Latest news with #RefugeeCamps
Yahoo
21-07-2025
- General
- Yahoo
Hamas's last stronghold: Why the IDF steered clear of Deir al-Balah
Deir al-Balah is an important area of Gaza because it has been left relatively untouched throughout the war. This is the last real remaining area of Hamas' power. The IDF issued an evacuation order for part of Deir el-Balah on Sunday and followed it up with a wave of airstrikes on Monday. According to reports, the IDF could launch or expand operations in this area. Deir el-Balah is one of the four 'central camps' of Gaza. The military has not operated in most of these areas throughout the over 650-day war. There are many reasons for this, one of which is apparently concern that Hamas holds hostages in the central camps area. The camps include Nuseirat, Deir el-Balah, El-Bureij, and Maghazi. This is a sizable area of Gaza, perhaps 10% of the overall area of the strip. They are towns built up around refugee camps established after 1948 when large numbers of Arabs fled to Gaza from areas that became Israel. Initially very small, the Deir el-Balah camp grew in recent years. The United Nations Relief and Works Agency notes that 'Deir El-Balah refugee camp is the smallest refugee camp in the Gaza Strip. It is located on the Mediterranean coast, west of a town of the same name, in central Gaza. Deir el-Balah means 'Monastery of the Dates,' a reference to the abundant date palm groves in the area.' The word 'Deir' in Arabic usually means 'monastery,' even if there isn't an actual monastery there currently. Deir el-Balah is on the coast. To its east is the Salah al-Din Road, which runs the length of Gaza. To its north is Nuseirat, and across the road are Maghazi and Bureij, which are closer to the Israeli border. Nuseirat and Bureij border the Netzarim Corridor area, which was held by the IDF until the January ceasefire, when the military pulled back. This enabled Gazans to move back to Gaza City from central Gaza and the al-Mawasi humanitarian area. Deir el-Balah is on the coastal road that leads to the al-Mawasi area. As such, it sits on two key roads that run the length of Gaza. The area has largely been spared during the war Deir el-Balah has generally been free from heavy fighting in the war. In April 2024, when the IDF mistakenly killed members of the World Central Kitchen aid group, the strike took place near Deir el-Balah. The group had been accompanying trucks to a warehouse in the area. The IDF also freed four hostages – Noa Argamani, Shlomi Ziv, Almog Meir Jan, and Andrey Kozlov, from Nuseirat in a June 2024 raid. This is one of the reasons it has been assumed that hostages may be present in the camp areas. Hamas has strong support in the camps. The terror group emerged from many of the refugee camps, and it has used them to recruit. Therefore, it is assumed that this is the homeland of Hamas. Throughout the war, Hamas has basically run a rump state of Gaza from the four camps, in addition to parts of Gaza City throughout the war. It was not always clear why the IDF did not enter the camps in the past. It may have been the hostages, but there may be other reasons. The area sits between Gaza City and Khan Yunis. The IDF operated many times in Khan Yunis, as well as in places like Jabalya and Shejaia. The IDF cleared out many other UNRWA camps in Gaza. It is not the camps themselves that the IDF was so concerned about. Nevertheless, the four central camps, which are basically towns and urban areas, have been left mostly unscathed by the war. The decision to ask people to evacuate an area of the coast between Deir el-Balah and al-Mawasi could be a way to pressure Hamas as ceasefire talks stall. The IDF seems to believe that it controls around 70-75% of Gaza since Operation Gideon's Chariots began in May. The operation was supposed to clear and hold most of Gaza, but it's not clear if the 70% is truly controlled. Hamas continues attacks in southern Gaza and areas of northern Gaza, and Beit Hanun recently had to be reconquered. Deir el-Balah is an important area of Gaza because it has been left relatively untouched throughout the war. Hamas has held on to this redoubt, and the terror group will want to hold on to the central camps. This is the last real remaining area of Hamas power. Solve the daily Crossword
Arab News
11-07-2025
- Politics
- Arab News
Why UN's Rohingya conference must deliver
In September, the UN will convene a high-level conference to address what is arguably one of the world's most protracted and neglected humanitarian catastrophes: the Rohingya crisis. Eight years after more than 740,000 Rohingya fled Myanmar's brutal military 'clearance operations,' the refugee camps in Bangladesh remain overcrowded, under-resourced and increasingly vulnerable to violence, disease and despair. This conference is not just another diplomatic event — it must be a turning point that leads to real action, justice and a long-term solution. The roots of this conference lie in a sustained diplomatic effort, particularly by Bangladesh's interim government under Nobel Peace Prize laureate Mohammed Yunus. The failure of earlier efforts, such as the 2018 tripartite agreement between the UN, Myanmar and Bangladesh, highlighted the need for a new approach. The refugees themselves refused to return to a country that denied them citizenship, stripped them of their rights and offered no security guarantees. The UN, recognizing the urgency, passed a resolution in late 2024 calling for a high-level summit to create a 'comprehensive, innovative, concrete and time-bound plan' for voluntary, dignified repatriation. With the support of UN officials, including special envoy Julie Bishop, the September conference is intended to be that long-overdue platform. The current situation is untenable. Camps in Cox's Bazar and Bhasan Char now host more than 1.5 million Rohingya. Humanitarian aid has sharply declined, with the World Food Program recently warning of severe malnutrition after food rations were cut due to lack of funding. Security has also deteriorated, with the rise of armed groups such as the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army and mounting intercommunal tensions. Education and mental health services are collapsing. A generation of Rohingya children is growing up without formal schooling, legal status or hope for the future. This conference is expected to be different. For the first time, there are strong indications that Rohingya voices will be front and center in the discussions. That is long overdue. Past international efforts have too often spoken about the Rohingya, rather than with them. Inclusion is essential. Any roadmap designed without their participation will fail again. This time, the UN appears committed to ensuring that Rohingya leaders and civil society groups play a meaningful role in shaping outcomes. We can also expect a sharper focus on enforceable commitments rather than vague diplomatic language. There is growing recognition that abstract promises and goodwill gestures are no longer acceptable. The conference is expected to deliver measurable benchmarks for citizenship reform in Myanmar, timelines for monitored repatriation and mechanisms to ensure international oversight and accountability. Justice will be another central theme. The Myanmar military's atrocities against the Rohingya have been well documented and described as genocide by multiple independent bodies. Without a clear pathway to legal accountability — through the International Criminal Court, universal jurisdiction cases or a special tribunal — there can be no sustainable peace. There will be serious discussion about the future of humanitarian aid. The existing model, focused solely on emergency relief, is no longer viable. The UN and donors must transition toward a development-oriented framework that builds resilience, offers vocational training and integrates mental health services. Long-term funding should be pooled into a dedicated UN trust fund to stabilize the camps and support host communities in Bangladesh, which have borne an extraordinary burden for nearly a decade. For the first time, there are strong indications that Rohingya voices will be front and center in the discussions Dr. Azeem Ibrahim For Bangladesh, this conference is both an opportunity and a strategic challenge. The government should use the platform to secure binding international commitments — both financial and political. But it must also take difficult steps domestically to maximize the conference's impact. It should begin by improving the rule of law in the camps. The rise in violence, gang activity and extortion has made many areas unsafe. The security response must be firm but lawful, with accountability mechanisms to prevent abuses. Community-based policing and legal aid centers should be established. At the same time, Dhaka should allow greater Rohingya participation in camp administration and policymaking, including women and youth leaders. Bangladesh must work closely with the UN to reframe the Rohingya presence not simply as a burden, but as a challenge that can be addressed through smart diplomacy and targeted investment. Informal economic integration, such as allowing Rohingya to engage in controlled, supervised livelihoods, could ease dependency on aid and reduce tensions with host communities. The government should also push for the expansion of third-country resettlement programs, especially for vulnerable groups such as women, orphans and the elderly. The US, Canada, the EU and Australia must step up their responsibilities in this regard. The key, ultimately, lies in aligning repatriation plans with genuine reform in Myanmar. The Arakan Army's growing control of Rakhine State and its recent signals of willingness to engage on the Rohingya issue open a new window. The UN must support confidence-building measures, including peacekeeping deployments and regional monitoring missions. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations, India and China must be part of this effort. And pressure should be applied on Myanmar to lift discriminatory laws and restore full citizenship rights to the Rohingya. The upcoming UN conference must deliver more than words. It must be the start of a new era of policy and action, built on justice, accountability and the full inclusion of the Rohingya. If handled correctly, it could serve as a model for how the international community addresses long-term displacement crises. But if it fails, the consequences will be severe. Another generation of Rohingya will be condemned to statelessness, exclusion and despair. The stakes could not be higher. • Dr. Azeem Ibrahim is the director of special initiatives at the Newlines Institute for Strategy and Policy in Washington, DC. X: @AzeemIbrahim
