Latest news with #RamManoharLohia
Mint
2 days ago
- Politics
- Mint
The language controversy has lost its sting. Netas take heed
It was the Allahabad (present day Prayagraj) of the 20th century's 'swinging sixties" decade. British rule had ended two decades ago, but in a city teeming with the old 'gentry," the 'colonial ways" were still visible. The Civil Lines observed the tradition of 'lunch break," and in many shops, salesmen wearing ties could be found speaking in English. The city was proud of its university, dubbed the 'Oxford of the East," considered the essential first step towards cracking the civil services. The city was host to many poets and writers. Indira Gandhi, the prime minister of India, too was born in Allahabad. The city had enough reasons to feel snooty and entitled. In such an atmosphere, one day a city resident woke up to a surprise when they saw slogans written in coal tar on the walls of the local church, convent schools and some other prominent places debunking the English language exhorting, 'Angrezi hatao Bharat bachao (Remove English, save the country)." During those initial days, people failed to fathom the long-term impact of a larger movement. It was the brainchild of Socialist leader Ram Manohar Lohia, who initiated it in 1957. But it took a decade to gather steam. Later, it received the support of the Jana Sangh and other political parties. Sensing an imminent public outcry, then-prime minister Lal Bahadur Shastri made some critical moves in support of Hindi, leading to violent reactions in the southern states, resulting in 70 cases of self-immolation and death by poisoning. Some died in police firing. For the first time, in 1967, assembly elections in nine states returned non-Congress governments. That the language row played a key role in this outcome shouldn't come as a surprise. Language played a pivotal role in carving Himachal Pradesh and Haryana out of Punjab province. While creating these two states, Indira Gandhi wouldn't have imagined in her wildest dreams that it would also add up as an important factor in unleashing terrorism in Punjab. Earlier, the movement to create Andhra Pradesh based on language witnessed extreme violence. Let's return to Allahabad. While studying in the state inter college from class 6 to 8, Hindi, English and one regional Indian language were compulsory. I chose Bangla. I am proud that through Bangla, I was able to connect with a great civilization, its writers, their intellectual depth, philosophy, history and the nuances of the Independence Movement. The Bangla language and Bengali people helped shape my personality. This is the reason I was happy when the government launched the tri-language formula with some tweaks. I firmly believe that every young Indian, along with their mother tongue, should be well-versed in one regional language and English. There is no better way to bring Indians closer to their Indian roots. As far as English is concerned, let there be no doubt about its relevance and effectiveness in the age of artificial intelligence. But politics and politicians are on a different tangent. This is the reason we witnessed the spectacle of two estranged brothers coming together. After 19 years, Uddhav and Raj Thackeray came together publicly on a stage. They insisted they weren't against Hindi, but Marathi should be given its due and respected in Maharashtra. But is it the case? If there was consistency in their words and deeds, they wouldn't have uploaded viral videos of beating unsuspecting shop owners, insisting they speak Marathi. Unfortunately, this malady is spreading quickly in the neighbouring state of Karnataka. The cyber city of Bengaluru witnessed public shaming of Hindi-speaking people when they failed to speak in Kannada. I believe that those who relocate to a new state should make the effort to learn the local language, but perpetrating violence against those who can't speak your language is not only unconstitutional but a dangerous trend. However, during the last two decades, winds of hope have been blowing in the southern states. The Hindi heartland isn't far behind. Recently, when southern superstar Allu Arjun came to Patna, the local crowd broke all the records in welcoming him. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has tried to douse the flames of the language row by insisting that every Indian language is a national language. However, the moot point is whether the politicians will stop fomenting trouble? It pays to remember the language controversy has lost its sting. It can help a politician hiss, but doesn't offer enough political venom to bite. Shashi Shekhar is editor-in-chief, Hindustan. Views are personal.
Hindustan Times
3 days ago
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
Language row attempts to revive a dead horse
It was the 'swinging sixties' in Allahabad (present-day Prayagraj). British rule had ended two decades ago, but in a city teeming with the old gentry, the colonial ways were still visible. The Civil Lines observed the tradition of a lunch break, and in many shops, salesmen wearing ties could be found speaking in English with their esteemed, genteel customers. The city was proud of its university, dubbed the Oxford of the East. The Indian Civil Service had been rechristened as the Indian Administrative Service (IAS). Yet the nomenclature change did nothing to dampen its power or its regalia. Admission to Allahabad University was considered the essential first step towards realising the goal of cracking the civil services examination. The city hosted many poets and writers. The city had enough reasons to feel snooty and entitled. In such an atmosphere, the residents woke up to a surprise one day when they saw slogans written in coal tar on the walls of the local church, convent schools, and some other prominent places debunking the English language exhorting, 'Angrezi hatao, Bharat bachao' (remove English and save the country). In the initial days, people failed to fathom the long-term impact of a larger movement. The anti-English campaign was the brainchild of socialist leader Ram Manohar Lohia, who initiated it in 1957. It took a decade to gather steam, and received the support of the Jana Sangh and other political parties. Sensing an imminent public outcry, then Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri made some critical moves in support of Hindi, leading to violent reactions in the Southern states, resulting in 70 cases of self-immolation or death by poisoning. Some died in the police firing on the protestors. In 1967, for the first time, assembly elections led to the formation of non-Congress governments in eight states. The language row played a key role in this outcome. It shouldn't come as a surprise to anyone. Language is the repository of our cultural moorings, and we shouldn't blame people if they feel emotionally attached to it, considering language as an integral part of their identity. Language played a pivotal role in the formation of the states of Himachal Pradesh and Haryana, both once a part of Punjab province. While creating these two states, Indira Gandhi wouldn't have imagined in her wildest dreams that the decision would in later years provide impetus to the rise of terrorism in Punjab. Earlier, the mobilisation to create Andhra Pradesh, based on Telugu linguistic identity, witnessed extreme violence. Let's return to Allahabad. While studying in the state inter college from class 6 to class 8, Hindi, English, and one regional Indian language were compulsory for all the students. I chose Bangla. I am proud that through Bangla, I was able to connect with a great civilisation, its writers, their intellectual depth, philosophy, history, and the nuances of the Independence Movement. The Bangla language and Bengali people helped shape my personality. This is the reason I was happy when the government of India launched the tri-language formula with some minor tweaks. I firmly believe that every young Indian, along with their mother tongue, should be well-versed in one regional language and in English. There is no better way to bring Indians closer to their Indian roots. As far as English is concerned, let there be no doubt about its relevance and effectiveness in the age of Artificial Intelligence. But politics and politicians are on a different tangent. This is the reason we witnessed the spectacle of Uddhav Thackeray and his estranged cousin, Raj, coming together on a public stage, 19 years after parting ways. They insisted they weren't against Hindi, but Marathi should be given its due and respected in Maharashtra. But is it the case? If there was consistency in their words and deeds, they wouldn't have uploaded viral videos of thugs beating unsuspecting shop owners, insisting that they speak in Marathi. While addressing his workers, Raj Thackrey told them that they can rough up those who fail to speak Marathi, but they shouldn't make and upload videos of this. It's a strange way of showing love for your language. Unfortunately, this malady is spreading quickly in the neighbouring state of Karnataka. The cyber city of Bengaluru witnessed public shaming of Hindi-speaking people when they failed to speak in Kannada. I believe that those who relocate to a new state should make the effort to learn the local language, but perpetrating violence against those who can't speak the language is not only unconstitutional but a dangerous trend for the nation. These incidents have opened a personal wound. In 1980, I went to Calcutta (present-day Kolkata) for the first time. At that time, whenever you asked the locals for an address, they would rebuff you, saying they didn't know Hindi. At such times, I would wonder, I could talk in Bengali, but how will anyone survive in the metropolis if they don't know the local language? During the coverage of the Punjab insurgency, I found that people in rural areas had difficulty understanding Hindi. However, during the last two decades, the winds of encouraging change have been blowing in the southern states. Hindi Heartland isn't far behind. Some months ago, when southern superstar Allu Arjun came to Patna, a huge crowd gathered to welcome him. Can we attribute the miracle to central government services, the old tri-language formula, and the culture of corporatisation? The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh has tried to douse the flames of the language row by insisting that every Indian language is a national language. However, the moot point is whether politicians will stop fomenting trouble? It pays to remember the language controversy has lost its sting. It can help a politician hiss, but doesn't offer enough political venom to bite. Shashi Shekhar is editor-in-chief, Hindustan. The views expressed are personal
Indian Express
25-05-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
Congress opposed Mandal, backed faith-based quota: NDA meet resolution on caste census
With the government announcing that the next census would also include caste enumeration, a resolution passed at the meeting of NDA Chief Ministers and deputy Chief Ministers Sunday condemned the Opposition's 'cheap politics' and targeted the Congress over the issue, while highlighting the efforts to empower deprived sections over the past 11 years. Trying to claim the social justice plank, the resolution stated that 'the Prime Minister's name will be etched in golden letters for fulfilling the vision of stalwarts like Dr Ram Manohar Lohia, Loknayak JP (Jayprakash Nayaran) and Karpoori Thakur'. The resolutions underlined various achievements of PM Narendra Modi-led NDA government such as lifting 15 crore people out of poverty and efforts 'to boost the dignity of those previously denied the same in the name of caste discrimination'. The resolution on caste census, moved by Haryana CM Nayab Singh Saini and seconded by Andhra Pradesh Deputy CM Pawan Kalyan, congratulated PM Modi for the move. Addressing the Chief Ministers, the PM said the caste census would do justice to the marginalised in every community. Targeting the Opposition, the resolution stated, 'We are dismayed by the cheap politics of the Opposition on this issue. They had the opportunity to govern the nation for several decades yet they did not do anything on this issue.' The resolution accused the Congress of 'defeating Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar twice (and) denying him a Bharat Ratna… delaying the implementation of the Mandal Commission (and) subsequently opposing it tooth and nail… opposing the OBC Commission (and) advocating faith-based reservations which are against the spirit of Dr Ambedkar's Constitution'. During the last Census (in 2011), it added that the Congress 'had deliberately avoided a scientifically conducted enumeration of castes'. 'Later, whatever the exercise that was conducted beyond the Census of India Act was also flawed and wrapped in needless secrecy,' it said and slammed the Congress for using the issue only for 'political manipulation'. In a post on X, PM Narendra Modi said, 'We had extensive deliberations about various issues. Various states showcased their best practices in diverse areas including water conservation, grievance redressal, strengthening administrative frameworks, education, women empowerment, sports and more. It was wonderful to hear these experiences.' Participated in the NDA Chief Ministers' Conclave in Delhi. We had extensive deliberations about various issues. Various states showcased their best practices in diverse areas including water conservation, grievance redressal, strengthening administrative frameworks, education,… — Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) May 25, 2025 During the media briefing, BJP president J P Nadda said that the caste census issue has been on top of NDA's list of priorities from the beginning. '…Our government in Bihar, Nitish Kumar ji's government in Bihar, which was the first to bring the proposal for it, a resolution related to the caste census was also passed,' he said. Days after the April 30 surprise announcement by the government to conduct the caste census with the decennial census, Leader of Opposition in Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi had said in Bihar's Darbhanga that the decision came only because of pressure from a 'vast majority of the population'. Gandhi had referred to the Telangana model as the 'correct manner' in which the caste census should be conducted, and alleged that despite laws providing for implementation of quotas in private institutions, neither the Modi government nor the Bihar government has done it. Nadda also said the campaign against Maoists was discussed and Chhattisgarh CM Vishnu Deo Sai detailed the steps taken to ensure success. Given an opportunity to share the best model practices for the other states to follow, Sai presented the Bastar Model — the development and the innovative initiatives in the state for delivering good governance. During the presentation, he also outlined the success of the Bastar Olympics. Chhattisgarh Home Minister Vijay Sharma, Nadda said, spoke about the rehabilitation of Maoist-affected areas and government schemes aimed at bringing them into mainstream. Then Union Home Minister Amit Shah spoke about the strategy behind the campaign to eliminate Naxalism by 2026. Nadda said that best practices related to the implementation of Har Ghar Surya Yojana in Gujarat under the leadership of CM Bhupendra Patel were discussed. Meghalaya CM Conrad Sangma gave a presentation on 'CM Connect' programme, in line with PM Modi's vision of a 'responsive, responsible and accountable' governance. This, Nadda said, was acknowledged as a model for other NDA CMs to be considered in their respective jurisdictions. Uttar Pradesh CM Yogi Adityanath presented a booklet on the success of Kumbh Mela. Uttarakhand CM Pushkar Singh Dhami gave a presentation on the implementation of the UCC in his state, Nadda said. (With inputs from Liz Mathew)
The Print
30-04-2025
- Politics
- The Print
Himanta welcomes Union Cabinet decision to include caste enumeration in census
'The Modi government has always stood for the representation and rights of our backward communities', he said. 'We welcome #Census 2025, which will further strengthen the agenda of social justice and is a tribute to Dr Ram Manohar Lohia, Jan Nayak Karpoori Thakur and several other greats', the chief minister posted on X. Guwahati, Apr 30 (PTI) Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma on Wednesday welcomed the Union Cabinet's decision to include caste enumeration in the next census. The Union government on Wednesday announced that caste enumeration will be included in the next census exercise in a 'transparent' manner and slammed the opposition parties for using caste survey as a 'political tool'. The Congress and other opposition parties have been vociferously demanding a nationwide caste census, making it a major election issue, and some states like Bihar, Telangana and Karnataka have conducted such surveys. The government decision comes ahead of assembly elections in Bihar, where several parties including some BJP allies have been coming out in support of the caste census. Announcing the decision taken by the Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs, Union Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw said the census comes under the purview of the Centre, but some states have done caste enumeration in the name of surveys 'non-transparently' which has created doubts in the society. PTI DG DG RG This report is auto-generated from PTI news service. ThePrint holds no responsibility for its content.
Indian Express
25-04-2025
- Business
- Indian Express
Opinion More regulation on private schools is bad idea
In 1959, a wonderful essay by Ram Manohar Lohia suggested that powerful people have caste, wealth, and English education. The logical antidote to the problem posed by Lohia was improving India's free K-12 school education. But this opportunity has been sabotaged by flailing government schools; the share of India's children attending a government school has now declined to 45 per cent. This number is 85 per cent in the US, 90 per cent in the UK, and 95 per cent in Japan. Policymakers redirecting the anger at free government schools to self-funded private schools through higher regulatory cholesterol must proceed with caution — the most expensive school is no school. Good K-12 schools not only represent our best bet for improving social mobility but are also imperative in the new world of education, skills, work, and jobs. In the old world of education, Google knew everything. In the new world, AI is learning everything. In the old world of skills, the objective was to prepare, in the new world, the objective is to repair and upgrade. In the old world of work, employment was a lifetime contract. In the new world, employment is a short, intense, and taxicab relationship. In the old world of jobs, policymakers and educators could predict where jobs would be in the next decade; in the new world, all market predictions seem to have the efficacy of palm reading. More importantly, in the new world of work, dangerous, dirty, repetitive, and uncomplicated jobs will increasingly be done by software and machines. The low student enrolment share of government schools was choice, not fate. It was a blind spot for the central and state governments in the first 45 years after Independence, and the next 35 years were lost to tactical changes like smaller class sizes, higher teacher salaries, and higher teacher qualifications. This second miss is a warning against the overselling of randomised control trials by economists — they offer solutions that are often correct but rarely scalable, generalisable, or replicable. Some of the tactical changes were necessary but insufficient without systematic reform of governance and teacher performance management. Performance management is often equated with teacher attendance, yet a teacher needs to be evaluated on outputs (skills and scores) and inputs (competence and classroom management). Scores can be measured based on continuous assessments or end-of-year exams. Skills and concepts are harder in a world where soft skills — being curious, courageous, confident, risk-taking, collaborative and communicative — are also hard skills. Judging teacher competence involves evaluating student interaction, knowledge, planning capacity, communication, feedback abilities, collaboration, and a drive towards excellence. Classroom management needs assessment through observation of teaching and learning (teaching often occurs without learning), classroom setup, instructional differentiation (for process, product, and learning styles), and communication (clarity, questioning, and responsiveness). Governance is mainly about controlling resources, but it should also be about learning, planning, design, responsiveness to students, parent involvement, teacher management, integrity, faculty growth planning, feedback capability (both formal and informal), role modelling, and fair decision-making. Currently, government school governance confuses school buildings with building schools; almost 4 lakh of our 15 lakh schools have fewer than 50 students (70 per cent of schools in Rajasthan, Karnataka, J&K and Uttarakhand). China has a similar number of students to India, but it has 30 per cent of our schools. State governments must consolidate schools (this will reduce the teacher shortage and multi-grade teaching), dump opaque transfer policies (in a system where tenure and compensation are off the table, location is a potent tool for performance management), grant budget flexibility and delegate funds, functions and functionaries away from state capitals. Excellence in government schools requires substantive performance management. In other words, a fear of falling and hope of rising, rather than the current box-ticking best captured by the Tamil aphorism, Naan adducha maadri addikyeren, nee arrara maadri aru (I will pretend as if I am beating you, you pretend as if you are crying). Bureaucrats and incompetent teachers, benefiting from the status quo of government schools, insist that progress requires more patience, time, and money. But the current system will fail our children just like Indian socialism failed its poor. My yearning for better government schools is not an argument against private schools (I attended one). Without this market response to demand, the post-1947 policy errors in primary education would have been catastrophic for India's human capital, the software industry, and corporate India. The notion that the failure of government schools can be overcome by higher regulatory cholesterol for private schools ignores rising costs, including higher teacher salaries, skyrocketing construction costs, and increasing land prices. The cynical confiscation of capacity from private entrepreneurs (RTE takes away 25 per cent) feels like a policy surrender to a tragedy where poor people are paying money to avoid something that is free. It should, instead, be a catalyst for adding quality to what is free. The challenges of government schools are hardly unique to India or new; Abraham Lincoln filled out an election form describing his education as 'defective'. But it's time to take on the vested interests in government schools that steal the future of our young. Children have only one chance to grow up.
