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News18
4 days ago
- Business
- News18
Modi's Realpolitik In A Fragmented World Order
Last Updated: India's foreign policy under Prime Minister Narendra Modi increasingly demonstrates a cold-eyed realism Rajnath Singh is in China for a Defence Ministers' meeting of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. There he is faced with friends, foes, and disgruntled participants. His presence at this crucial multilateral forum, amid escalating regional tensions and shifting global dynamics, underscores a strategic manoeuvre by New Delhi that prioritises national interests over traditional bloc allegiances. Navigating the China Conundrum Post-Galwan Singh's participation in the SCO Defence Ministers' meeting is not surprising. It comes against a backdrop of concerted efforts to recalibrate India's China strategy, particularly in the aftermath of the military standoff in eastern Ladakh in May 2020 and the deadly Galwan Valley clash. While the face-off has largely ended with disengagement, deep trust deficits remain. Singh is scheduled to hold bilateral talks with his Chinese counterpart, Admiral Dong Jun, marking their second meeting since November last year and the third high-level engagement between India and China in just two weeks. It follows National Security Adviser Ajit Doval's meeting with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi in Beijing and a preceding meeting between India's Foreign Secretary and China's Vice Foreign Minister. These engagements, while signalling a limited diplomatic thaw, are fundamentally complicated by China's continued strategic enablement of Pakistan. During Operation Sindoor, Beijing reportedly provided significant air defence and satellite support, helping Pakistan reorganise its radar and air defence systems to detect Indian troop deployments. This level of logistical and intelligence support, as assessed by a research group under India's Ministry of Defence, goes beyond mere arms sales and actively contributes to India's 'two-front situation". China's reaffirmation of support for Pakistan's 'sovereignty and national dignity", even while condemning the April 22 Pahalgam terror attack that triggered the conflict, highlights a skewed diplomatic game. Despite this, India maintains an economic balancing act: China remains India's second-largest trading partner, with bilateral trade reaching $131.84 billion in FY 2024-25, alongside a substantial trade deficit of $99.2 billion. This economic interdependence makes a swift decoupling difficult, forcing India to manage competition rather than aiming for full normalisation. Keeping Pakistan under Pressure India's strategy at the SCO meeting is also distinctly aimed at keeping Pakistan under pressure, particularly concerning cross-border terrorism. Defence Minister Singh is set to press the SCO to intensify efforts to contain terrorism. It directly follows India's precision strikes on Pakistani terror infrastructure a month and a half prior, in response to the Pahalgam terror attack. Pakistan, also an SCO member, is attending the Qingdao meeting, though no bilateral engagement is indicated. While diplomatic channels remain open to maintain a fragile peace along the Line of Actual Control, India operates under no illusions. The stated goal may be cooperation against terrorism and regional connectivity. The unstated imperative is to look an adversary in the eye, project strength, and manage a volatile border without appearing weak or yielding ground. The recent India-Pakistan conflict underscored Pakistan's reliance on Chinese weapon systems and jets, which were extensively used against Indian soil. Concurrently, Pakistan's strategic choices in the broader region are being increasingly scrutinised. Pakistan's Chief of Army Staff, General Asim Munir, met with US President Donald Trump in an unprecedented departure from protocol, securing praise from CENTCOM for counter-terrorism efforts and receiving fresh financial commitments from the IMF. Simultaneously, Pakistan has taken actions that strain its complex relationship with Iran, including the closure of its land borders with Iran, except for the return of its nationals, shortly after Israel's attack on June 13. Driven by a desperate economic situation and the need for IMF bailouts, Islamabad appears to be aligning with a US strategy to deter and isolate Iran. This places Pakistan in a precarious position, caught between its American patrons and its own jihadist constituencies, who oppose any alignment with 'Zionist Israel". While Pakistan has historically competed with Iran for influence in Afghanistan and has a complex sectarian dynamic, these moves indicate a strategic alignment that might be leveraged. For New Delhi, a distracted and internally conflicted Pakistan, under pressure from multiple fronts, serves its strategic interests. Asserting a West Asia Position: Defying SCO's Anti-Israel Tilt Perhaps the most explicit demonstration of India's realpolitik is its stance on the escalating Israel-Iran conflict, which directly defied the SCO's collective position. While the SCO, chaired by China, issued a statement strongly condemning Israel's military strikes on Iranian territory and expressing 'serious concern" over the tensions, New Delhi explicitly stated it did not participate in discussions about the statement. It weakened the force of the SCO's condemnation of Israel's attacks on Iran and indicated a potential rift within the influential Eurasian bloc. Instead, the Ministry of External Affairs issued its own carefully calibrated statements, urging both Israel and Iran to 'work towards a de-escalation" and use 'existing channels of dialogue and diplomacy". India's position is a pragmatic balancing act. It is Israel's largest weapons buyer, and Indian firms supplied rockets and explosives to Israel during the Gaza war. Simultaneously, India maintains significant economic ties with Iran, including the development of the strategically important Chabahar Port as a gateway for exports to Central Asia and Afghanistan. US sanctions, reintroduced by the Trump administration, pose a threat to this project, adding another layer to India's complex foreign policy calculus. India's refusal to condemn Israel is further underscored by its abstention from voting in the United Nations General Assembly on a draft resolution demanding an 'immediate, unconditional and permanent" ceasefire in Gaza. Domestically, India values Iran for energy security, connectivity, and as a counterbalance to Sunni extremism via its substantial Shi'ite Muslim population. New Delhi fears alienating this constituency by fully backing Israel. Thus, India's approach is not about blind loyalty to either side but about safeguarding its multifaceted equities and strategic autonomy in a region critical for its trade and security interests. Modi's Realpolitik in Action top videos View all Rajnath Singh's presence at the SCO meeting is more than mere diplomatic optics; it symbolises India's astute and pragmatic foreign policy under Prime Minister Narendra Modi. In a fragmented world order where traditional alliances are no longer absolute, India refuses to be confined by ideological blocs. Instead, it prioritises its national interests, recalibrating its China strategy to manage ongoing tensions while simultaneously keeping Pakistan under pressure within multilateral frameworks. Crucially, India is carving out an independent West Asia policy that safeguards its diverse interests in the region, even if it means diverging from the collective stance of blocs like the SCO. India's foreign policy under Prime Minister Narendra Modi increasingly demonstrates a cold-eyed realism, adapting to a fragmented world order where flexibility and self-interest dictate engagement. About the Author Sohil Sinha Sohil Sinha is a Sub Editor at News18. He writes on foreign affairs, geopolitics along with domestic policy and infrastructure projects. tags : China iran israel Narendra Modi pakistan view comments Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: June 24, 2025, 19:23 IST News opinion Modi's Realpolitik In A Fragmented World Order Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
Time of India
24-06-2025
- Business
- Time of India
India's bullet train plan hits Chinese wall as German tunnel-boring machines remain stuck at port
'Matter taken to the External Affairs Ministry' Live Events High stakes under the surface Post-Galwan caution on Chinese imports India's largest TBM, still waiting Afcons begins without machines Going deep: Tunnel to cut through hill and creek (You can now subscribe to our (You can now subscribe to our Economic Times WhatsApp channel Three massive tunnel boring machines meant for the Mumbai–Ahmedabad high-speed rail corridor remain held up at a Chinese port, creating concern over potential delays to India's flagship bullet train project These machines, essential for the 21-km underground section of the line from Bandra-Kurla Complex (BKC) to Shilphata, were built in Guangzhou by German tunnelling specialist Herrenknecht . Two were expected to reach India by October 2024, while the third should have arrived earlier this far, no clearance has been given by Chinese port authorities. There has been no official explanation for the Railway Ministry has escalated the issue. 'The railway ministry has taken the matter to the external affairs ministry,' a senior official told channels are now in play, as the delay involves not just the TBMs but also other parts crucial for ongoing civil works. Sources say a continued hold-up could seriously affect progress, particularly on the undersea stretch beneath Thane National High-Speed Rail Corporation Ltd ( NHSRCL ), which is executing the ₹1.08 lakh crore project, planned to use TBM-1 and TBM-2 for tunnelling between Sawli (Ghansoli) and BKC, and TBM-3 between Vikhroli and part of the route includes India's first undersea rail tunnel—a 7-km stretch running below Thane creek. It is one of the most technically demanding sections of the far, NHSRCL officials have declined to comment. But sources confirmed the overall project timeline remains unchanged, at least for the Galwan Valley clash in June 2020 between Indian and Chinese troops, the Indian government has increased scrutiny of Chinese-origin imports and year, the Mumbai Metropolitan Region Development Authority cancelled bids for a monorail upgrade involving two Chinese companies. Similarly, the Maharashtra government froze three large MoUs signed under the Magnetic Maharashtra 2.0 initiative, worth more than ₹5,000 for Mumbai Metro and the city's coastal road project had come from China before the Galwan clash. But post-2020, projects like the Thane–Borivli tunnel opted for TBMs made in Herrenknecht's Indian facility in Alinjivakkam, Tamil machines now stuck in China are far from of them is the largest tunnel boring machine ever built for use in India. It has a cutter head diameter of 13.56 metres. By comparison, metro TBMs are usually under 6.7 metres. Even the 12.19-metre TBM used for Mumbai's coastal road project is Herrenknecht machine is equipped with a mixshield configuration that allows it to handle different geological conditions—soil, rock, and everything in between. It's a precision instrument made for a complex job. Afcons Infrastructure Ltd, which won the ₹6,397 crore contract for the underground Package C-2, is preparing the ground while the machines remain in limbo. The contract, awarded in June 2023, covers the 20.377-km stretch from BKC to Shilphata and has a planned duration of 5.17 vertical shafts—36 metres deep at BKC, 56 metres at Vikhroli, and 39 metres at Sawli—are being constructed to launch and retrieve the TBMs. A 42-metre inclined shaft at Ghansoli and a tunnel portal at Shilphata are also in progress for NATM (New Austrian Tunnelling Method) tunnel will run 25 to 65 metres below ground, and in some places, like beneath Parsik Hill, it will dip as far as 114 metres. It must cross wetlands, thick urban clusters, and a large body of water. Every metre the challenges, Afcons and NHSRCL have not changed their public stance. Afcons officials also declined to familiar with the matter said all stakeholders—NHSRCL, Herrenknecht, Afcons, and the ministries—are actively coordinating to find a way forward.'The equipment includes not just the TBMs but also parts critical for other infrastructure works,' one official now, work continues. But as the wait at the Chinese port stretches on, pressure builds to get the machines moving—or risk the timeline slipping underground.
