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Yahoo
8 hours ago
- Business
- Yahoo
Justin Trudeau Net Worth 2025: How Much Money Does He Make?
Justin Trudeau's net worth in 2025 reflects a long career in public office, a background in education, and his status as a political legacy. After serving as Canada's 23rd Prime Minister from 2015 to 2025, Trudeau officially stepped down as Liberal Party leader in January. His departure followed a decade-long run that brought both high-profile policy wins and public controversies. Here's a look at Justin Trudeau's net worth and how he made his money during and outside his political career. What is Justin Trudeau's net worth in 2025? Justin Trudeau has a speculated net worth of $95 million in 2025. Trudeau's net worth in 2025 includes earnings from his salary as a Member of Parliament and Prime Minister, speaking fees, investments, and a sizable inheritance. He also benefits from real estate holdings and perks associated with his political status. Trudeau is most famous for being the former Prime Minister of Canada and the son of Pierre Trudeau, who also served as Prime Minister. His policies on climate change, immigration, and cannabis legalization made international headlines during his tenure. What does Justin Trudeau do for a living? Justin Trudeau is a politician and public speaker. Before entering politics, he worked as a high school teacher in Vancouver. His political career began in 2008 when he was elected to represent the Papineau riding. He led the Liberal Party to a majority win in 2015 and served as Prime Minister until January 2025. Most recently, Trudeau stepped down from party leadership, making way for a new generation within the Liberal Party. He's also made headlines for a recent outing with Katy Perry, fueling speculation about his post-political presence in media. Justin Trudeau's earnings explained — how does he make money? Trudeau earns money through several channels: Government salary Speaking engagements Inherited wealth (estimated over $35 million) Investments in stocks and real estate Although he stepped away from politics in 2025, Trudeau may return to the speaker circuit and public advocacy. The post Justin Trudeau Net Worth 2025: How Much Money Does He Make? appeared first on Reality Tea. Solve the daily Crossword
Yahoo
26-06-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Born in the U.S., Green Party Leader Elizabeth May says she would 'die for Canada any day of the week'
Yahoo News Canada presents 'My Canada," a series spotlighting Canadians — born-and-raised to brand new — sharing their views on the Canadian dream, national identity, and the triumphs and tribulations that come with life inside and outside these borders. Many may not realize it, but Green Party Leader Elizabeth May isn't Canadian by birth. 'I came to this country as an intentional Canadian,' she says. A family vacation to Cape Breton compelled May's parents to leave their home in Hartford, Connecticut in the late 1960s. At the time, May and her brother were teenagers. 'My father was British so he never really liked living in the U.S.,' she tells me from Ottawa. 'But my mother was from there so he was kind of stuck when he married her.' Advertisement Being on the island inspired the family to make Canada their home. 'My parents decided they didn't want to live in the U.S. anymore,' she says. 'They loved Cape Breton and they loved Canada.' The young May — an activist even back then — recalls having rose-coloured glasses about what she expected Canada would be like. 'I thought it would be perfect because of Pierre Trudeau not wanting to encourage or support the U.S. in the war with Vietnam,' she says. Federal Green Party Leader Elizabeth May, centre, is arrested by RCMP officers after joining protesters outside Kinder Morgan's facility in Burnaby, B.C., on Friday March 23, CANADIAN PRESS/Darryl Dyck Elizabeth May: Canada's not perfect, but it's 'beautiful in its diversity' Canada wasn't perfect, but it was — and continues to be — quite profoundly, a work in progress. 'I have always loved the Canadian narrative,' May says. 'The U.S. has this notion of a melting pot. Sure they'll put up with immigrants, but they're expected to emerge from that pot homogenized.' In contrast, May fell in love with the imagery of Canada being a mosaic. 'The country is beautiful in its diversity.' She believes what is truly embedded in the fabric of our nation — and what sets us apart — is our community spirit. The ever-environmentalist at heart gives the example of the bravery and community spirit during the Fort McMurray wildfires to illustrate her point: 'I like to contrast the difference between Hurricane Katrina in 2005 and the Fort McMurray fires in 2016.' As the Hurricane Katrina floods approached New Orleans, as much as half the police department took off in their police cars to protect themselves, asserts May. 'In Fort McMurray [Alberta], not a single first responder left to save themselves. They safely evacuated 80,000 people. They didn't leave anyone behind.' Advertisement Compare this to the reaction of everyday Canadians during the fires. If a car trying to leave Fort McMurray ran out of gas, residents would jump out of their own cars, push it aside, and say: 'Jump in with us!' May says. Canada's Liberal leader Justin Trudeau (L), Green Party leader Elizabeth May (2nd L), New Democratic Party (NDP) leader Thomas Mulcair and Conservative Prime Minister Stephen Harper (R) pose ahead of the Maclean's National Leaders debate in Toronto, August 6, 2015. Canadians go to the polls in a national election on October 19, 2015. REUTERS/Mark Blinch Elizabeth May on Donald Trump silver lining: 'We're pulling together' Community spirit is often put to the test in times of crisis, and United States President Donald Trump's ongoing tariff threats have done just that. Since he took office early this year, it has only succeeded in invoking a fervent sense of national pride and patriotism. 'If there's one thing Donald Trump has done for which Canadians may want to thank him, it's for bringing [us] together and to stop beating up on the country.' May thinks it's really good to be aware of how lucky we are. 'Our pride in our country is tempered with not the boasting and bullying bravado you get from the U.S., but about gratitude and renewed sense of care and concern for every other Canadian. We may be under threat and menace from Donald Trump, but we're also pulling together.' Elizabeth May. May, who has been the Member of Parliament for Saanich—Gulf Islands since 2011 — that's five election wins in a row — says the Canada-U.S. tensions have changed her perspective on her country of birth. Advertisement 'One of the things it has drawn into sharp focus for us as Canadians is that we've allowed multinational corporations to run our economy for a very long time,' she says. This starts way back when the first industry was based on Canadian trappers and beaver pelts, she says. 'We revolutionized our economy during the Second World War but we have basically allowed ourselves to be an economic colony of the United States. It's not just that we're dependent on them, but we've also allowed them to exploit us.' It doesn't make sense to anyone in the U.S., and it doesn't make sense to Canadians. She never would have imagined a U.S. president who decided his first order of business would be to take on Canada. 'It doesn't make sense to anyone in the U.S., and it doesn't make sense to Canadians,' she says. 'But it's a good wake up call. We have to expand our understanding of how many friends we truly have. You can't just pick one.' But May says she most certainly can 'pick just one' when it comes to love of country — a choice she would make over and over again. ' Advertisement Being Canadian means everything to me, and I wouldn't want to live anywhere else,' May proclaims. 'Our values are deeply connected to Canadians like Tommy Douglas who gave universal healthcare, and what Lester B. Pearson did in making us a country known for peacekeeping. We have an amazing reputation around the world.' But we have to live up to these values and not just rest on our laurels, she reminds us. 'I would give up my life for this country any day of the week.'
National Post
02-06-2025
- Entertainment
- National Post
Justin Trudeau's son Xav on following in his father's political footsteps: 'It's not my thing'
Before launching his music career earlier this year, Xav Trudeau, the oldest son of former prime minister Justin Trudeau, flew mostly under the public's radar. Article content Article content But with three tracks already released and piling up plays — his debut, Til the Nights Done, just eclipsed 100,000 on Spotify and 170,000 on YouTube — Xav is starting to come to their attention. Article content 'If you don't like the music, just keep scrolling. You can comment if you want, it's only going to help my algorithm.' Article content Article content Article content Having grown from a little boy to a young man during his father's three terms in office, Xav said he's well acquainted with the negativity that has followed his family, but he's developed the ability to block it all out. Article content Article content He also tried to set the record straight on future political ambitions. Article content 'I've seen like what my dad has had to do and what he's had to sacrifice, and it's not really worth it for me,' he said, broaching the subject himself. 'He's done well, it's just it's not my thing.' Article content Gonez pointed out that a young Trudeau once said something similar when asked if he would follow in the footsteps of his father, former prime minister Pierre Trudeau. Article content In a 1995 interview with CTV News, a 23-year-old Trudeau said it would 'never' happen. He was elected as a member of parliament for Quebec 13 years later. Article content Article content Xav is set to graduate from high school this year and told Gonez he plans to attend McGill University in Montreal in the fall. Article content The school is one of Justin Trudeau's alma maters, and the city is home to the federal riding of Papineau, which he held for almost 18 years. It's also the hometown of Sophie Grégoire Trudeau, Xav's mother, and his late prime ministerial grandfather. Article content 'Montreal is like home to me,' he said.
National Post
30-05-2025
- General
- National Post
NP View: King Charles III affirmed what it is to be Canadian
Article content But in other, more serious ways, the Crown has receded from public life. It is no longer common to hear people sing God Save the King, even as a secondary anthem. The Red Ensign, Canada's old flag, has weirdly been dismissed by progressives as a symbol of the far right, as opposed to a proud symbol of our history. Statues of past monarchs, and of early prime ministers are toppled. Article content Contemporary prime ministers adopt the manner and practices of a president of a republic, as opposed to a chief advisor to the Crown. Carney's repeated signing of fake executive orders, emulating Trump, are merely the latest example of this. Article content As for Governors General, who act on behalf of the Sovereign, they had tended before the 1970s to be those with experience as diplomats or in the military. In other words, the Governor General was traditionally chosen from among the ranks of people already familiar with serving the Crown, and placing such service above partisan needs. Article content That all changed with Pierre Trudeau, and those named to the role since have been increasingly political, while increasingly having little respect for the institution. Article content Article content This week, a social media account for Governor General Mary Simon posted that conversations with the King 'deepen the meaningful bond between our nations' followed by small images of the Canadian and U.K. flags. The message was that the King was representing another nation, rather than being the King of Canada. It is an unfortunately common misunderstanding among Canadians, but the one person who should not make this mistake is the Governor General, even if it was an underling who wrote the post. Article content This degradation of the Crown in Canada must come to end. Perhaps it is true that if Canadians were designing a political system from scratch, it would not be based on a 1,000 year-old institution that has evolved to the point where the person with the most power constitutionally may only keep that power if he never (or rarely) uses it. Article content Our system of government, with a hereditary head of state that is not only above politics, but who must avoid politics, however, has proven remarkably stable, and remarkably well suited to protecting the rights and liberties of Canadians. Following the King's visit, let us all do our part to hold on to the very institutions that define us. Article content
Winnipeg Free Press
17-05-2025
- Politics
- Winnipeg Free Press
Explaining the success of the federal Liberals
Opinion After the April 28 general election, the Liberal Party of Canada (LPC) is back in power for a fourth term after coming just short of a majority, winning 170 of the 343 seats in the House of Commons. Considering that the LPC trailed the Conservative Party of Canada (CPC) by over 20 points in the polls over the previous two years, its victory represented a remarkable political comeback. This commentary is not a promotional blurb for the LPC, rather it seeks to identify the factors which enabled it to become one of the most successful parties in the democratic world. It is hard to identify another centrist party which has achieved such dominance and long-term success. Over the 158 years of the country's existence, the LPC has been in office for 97 years. In 26 of 45 general elections, it won the greatest share of the popular vote. It was so dominant during the 20th century that it was labelled the 'government party.' Maintaining that dominance became more difficult in the first 25 years of the 21st century. From 2006 to 2015, the LPC spent a decade in opposition, even falling to third place in the House of Commons after the 2011 election. As in the past, the party exhibited resilience bouncing back to majority status in the 2015 election under Justin Trudeau. Two minority victories followed in 2019 and 2021, elections in which the LPC actually received fewer votes than the CPC. LPC success in the previous century owed much to Quebec. Voters in that province demonstrated uncanny solidarity in putting their support behind the winning party which most often was the LPC. The vagaries of the first-past-the-post electoral system often helped the LPC to win more seats in Quebec and elsewhere than a more proportionate voting system would have given it. Often Quebec alone would put the Liberals halfway to a parliamentary majority. The LPC has never been a highly ideological party. Someone once likened it to the United Church: it required membership, not necessarily faith. A broad, flexible ideological orientation meant it occupied, at various times, a wide space either slightly to the right or the left of the centre on the political spectrum. At crucial junctures, it was quite prepared to 'borrow' ideas from other parties to achieve success. Its instinct for spending money and applying restraint at the appropriate time was often politically, if not always economically, shrewd. The LPC was better than Conservative parties in practising 'brokerage politics' which involved bringing together under a 'big tent' numerous types of ideological, social, regional, linguistic, multicultural, gender and racial diversities. Like other parties, during the late 20th century the LPC became more leader-focused in its appeals to voters. It demonstrated the knack for choosing leaders who made a strong emotional connection with voters, such as Pierre Trudeau in 1968, Justin Trudeau in 2013 and Mark Carney in 2025. Not all leadership choices, of course, matched the moment. A focus on leadership helped with the LPC claim that it was the only party capable of ensuring national unity during times of regional and other types of tensions. Pan-Canadian representation in caucus and cabinet became more difficult to achieve in the past five decades, when political fragmentation created a multi-party system. Lacking balanced representation from across the country, often from the West, LPC governments improvised with senators in cabinet and regional desks in the office of the prime minister. Organizational structures and processes contribute to success. The LPC has long relied on a decentralized organizational structure, linking its parliamentary caucus to its supporters on the ground, which allowed it to successfully respond to the country's continually changing social and demographic realities. Like other parties, partly to meet election law requirements, in the second half of the 20th century the LPC broke from its provincial wings. Organizational separation did not mean an end to political ties between the two tiers, so the national party could still draw upon the support of constituency associations and local campaigns across the country. Money does not necessarily bring political success, but it is necessary to pay for essential activities on the national and local level. The LPC has not always led the fundraising parade. In 2004 the Liberal government of Jean Chrétien introduced legislation to ban corporate and union donations, but partially made up for lost revenues by creating per-vote annual subsidies from the public purse to all parties. After Stephen Harper phased out the subsidies, the LPC moved to strengthen its fundraising capacity. Troubles for its main opponent helped the LPC. According to George Perlin's classic book The Tory Syndrome, the Conservative party has long been handicapped by an 'opposition mentality.' It attracted disgruntled individuals, suffered from internal divisions, and changed leaders more frequently than the LPC. After becoming leader in 2004, Stephen Harper shifted the party away from competing on brokerage basis and instead targeted party messaging more at core supporters, which may not be a long-term winning formula. On April 28 the LPC captured 43.8 per cent of the national vote and won at least one seat in all provinces. History suggests it will not lose its competitive advantage any time soon. Paul G. Thomas is professor emeritus of political studies at the University of Manitoba.
