Latest news with #Quaid'Orsay
El Chorouk
2 days ago
- Politics
- El Chorouk
Paris Has Learned Its Lesson Well From Algeria In The Sansal Case
A statement issued by the French Foreign Ministry regarding the sentence handed down to a French citizen who presented himself as a journalist and was sentenced to seven years in prison reveals a remarkable shift in Paris's position on Algerian judicial decisions, contrary to what happened in the case of the Franco-Algerian writer Boualem Sansal, which caused an uproar in French political and media circles after he was sentenced to five years in prison. Although the sentence was harsher than that handed down to Sansal, the French Foreign Ministry, in its statement issued on Monday, June 30, 2025, could only express its 'regret' over the 'harsh sentence' handed down by the Dar El Beida court in the capital on Sunday, June 29, 2025, against French citizen Christophe Gleize, who was immediately imprisoned. The French Foreign Ministry said in a statement reported by the French news agency France Presse that it had been 'closely monitoring the journalist's situation since his arrest in Algeria in May 2024' and had 'provided him with consular assistance and protection throughout his trial.' It also confirmed that 'all services remain available to assist him and are in regular contact with him, his family and his advisors.' The Quai d'Orsay added that 'a request for a visit permit was submitted as soon as the conviction was handed down,' based on the principle of consular assistance. It also affirmed France's commitment to 'freedom of the press throughout the world,' in a statement that was careful to exclude Algeria, so that it would not be interpreted by the Algerian authorities as an escalation motivated by doubts about the decisions of the Algerian justice system, which President Abdelmadjid Tebboune has affirmed on more than one occasion is independent. The Algerian judiciary accused the convicted French national of 'praising terrorism,' according to a statement by the French Foreign Ministry. Christoph Gleiz was arrested more than a year ago in the province of Tizi Ouzou while engaging in suspicious activities. The Algerian government attempted to portray the defendant as a journalist by announcing France's commitment to 'freedom of expression,' even though he did not disclose his professional identity when applying for a visa. It was noteworthy that the French Foreign Ministry did not call on the Algerian authorities to release the French citizen, in the context of the worsening crisis between the two countries, in order to avoid a new setback, at a time when bilateral relations are marked by an 'undeclared truce,' marked by visits by some French businessmen to Algeria, most notably that of Rodolphe Saada, owner of the major French shipping company CMA CGM, who was received by President Abdelmadjid Tebboune. According to sources close to the French organization Reporters Without Borders (RSF), the case dates back to May last year, when the French citizen was arrested in the province of Tizi Ouzou on charges of engaging in activities related to terrorism. The organization warned its Algerian members not to make any statements about the Christophe Gleize case, in the hope of resolving it away from media hype and political debate. However, the failure of all these attempts, with the issuance of the conviction, prompted Reporters Without Borders to break its silence. Other sources familiar with the details of this case indicate that investigations have revealed communication between the imprisoned French citizen and individuals classified as terrorists in Algeria who work for a terrorist organization. What further complicated Christophe Glice's situation was that he entered the country on a tourist visa and not on a mission visa, which means that the defendant concealed the purpose of his visit to Algeria and attempted to deceive the relevant authorities. The unusual calm in the official French position on the Algerian judiciary's sentencing of Christophe Gliez to seven years in prison reveals that Paris has learned its lesson well from the Soussal case, namely that attempting to play the role of guardian or commander no longer works, but rather complicates the situation, especially since the French authorities are eagerly awaiting the final decision in the case of the Franco-Algerian writer on Tuesday, July 1, 2025.
Yahoo
28-05-2025
- General
- Yahoo
French street artist imprisoned in Azerbaijan is freed after 14 months
A French street artist who had been sentenced to three years in prison in Azerbaijan for painting a graffiti in the Baku metro has been pardoned and freed, French authorities announced Tuesday. Théo Clerc, 38, has returned to France following 422 days in detention after he was pardoned by Azerbaijan's President Ilham Aliyev, France's Foreign Minister Jean-Noël Barrot told lawmakers. In a message posted on X, Barrot said that Clerc was 'back in France, after 422 days in detention.' He added: "It is the honor and pride of French diplomacy and its representatives to have worked tirelessly for his release.' For her part, the entourage of the European Union's head of diplomacy, Kaja Kallas, announced that she had contributed to the Frenchman's release by pleading his cause during a recent visit to Azerbaijan. This release 'illustrates the effects of discreet diplomacy and respectful dialogue,' said Kallas in a message on X. French authorities had complained in September that Clerc was submitted to 'discriminatory treatment," because two co-defendants who were accused of the same offense – a New Zealander and an Australian - only received 'simple fines' for the same offences. In September 2024, the Quai d'Orsay condemned the 'arbitrary and blatantly discriminatory treatment' of Théo Clerc. The street artist's conviction provoked outrage in France, which called on its citizens to refrain from travelling to Azerbaijan unless absolutely necessary. Indeed, France has advised its citizens against traveling to Azerbaijan because of a lack of legal protections and the risk of 'arbitrary detention and unfair sentencing." Another French citizen, Martin Ryan, is currently being held in Azerbaijan on espionage charges - charges which have been rejected by Paris. French-Azerbaijani relations have been strained ever since Azerbaijan completely retook the Nagorno-Karabakh region following a lightning offensive in September 2023, which led to the exodus of more than 100,000 Armenians. Baku accuses Paris of supporting Armenia, while France accuses Azerbaijan of interfering in its overseas territories - allegations that the latter rejects.
Euronews
28-05-2025
- Politics
- Euronews
French street artist imprisoned in Azerbaijan is freed after 14 months
A French street artist who had been sentenced to three years in prison in Azerbaijan for painting a graffiti in the Baku metro has been pardoned and freed, French authorities announced Tuesday. Théo Clerc, 38, has returned to France following 422 days in detention after he was pardoned by Azerbaijan's President Ilham Aliyev, France's Foreign Minister Jean-Noël Barrot told lawmakers. In a message posted on X, Barrot said that Clerc was 'back in France, after 422 days in detention.' He added: "It is the honor and pride of French diplomacy and its representatives to have worked tirelessly for his release.' For her part, the entourage of the European Union's head of diplomacy, Kaja Kallas, announced that she had contributed to the Frenchman's release by pleading his cause during a recent visit to Azerbaijan. This release 'illustrates the effects of discreet diplomacy and respectful dialogue,' said Kallas in a message on X. French authorities had complained in September that Clerc was submitted to 'discriminatory treatment," because two co-defendants who were accused of the same offense – a New Zealander and an Australian - only received 'simple fines' for the same offences. In September 2024, the Quai d'Orsay condemned the 'arbitrary and blatantly discriminatory treatment' of Théo Clerc. The street artist's conviction provoked outrage in France, which called on its citizens to refrain from travelling to Azerbaijan unless absolutely necessary. Indeed, France has advised its citizens against traveling to Azerbaijan because of a lack of legal protections and the risk of 'arbitrary detention and unfair sentencing." Another French citizen, Martin Ryan, is currently being held in Azerbaijan on espionage charges - charges which have been rejected by Paris. French-Azerbaijani relations have been strained ever since Azerbaijan completely retook the Nagorno-Karabakh region following a lightning offensive in September 2023, which led to the exodus of more than 100,000 Armenians. Baku accuses Paris of supporting Armenia, while France accuses Azerbaijan of interfering in its overseas territories - allegations that the latter rejects.
Yahoo
15-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Simon Mann was the last of a generation of white mercenaries. What came after may be far worse
Simon Mann, the Old Etonian soldier of fortune who died last week at the age of 72, should have been the coda to the inglorious symphony of the white mercenary in Africa. So madcap, so incongruous was the 'Wonga Coup' he attempted to launch in Equatorial Guinea in 2004 that it seemed to belong to another era. Africa had moved on, old hands declared. Mann, poor fellow, had failed to read the winds of change. Yet far from being a holdover from the past, Mann has proved to be a harbinger of the present. Analysts reckon there are now more foreign mercenaries operating in Africa than ever before. The Russians, in the form of the Wagner Group, were the vanguard of the second wave, arriving in 2017. But others are following in ever greater numbers, Turks, Chinese and Romanians among them – perhaps soon even Americans, with Erik Prince, the founder of the infamous Blackwater mercenary group, reportedly offering Congo his services as part of a putative minerals deal with Donald Trump. Some are shadowy outfits, manned by ruthless racketeers, deployed to advance their states' geopolitical ambitions. Others lay claim to greater respectability. Blanching at the term 'mercenary', they call themselves private military contractors. Many play a vital role in protecting weak governments by training inexperienced national armies, guarding key installations and taking the lead in counterinsurgency operations against Islamist militants. Whatever their role, few of the new generation have the panache of the mercenaries of yesteryear who culminated with Mann. Their era began in the early Sixties, in the years when newly independent African states were struggling to find their feet. From Nigeria and Congo to Angola and the island states of the Indian Ocean, they were on hand – often with the blessing of Whitehall and the Quai d'Orsay – to support secessionist movements, prop up feeble governments or mount the occasional coup. Of Mann's forebears the two that most stand out were 'Mad Mike' Hoare, a stiff-lipped Anglo-Irishman and one-time accountant, and Bob Denard, the flamboyant Frenchman with whom he had an unspoken rivalry. Hoare, who bore a passing resemblance to Montgomery, led his motley fighters, the fabled Wild Geese, in defeating Congo's China-backed Simba rebels, who numbered Che Guevara in their ranks, and shoring up the breakaway province of Katanga. He and his 300 men recaptured Stanleyville, later to be renamed Kisangani, from the Simbas, freed 2,000 European hostages, most of them nuns and priests – and then dynamited the vaults of every bank in the city before drinking its taverns dry. It was a tale of derring-do worthy of Empire and made Hoare, who made his men attend church every Sunday, a hero on Fleet Street. Among those who lapped up his antics back home was the young Simon Mann, sitting in the back of a classroom plotting imaginary coups in his atlas. Hoare did much to romanticise the reputation of the white mercenary in black Africa. Yet the image belied a darker reality, too. Some of Hoare's men were German ex-Nazis who still wore the Iron Cross. Most had old-fashioned views on race. Hoare and his Wild Geese had no compunction about shedding blood, decorating their trucks with the heads of Simba warriors they had slain. Hoare, who died in 2020 at the age of 100, may have been a character but, if anything, Denard was even more swashbuckling. He had been in Katanga at the same time as Hoare, leading a unit called 'les affreux' ('the terrible ones'). He later changed sides, was shot in the head by a North Korean soldier, recovered under the care of a nurse and then married her. He reportedly had six other wives, some of them at the same time. After a failed attempt to seize power in Yemen and Benin, he turned his attention in 1977 to Comoros, an archipelago in the Indian Ocean, launching the first of four coup attempts he made there. Leading just 50 men, equipped with sawn-off shotguns and two dozen cases of Dom Perignon champagne, he toppled the socialist president, who was shot dead 'while attempting to escape'. Denard effectively ran the country for the next decade as head of the presidential guard, a position he lost after the puppet president he installed was also shot mysteriously. Denard was acquitted of the killing but the mounting presidential body count did him no favours. Whatever their flaws, Mann grew up idolising such men. Like them, he would go on to find triumph and disaster on the world's poorest continent. He helped set up Executive Outcomes, which made a fortune protecting Angola's oil fields from rebel attack in the 1990s and was later involved with an offshoot, Sandline International, seeing action in diamond-rich Sierra Leone's civil war. But in an uncanny echo of his two heroes, Mann's mercenary career ended with a ludicrously injudicious coup attempt. In 1981, Hoare attempted to seize power in the Seychelles, flying economy into Victoria, the capital, with a group of mercenaries disguised as members of a beer appreciation society, The Ancient Order of Froth Blowers. Taking their cover too seriously, most of the men had over indulged on the flight. After starting a brawl in the arrivals hall, a customs officer found an AK-47 in one of their bags, prompting a gun battle that ended when Hoare and his men hijacked an Air India flight to get back to South Africa. The mercenaries drank all the champagne on board and were promptly arrested on arrival. In 1995, Denard's final attempt to take back power in Comoros similarly failed after he and his men drifted onto a beach in inflatable dinghies one moonless night only to find the French army waiting for them. Denard, who died in 2007, spent 10 months in a French prison, Mad Mike Hoare 33 months in a South African one. Mann, whose father and grandfather both captained England at cricket, did more time than both of them combined after a fantastical plot, allegedly concocted in 2004 in the hallowed surroundings of White's, the club in St James's, to overthrow Obiang Nguema, then, as now, the dictator of Equatorial Guinea. The conspiracy was ludicrously complicated, with Mann buying an old Boeing 727 to fly his mercenaries from South Africa to Equatorial Guinea, making a detour in Harare to pick up weapons. The plan was then to fly across the continent to meet an advance party already in Equatorial Guinea, storm the presidential palace and then install a little-known exile as the country's new leader. The problem for Mann was that the entire plot had been blown wide open even before his crew left South Africa. Mann and his team were promptly arrested on arrival in Zimbabwe, where he would serve four years before being transferred to complete a further 13 months in Equatorial Guinea's notorious Black Beach prison. Mann's outfit had neither the intelligence nor the infrastructure in place to succeed, notes Piers Pigou, a Johannesburg-based analyst who has long studied mercenary operations in Africa. 'It was a bit of a Heath Robinson operation,' he said. 'I think everyone was surprised that they ran such a leaky ship, which enabled the authorities in South Africa and therefore Zimbabwe and Equatorial Guinea to be prepared. I still look at that coup and wonder how on earth they think they could have succeeded.' Mann's failed coup seemed like a final hurrah for white mercenaries in Africa. It was certainly an anomaly. By the turn of the millennium, African economies were growing, democracy was on the rise and, though many countries remained chronically weak, conflict was on the wane. Alas, it was not to last. By 2017 a new breed of mercenary had begun to appear in Africa in the form of the Wagner Group, which offered armed services in exchange for access to natural resources – deals remarkably similar to the one Mann and his co-conspirators hoped to strike in Equatorial Guinea. Yevgeny Prigozhin, Wagner's founder, may have lacked the class of the those who ploughed the same furrows in earlier decades: he did not swill champagne like Denard or recite Shakespeare like Hoare. He did not even go to Eton. But, at least in some cases, Wagner was crudely effective. Hired by Faustin-Archange Touadera, the president of the Central African Republic, Wagner beat back the country's Islamist rebels, though it imposed a huge cost. To this day, the CAR remains virtually a Wagner colony, Mr Pigou says. Wagner was nominally dissolved following Prigozhin's death in a mysterious plane crash in 2023 weeks after he marched on Moscow in an attempted rebellion of his own. The outfit, now controlled more directly by the Russian state, continues to prop up half a dozen African governments, most of them military dictatorships, and has faced numerous accusations of perpetrating massacres and other abuses. Other state-linked mercenary outfits of varying quality have also appeared on the scene. Chinese private military groups operate in more than a dozen African states, mainly to protect China-run oil facilities, mines and infrastructure projects, guard logistics routes and protect Chinese nationals against the rising threat of kidnapping. Chinese mercenaries may be authorised by Beijing to carry and use weapons in Africa but, unlike Wagner, they do not directly prop up authoritarian regimes or intervene in internal politics. Other foreign groups are more overtly engaged in fighting. Last year, Sadat, a Turkish private military force with ties to the country's president, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, reportedly suffered casualties while engaging with Islamist insurgents in Niger. Sadat, which insists that it does not provide 'paramilitary or mercenary services', says its focus is on strategic consultancy, military training and protecting important economic facilities. Not all mercenary groups deliver on the bold promises they make. In 2022 the Congolese government hired 1,000 predominantly Romanian mercenaries, who became known as 'the Romeos', to defend eastern cities against the country's M23 rebels. But when the rebels advanced on Goma and Bukavu, the two biggest cities in the east, in January, the Romeos cut and ran, abandoning their weapons and vehicles as they fled for the safety of the UN peacekeeping base. Both cities swiftly fell and the mercenaries eventually surrendered to M23. Not all mercenaries are as rapacious as Wagner or as hapless as the Romeos. Indeed, says Mr Pigou, some do a lot more good than harm. In 2019, Filipe Nyusi, then the president of Mozambique, originally looked to Wagner to fight an Islamist insurgency in the north. After the jihadists humiliated the Russians, killing scores, Mr Nyusi turned instead to a rather different beast, the Dyck Advisory Group (DAG), led by Lionel Dyck, a colonel who served in the Rhodesian army. Dyck, who died last year, broadly fits the definition of a mercenary but he always insisted that his group followed the highest international standards governing private military contractors. As a result, it helped prevent countries like Mozambique, with weak indigenous armies, from slipping into chaos and bloodshed. By training Mozambique's police, it also strengthened the country's ability to defend itself in the future, he argued. While DAG has faced criticism in the past, including of carrying out attacks on civilians which it denies, it is a reminder, cautions Mr Pigou, that blanket, knee-jerk condemnation of mercenary activities in Africa is counterproductive. 'There's a cookie-cutter demonisation of the bloodthirsty white mercenary,' he said. 'There are elements of truth in this, but these narratives are predicated on cartoon characters that don't reflect the realities on the ground. 'They miss the kind of sober cost-benefit analysis of what they guys are able to achieve.' Broaden your horizons with award-winning British journalism. Try The Telegraph free for 1 month with unlimited access to our award-winning website, exclusive app, money-saving offers and more.
Reuters
22-04-2025
- Politics
- Reuters
Europeans outlined non-negotiable issues to US for Ukraine-Russia peace deal, French minister says
France's Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs Jean-Noel Barrot speaks to the press at the Quai d'Orsay, France's Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in Paris, France April 17, 2025. JULIEN DE ROSA/Pool via REUTERS/File Photo Purchase Licensing Rights, opens new tab PARIS, April 22 (Reuters) - European powers told the United States last week which aspects of a potential peace deal between Ukraine and Russia would be non-negotiable for them, ahead of a new round of discussions on Wednesday, France's Foreign Minister Jean-Noel Barrot said. Ukraine, the U.S., France, Britain and Germany held their first joint talks since President Donald Trump came to power on Thursday in Paris, sharing their views on ways to end the more than three-year-old war. The Reuters Tariff Watch newsletter is your daily guide to the latest global trade and tariff news. Sign up here. Senior officials, including U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, will meet again in London on Wednesday. "The only objective that concerns us is to defend French interests and European security. It's the reason that as the US decide to place itself in a mediator position that we make them hear what our "red lines" are," Barrot told franceinfo radio on Tuesday, referring to issues that the European leaders would not budge on. He did not elaborate. Asked whether he thought that Trump's assertion that a peace deal could be announced this week was credible, Barrot said it depended on Russian President Vladimir Putin. "I think that the (Easter) truce which he (Putin) decreed somewhat surprisingly was a marketing operation, a seduction operation aimed at avoiding that President Trump gets impatient," Barrot said. Despite repeated violations of the truce, he said there had at least been a drop in intensity regarding drones and long-range missiles, which could perhaps open the door for a further truce. Reporting by John Irish, editing by GV De Clercq and Bernadette Baum Our Standards: The Thomson Reuters Trust Principles., opens new tab
