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The Hindu
2 days ago
- Entertainment
- The Hindu
Flavour of crafts from Eastern India at this year's Independence Day ‘At Home'
For those invited by President Droupadi Murmu for her customary evening reception or 'At Home' this, the 79th Independence Day, the invitation sent out in her name will be showcasing the skill of craftspersons from Bihar, Jharkhand, Odisha and West Bengal, a nod to eastern India after this year's Republic Day bid a similar nod to southern India. The invitations will be made by contributions of artisans from these four states and curated by the National Institute of Design. Most of the artisans, many of them women worked alongside NID team, out of these nine artists from Madhubani in Bihar and 15 bamboo artisans from Jharkhand worked out of the Bengaluru campus of NID, with the rest . According Ashok Kumar Biswas, a Padma Shri awardee in 2024, and the man entrusted with producing the nearly 750 pieces of Tikuli art work from Bihar to be added to the invitation, the instructions from NID, that coordinated the effort with Rashtrapati Bhawan was clear. 'They wanted a lightweight example of Tikuli painting which is usually based on scenes of rural life in Bihar, or cultural and religious motifs, festivals etc. They asked for three types samples, of the traditional Tikuli base of MDA (dark brown in colour) with enamel paint, then on handmaid paper, and also little pieces of cardboard and plywood. I prepared a fourth sample, on paper, made to look like the dark brown Tikuli painting base, and sent it off. They approved the fourth sample and asked that 750 pieces be sent in 15 which we did at the Tikuli training centre that I run,' he said. 'It is a matter of great pride for me to be asked to do this by the President of India's office, for an occassion like indendence day, its a good initiative that places India's folk art at the centre of the Republic,' he said. The invitation will be encased in a Sikki Grass Box, made by artisans from Raiyam village in Madhubani district of Bihar, with 30 artists engaged in it. Woven delicately from Sikki grass, the box would contain a frame with the invitation itself, made of Bamboo with painting on the borders, with artists from Dumka in Jharkhand. This foldable frame can be reused as a photo frame after the event. Apart from the box and the frame, small artifacts, like a bookmark with Madhubani painting etched on it, plus a tussar stole with, again Madhubani painting with traditional block printing of symbols like Matsya (fish), Kamal (lotus) and Basant (spring) Tala Patachitra paintings by artisans from Raghurajpur in Puri, Bengali Patachitra postcard size painting by artists from Pingla village in Midnapore in West Bengal, Paitkar painting from East Singhbum in Jharkhand and Tikuli art postcard size painting from Patna in Bihar are also included in the invitation box.
News18
28-06-2025
- Politics
- News18
How Emergency '75 Tried To Distort The Constitution Of India
It was this provision that the then-President Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed depended upon while proclaiming the Emergency on the night of June 25, 1975. 'Internal disturbance" lent itself to a wide-ranging interpretation, including political and civil society movements. The original article contained no proviso that the proclamation of the emergency should be restricted to only affected parts of India. Thus it was proclaimed for the whole of India, even if that were not necessary. Also, in a glaring lapse of parliamentary procedure, President Ahmed's proclamation preceded the cabinet meeting approving the emergency. The proclamation of emergency, Kuldip Nayar informs, was signed at 11.45 pm on June 25, 1975. Indira Gandhi decided to call the meeting of the cabinet at 6 pm on June 26 after returning from the Rashtrapati Bhawan (The Judgement: Inside Story of the Emergency in India, P. 39-41). The proclamation was placed before the cabinet that met at 1, Safdarjung Road—the Prime Minister's official residence—for ex-post facto approval. The arrest of the opposition leaders, as well as the journalists, had gone on with ruthless efficiency in the intervening period. Article 352 has been altered since then, raising the constitutional bar against the sweeping imposition of emergency countrywide as in 1975. Paradoxically, even Indira Gandhi's government has a role in it through the 42nd amendment of the Constitution (1976). The 44th amendment brought in by the Janata Party's government (1978) further conditioned the imposition of emergency. Thus, from the constitutional viewpoint, the imposition of emergency became more difficult. Further, Article 359, which was related to the suspension of the enforcement of the rights conferred by Part III during emergencies, no longer applied to Articles 20 and 21. This meant that the constitutional provisions with regard to protection in respect of conviction of offences, and protection of life and personal liberty, could not be abridged under any circumstances (even if other fundamental rights are suspended under emergency). These changes will be described ahead. II The events described as the causes of the Emergency '75, e.g. students' movement spearheaded by Jay Prakash Narayan, the Allahabad High Court's judgment declaring Indira Gandhi's election from Raebareli parliamentary constituency (1971) as void, etc, were at best immediate causes. Immediate causes only ignite the stockpile of explosive materials already present. The underlying cause of the Emergency '75 was Indira Gandhi's authoritarian style of functioning, which she equated with efficiency. This imbalanced the harmony conceived by the framers of the Constitution, between the legislature, executive, and judiciary. However, a more impersonal reading of the situation was that it represented a 'mid-life crisis of the Constitution" itself. Advertisement Indira Gandhi prioritised directive principles over fundamental rights. She vouched for 'parliamentary supremacy" in sorting out constitutional provisions (which, according to her, impeded the development of India) over judicial interpretation. She felt 'parliamentary supremacy" was necessary to prevent the Constitution from becoming atrophied. Parliament of India must have unlimited authority to amend the Constitution with a two-thirds majority as and when needed. There was a sudden acceleration in Constitution amendments during her second tenure. During the first two decades of its operation, the Constitution had been amended on 23 occasions. The Constitution (Twenty-third Amendment) Act, 1969, was notified on January 23, 1970, and came into force the same day. There was no other amendment during the rest of the year, which also witnessed the premature dissolution of the Fourth Lok Sabha. In the Fifth Lok Sabha elections, 1971, Indira Gandhi returned with a huge mandate. During this tenure, which included the Emergency '75 period, the Constitution was amended on 19 occasions. advetisement Her magnum opus enactment was the Constitution (Forty-second Amendment) Act, 1976, which had often been described as a mini-Constitution. Several of its unwelcome provisions were later neutralised through the 43rd and 44th amendments brought by the Janata Party government. Indira launched her strike with the Constitution (Twenty-fourth Amendment) Bill, 1971, which was later passed as the Constitution (Twenty-fourth Amendment) Act, 1971. Herein, her target was the Supreme Court's landmark judgment in the IC Golaknath and Ors v State of Punjab (1967) that had denied Parliament the right to amend the Part III (Fundamental Rights) of the Constitution even while exercising its powers under Article 368. It was the first time that any authority had held that any portion of the Constitution was impervious to amendment. Indira Gandhi naturally did not appreciate this judicial embargo and wanted to get rid of it at the earliest. However, she could not have the last laugh in the matter. advetisement In Keshavananda Bharati v. State of Kerala (1973), the Supreme Court laid down the concept of 'basic structure" of the Constitution that exercised a cap on Parliament's unlimited amending power. In effect, the 24th Amendment made the provisions of Article 13 subject to the provisions of Article 368 as invalid. The apex court held that the whole of Article 31 C, which abrogates for certain purposes the fundamental rights in Articles 14, 19, and 31 of the Constitution, is invalid. The court stated that while ordinarily it had no power to review a constitutional amendment, it could do so if the amendment destroyed or damaged the basic structure of the Constitution. Basic feature, however, is not a finite or quantifiable concept but depends on the merit of the case. III Less than five months after the Emergency '75 had been declared–on November 10, 1975–the Supreme Court constituted a 13-judge bench to hear a plea of the Government of India that the Keshavananda Bharati verdict should be overruled. It was evidently a quid pro quo by Chief Justice AN Ray, who had been elevated to the top position by Indira Gandhi, by superseding three senior-most judges, who resigned in protest (April 1973). Legal luminary Nani A Palkhivala filed a petition against this government plea on the ground that the Keshavananda Bharati judgment was delivered by a full bench of the Supreme Court with proceedings lasting for five months. It would set a wrong precedent whereby even this full bench's judgment might be reconsidered by another full bench in future. Moreover, the time was least opportune, when fundamental rights of the citizens stood abrogated, there was no effective opposition inside Parliament, and most important leaders of the opposition parties were languishing in jail. Nobody could write or speak anything in public that was not acceptable to the government (We, The People P. 187). Due to Palkhivala's forceful advocacy, the bench was dissolved within two days of argument, though nothing was reported in the media due to censorship. Yet, it was a victory, no doubt, which saved the prestige of the judiciary. Having failed to regain unlimited amending power through the legal route and dissatisfied with the tardiness of the parliamentary process, Indira Gandhi contemplated a change in the form of government. The French system appealed best to Indira. Her notorious younger son, Sanjay, overtly pitched for a presidential system, which gave all the power to one person, without the curb of Parliament (The Judgement, P. 114). The Swaran Singh Committee was set up by the AICC to consider suitable changes in the Constitution. Swaran Singh, the former external affairs minister, came out with proposals for extensive changes in the Constitution. 'It would have been worse if I were not there," Swaran Singh later told Kuldip Nayar, 'we buried the presidential system once and for all" (The Judgement, P. 148). The Swaran Singh Committee proposals became the basis of the Constitution (Forty-fourth Amendment) Bill, 1976, which, on enactment, became the Constitution (Forty-second Amendment) Act, 1976. It was an extensive piece of legislation that sought to (a) amend the Preamble (inserting the expression Socialist Secular) and the Seventh Schedule in addition to around 36 separate articles (b) substitute four articles with new ones, (c) insert two new Parts viz. IVA and XIVA and eleven new articles. Palkhivala describes the legislation as a 'devastating attack on the Constitution". It is a pity that the exercise was undertaken under the guise of the Emergency. When the Janata Party came to power as a result of the Sixth Lok Sabha elections, 1977, it enacted the Constitution (Forty-third Amendment) Act, 1977, and the Constitution (Forty-fourth Amendment) Act, 1978, which aimed at reversing many of the capricious and detrimental amendments. By a legislative 'surgical strike", to use a present-day popular phrase, the Janata Party government removed the root cause of confusion that had exposed fundamental rights to repeated parliamentary assaults. The 44th amendment did away with 'Article 31: Compulsory Acquisition of Property" in Part III (Fundamental Rights). The Right to Property to another part of the Constitution viz. Part XII thus making it a legal right. The presence of Right to Property (which was actually about land acquisition by the government) in Part III had actually made Fundamental Rights unsafe. The problem was fixed for all times to come. This churning led to an important result. The imposition of emergency under Article 352 became more difficult and conditional. Both Indira Gandhi and the Janata Party contributed to the process. The 42nd amendment made it possible, or desirable, that any emergency was restricted to the affected parts of India rather than being imposed on the whole of India as provided in the original Constitution. The 44th amendment replaced the word 'internal disturbance" with 'armed rebellion". Thus, any civilian protest movement, even if it became violent, could not be used as an excuse to impose emergency. Article 352 (1) now reads as – 'If the President is satisfied that a grave emergency exists whereby the security of India or any part of the territory thereof is threatened, whether by war or external aggression, or armed rebellion, he may, by Proclamation, make a declaration to the effect in respect of whole of India or such part of the territory thereof as may be specified in the Proclamation. Through the 44th amendment, it now became necessary for both Houses of Parliament to approve the emergency by a two-thirds majority of members present and voting before the expiration of one month of Proclamation. Previously, the approval was by simple majority before the expiration of two months. Soli Sorabjee, the then Additional Solicitor General of India, made an insightful observation on the abnormalities in Indira Gandhi's approach to the Constitution amendment. Appearing on All India Radio Spotlight programme on September 23, 1978, Sorabjee stated: 'Our Constitution conceives of the State as existing for its citizens and not the citizens for the State. It recognises the infinite worth of every individual soul because it believes that in a world of variables, it is the individual alone who is timeless. Accordingly, our Constitution ordains that justice — social, economic and political, be achieved without stifling basic freedoms and the dignity of the individual. In other words, without depriving the people of India of their basic human rights." This priceless statement of Soli Sorabjee should be remembered by every government as the key to our constitutional ethos.
Hindustan Times
15-06-2025
- Entertainment
- Hindustan Times
Myth, reality, universal concerns headline Rashmi Narzary's 'The Lost Soul of the Joukhoorei'
Guwahati, Bringing together a blend of myth and reality, award-winning author Rashmi Narzary's says her latest book – 'The Lost Soul of the Joukhoorei' – underscores universal concerns along with the 'joys of befriending and the pains of letting go'. Narzary, who hails from the Bodo community, has narrated many a story of yore of the land with creative sensibility and her recent book, too, brings to the fore myths, folklore and legends drawn from lost and forgotten tales. The only Assamese writer to be invited by the Sahitya Akademi as a house guest recently to the Rashtrapati Bhawan, Narzary, told PTI that 'The Lost Soul of the Joukhoorei' was born out of her ''crazy imagination and I dole out magic and suspense, too, along with legends of the land''. Eminent lyricist and poet Gulzar has mentioned in the book's blurb, 'If there is a Cosmos within Cosmos, a Universe within a Universe, it's in the storytelling by Rashmi Narzary. She takes you across infinite time. The book ends. The story does not.' Narzary said the story of her new book 'begins with an ancient feel about it, that would flow through realms, space and species, human, animals, birds and insects, all speaking the same language, and being bound by elements of love and compassion'. The 'Joukhoorei', the title derived from the Bodo words 'jou' meaning wine and 'khoorei' signifying bowl, is the dry shell of a gourd with its insides scooped out to hold liquid. The book tells the story of ''having and losing, of uprooting and settling, of the joys of befriending and the pains of then letting go - It is a tale of a soul not lost forever but a soul which had only lost its way", she said. It is redolent with the legends of 'our land, but is imbued with universal concerns where the lines between myth and reality blur, and every choice carries the weight of destiny', Narzary said. "A visit to the serene 'gompas' in the high altitudes of Sikkim and Bhutan refused to leave my thoughts, and I set this tale in the mountains, which are generally thought to be home to spirits, mysteries and mythical songs,'' she said. The author has woven the tale around 'Bathou' and the Buddha, but she points out that they are essentially separate and have distinct identities, though they are manifestations of the same belief. "The connect with the Buddha and the Jataka era in the book was incorporated for a feel of ancientness and mythical allure, as well as to add a bridge between the very distant, enchanted past and the present," she said. Her books may be works of fiction, but Narzary maintains that a lot of research goes into her writings as she "observes people, situations, objects, and anything around me". 'I listen to people talk and at times, I get old people in our villages to speak of days of yore, of unchronicled incidents, of lost customs which were bound with lost clans. I also read a lot of academic papers, old news archives and even consultation with former army personnel like in 'An Unfinished Search' are involved,' she said. Winner of the Sahitya Akademi Bal Puraskar, Narzary is the author of eight books, which are taught in universities and researched for doctoral thesis, and have been translated into various Indian and foreign languages.
NDTV
28-05-2025
- Entertainment
- NDTV
50 Years, 300 Films, And Counting: Anant Nag Honoured With Padma Bhushan Award
Veteran Sandalwood actor Anant Nag was awarded the prestigious Padma Bhushan in 2025 by President Droupadi Murmu at Rashtrapati Bhavan, New Delhi. This honour recognises his remarkable contribution to Indian cinema over the past five decades. Anant Nag is widely celebrated for his versatility and powerful performances in Kannada, Hindi, and Marathi films. With a career spanning more than 300 films, he has earned a special place in the hearts of audiences across India. Beyond films, Anant Nag has also made significant contributions to theatre, showcasing his deep roots in performing arts. Watch the video here: Veteran Kannada Actor, Anant Nag receives the #PadmaBhushan from President #DroupadiMurmu at Rashtrapati Bhawan Anant Nag is known for his versatility and contribution to Indian cinema over the past 5 decades #PeoplesPadma #PadmaAwards2025 — PIB India (@PIB_India) May 27, 2025 For Hindi film viewers, Anant Nag is best known for his memorable roles in the iconic TV series Malgudi Days. The show featured some of the finest Kannada actors with strong theatre backgrounds, including Girish Karnad, Suhasini Adarkar, and Vaishali Kasaravalli. Produced by T.S. Narasimhan, Malgudi Days featured Anant Nag in 13 episodes, further expanding his popularity beyond Kannada cinema. Key achievements of the veteran actor: Acted in over 300 films in Kannada, Hindi, and Marathi. Starred in Malgudi Days, gaining recognition beyond Kannada cinema. Won 6 Filmfare Awards and 5 State Film Awards. Recognised for versatility and contributions to Indian cinema and theatre. Received the Padma Bhushan Award in 2025 for excellence. Throughout his career, Anant Nag has won six Filmfare awards and five State Film awards, highlighting his consistent excellence. Despite his vast success, he never initially aspired to become an actor, which makes his journey even more inspiring. President Droupadi Murmu presents Padma Bhushan in the field of Art to Shri Anant Nag. Shri Anant is a veteran Kannada Film actor known for his versatility and contribution to Indian cinema over the past 5 decades. He has captivated audiences across languages, regions, and… — President of India (@rashtrapatibhvn) May 27, 2025 Kannadigas and fans nationwide had long hoped for this recognition, and the Padma Bhushan award has been widely celebrated as a well-deserved honour. Anant Nag's contribution to Indian cinema and theatre remains unmatched, making him one of the most respected and beloved figures in the industry.
NDTV
13-05-2025
- Automotive
- NDTV
Tata Curvv.ev, Tiago.ev Now Available On Govt e Marketplace
The Indian car manufacturer, Tata has announced that it has now delivered its and to the Rashtrapati Bhawan. The brand credited the government's initiative of 'Atmnirbhar Bharat' for the upliftment of its product line and brand initiatives. Further, it also said that the range is available on GeM (Government e Marketplace) for the government departments across the country. The brand claims that the cars have achieved more than 50% MII (Make In India) content, qualifying us as a proud Class 1 supplier under the Public Procurement Policy. Also,it claimed that the brand is rooted in India, made for India, and now, moving India's prestigious institutions with more meaning. Also Read: Jeep and Citroen Record YoY Decline in April Sales, Fall Below 700 Units Combined Currently, Tata has numerous cars in its EV lineup, that includes- and the Also, Tata grabbed attention at the Bharat Mobility Global Expo by showcasing its upcoming cars and projects. Tata showcased its upcoming- It is likely to get two battery pack options, although the brand has kept quiet about specifications, they have revealed that the electric SUV will have a dual-motor setup and an all-wheel-drive setup. Though, it is not confirmed but the previous images of the EV at the Expo and few other events suggests that it gets a 12.3-inch touchscreen. The list of features includes a digital instrument cluster, wireless Apple Carplay and Android Auto, dual-zone climate control, panoramic sunroof, ventilated front seats, JBL sound system, and more. The list of safety features includes seven airbags, Level 2 ADAS features, 360-degree camera, and more.
