung, who currently faces five separate criminal trials. (©Park Chan-dae FB) Having spent over 20 years as a public prosecutor, I have witnessed these threats unfold subtly and on a larger scale. If the left regains power this time, I fear conservative values may be lost forever. So far, media coverage has spotlighted allegations unfavorable to President Yoon, as most witnesses are coming from the prosecution side. These, of course, include claims that Yoon ordered the National Assembly blockade during martial law and the arrest of lawmakers. President Yoon has consistently denied these allegations. Once the prosecution concludes its case, the defense will present its witnesses, allowing for a comprehensive review and rebuttal of the testimonies made. I recently visited former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun, detained over the December 3 martial law. His calm, fact-based account stood out, revealing many accusations against President Yoon as unfounded. Having served on Yoon's impeachment defense team and reviewed numerous undisclosed materials, I believe the court will ultimately deliver a just and favorable verdict. Author: Kenji Yoshida
