Latest news with #Republicans
Business Upturn
29 minutes ago
- Politics
- Business Upturn
President Donald J. Trump Calls on LindellTV Lady in Red Reporter, Cara Castronuova of Mike Lindell Media Corp. OTC: (MLMC) in the White House Briefing Room
By GlobeNewswire Published on June 28, 2025, 01:03 IST Washington, D.C. , June 27, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Mike Lindell Media Corp. (OTC: MLMC) Reporter Cara Castronuova was called on by President Trump for a question today in the White House Briefing Room during a Press Conference as the President said, 'red dress.' The President was visibly appreciative of Ms. Castronuova's question which asked about potentially appointing a Special Prosecutor and also inquired about the taboo subject, the 2020 election. Additionally, she asked President Trump about rogue judges and the possibility of the President appointing someone at the Department of Justice (DOJ) Mike Lindell, Chairman and CEO of LindellTV and Mike Lindell Media Corp. said, 'Cara Castonuova asked the perfect question of our Great President. We have to address the 2020 stolen election and we have to secure our our election platforms. We know 2020 was not right. All people should be very concerned, not just Republicans, but everyone. Our Great President knows we have to secure our election platforms or these next four years are going to be in vain. We must go to paper ballots — hand counted! What a blessing that the President called upon our reporter, Cara Castronuova!' For media inquiries or further information, please contact:Mike Lindell or [email protected] ABOUT MIKE LINDELL MEDIA, CORP. Mike Lindell Media, Corp. operates a conservative broadcast network to provide a conservative alternative to mainstream media outlets through its platforms at (launched in April 2021 and rebranded as Lindell-TV in February 2025) and (launched as FrankSocial in April 2022 and rebranded as VOCL in September 2024) (collectively the 'Platforms'). The Company has grown to serve over 7 million monthly viewers on its Platforms. The Company strives to provide accurate, unbiased and timely reporting. Recently, the Company was granted press access for its reporters to White House press conferences under the Trump administration. The Company will report primarily from Washington, D.C., inside and outside the White House, covering United States and world events. Visit to learn more. Media Contact: For media inquiries or further information, please contact:Mike Lindell or [email protected] [email protected] Forward Looking Statements: This press release contains forward-looking statements, including statements related to the business, operations and future plans of Mike Lindell Media, Corp. within the meaning of Section 27A of the Securities Act of 1933 and Section 21E of the Securities Act of 1934, that involve substantial risks and uncertainties. All statements, other than statements of historical facts, including statements regarding our strategy, future operations, future financial position, future revenue, projected costs, prospects, plans and objectives of management and expected market growth are forward-looking statements. The words 'anticipate,' 'believe,' 'continue,' 'could,' 'estimate,' 'expect,' 'intend,' 'may,' 'plan,' 'potential,' 'predict,' 'project,' 'should,' 'target,' 'would', 'will': and similar expressions are intended to identify forward-looking statements, although not all forward-looking statements contain these identifying words. We may not actually achieve the plans, intentions or expectations disclosed in our forward-looking statements, and you should not place undue reliance on our forward-looking statements. Actual results or events could differ materially from the plans, intentions and expectations disclosed in the forward-looking statements we make. The Company believes that its primary risk factors include, but are not limited to its limited capital resources and its need for substantial financing; the need to develop effective internal process and system; changes in the overall economy; changes in technology, its ability to attract viewers to its platforms, its ability to attract advertisers and paid users to its platforms, the number and size of competitors and the mix of its products and services offered in its markets; and changes in the law and regulatory policy. Additionally, certain information included in this communication contains statements that are forward-looking, such as statements relating to the future anticipated direction of the media industry, plans for future expansion, various business development activities, planned capital expenditures, future funding sources, anticipated sales growth and potential contracts. These forward statements are subject to a number of known and unknown risks and uncertainties that could cause actual operations or results to differ materially from those anticipated. These risks include, among others, risks associated with unproven sales derived from the Company's operations, dependence on its access to WHITE HOUSE events and press conferences, risks associated with the media and communications industry, global or domestic terrorism, energy or power failure, and the risks related to its operations as a news outlet and social media platform. Disclaimer: The above press release comes to you under an arrangement with GlobeNewswire. Business Upturn takes no editorial responsibility for the same. Ahmedabad Plane Crash GlobeNewswire provides press release distribution services globally, with substantial operations in North America and Europe.
Atlantic
37 minutes ago
- Politics
- Atlantic
The Tea Party Is Back (Maybe)
This is an edition of The Atlantic Daily, a newsletter that guides you through the biggest stories of the day, helps you discover new ideas, and recommends the best in culture. Sign up for it here. Signs were all around, but the clinching evidence that the Tea Party is back came this week in New Hampshire, where the Republican Scott Brown announced that he'd be running for U.S. Senate. Fifteen years ago, in January 2010, Brown, a state senator in Massachusetts, defeated the Democrat Martha Coakley in a special election to fill the Senate seat vacated by the late liberal icon Ted Kennedy. Brown's victory was a landmark for conservative opposition to Barack Obama's administration, and in particular to his attempt to overhaul health insurance. Protests in the streets and angry crowds at legislators' town-hall meetings had given a taste of the brewing voter anger, but Democratic leaders dismissed demonstrators as rabble-rousers or astroturfers. Brown's victory in deep-blue Massachusetts proved that the Tea Party was a real force in politics. Brown turned out to be somewhat moderate—he was, after all, representing the Bay State—and his time in the Senate was short because Elizabeth Warren defeated him in 2012. But in the midterm elections months after his win, a big group of fiscally conservative politicians were elected to Congress as anti-establishment critics of the go-along-to-get-along GOP, which they felt wasn't doing enough to stand up to Obama. Led by Tea Party activists and elected officials, Republicans managed to narrow but not stop the Affordable Care Act, which Obama signed in March 2010; they briefly but only fleetingly reduced federal spending and budget deficits. By 2016, the Tea Party was a spent force. Its anti-establishment energy became the basis for Donald Trump's political movement, with which it shared a strong element of racial backlash. Trump provided the pugilistic approach that many Republican voters had demanded, but without any of the commitment to fiscal discipline: He pledged to protect Medicare and Social Security, and in his first term hugely expanded the deficit. But now there's a revival of Tea Party ideas in Washington, driven by some of the same elected officials. Trump's One Big Beautiful Bill Act follows the long-running Republican principle of reducing taxes, especially on the wealthy, but it doesn't even pretend to cut spending commensurate with the reductions in revenue those tax cuts would produce. This is standard for Republican presidents: Ronald Reagan, George H. W. Bush, George W. Bush, and Trump all ran for office railing against deficits, and then increased them while in office. They were eager to lower taxes, but not to make the politically unpopular choices necessary to actually reduce federal spending. In theory, at least, the Tea Party represented a more purist approach that insisted on cutting budgets, even if that meant taking on politically dangerous tasks such as slashing entitlements. (Republicans could also produce a more balanced budget by increasing revenue through taxes, but they refuse to seriously consider that.) Some of the Tea Party OGs are striking the same tones today. Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky, elected in the 2010 wave, has emerged as the foremost Republican critic of the GOP bill. 'The math doesn't really add up,' he said on Face the Nation earlier this month. Trump called Paul's ideas 'crazy' and, according to Paul, briefly uninvited him from an annual congressional picnic at the White House. Senator Ron Johnson of Wisconsin, another member of the class of 2010, has also demanded more spending cuts and described the bill's approach as ' completely unsustainable.' 'I'm saying things that people know need to be said,' he told The Wall Street Journal. 'The kid who just exposed that the king is butt-naked may not be real popular, because he kind of made everybody else look like fools, but they all recognize he was right.' (The White House has lately been working to court Johnson.) Standing alongside these senators are representatives such as Andy Harris of Maryland, who was elected in 2010; Paul's fellow Kentuckian (and fellow Trump target) Thomas Massie, who arrived in the House in 2012; and Chip Roy, a Texan who first came to Washington in 2013 as chief of staff for Tea Party–aligned Senator Ted Cruz. Staring them down is Speaker Mike Johnson. Like Paul Ryan, who was a role model for many Tea Partiers but clashed with the hard right once he became speaker of the House, Johnson has frustrated former comrades by backing off his former fiscal conservatism in the name of passing legislation. As my colleague Jonathan Chait has written, this has led Johnson and his allies to brazenly lie about what the bill would do. The neo–Tea Partiers are not the only challenge for the One Big Beautiful Bill Act. More mainstream and moderate GOP members are skittish about a bill that is deeply unpopular and will cut services that their constituents favor or depend on. Nor is fiscal conservatism the only revival of Tea Party rhetoric. Zohran Mamdani's victory in the New York City Democratic mayoral primary has elicited a new burst of bigotry, sometimes from the same exact people. Meanwhile, Democrats are experiencing their own echoes of 2010, as voters demand more from elected officials, and anti-establishment candidates such as Mamdani win. The 2025 Tea Party wave faces difficulties the first wave didn't. Rather than being able to organize Republicans against a Democratic president, Paul, Johnson, and company are opposing a Republican president who is deeply popular with members of Congress and primary voters. Roy threatened to vote against the bill in the House but then backed down. Now he says he might vote against the Senate bill when the two are reconciled. 'Chip Roy says he means it this time,' snickered Politico this week, noting that he and his allies have 'drawn and re-drawn their fiscal red lines several times over now.' Then again, how better to honor their predecessors than to back down from a demand for real fiscal discipline? President Donald Trump said that he had cut off trade negotiations with Canada because of Canada's tax on tech companies that would also affect those based in America. The Supreme Court limited federal courts' ability to implement nationwide injunctions in a decision that left unclear the fate of Trump's executive order restricting birthright citizenship. The Supreme Court ruled that parents can withdraw their children from public-school classes on days that storybooks with LGBTQ themes are discussed if they have religious objections. Dispatches Atlantic Intelligence: Damon Beres interviews Rose Horowitch about her latest story on why the computer-science bubble is bursting. The Books Briefing: As a writer and an editor, Toni Morrison put humanity plainly on the page, where it would outlast her and her critics alike, Boris Kachka writes. Evening Read The Three Marine Brothers Who Feel 'Betrayed' by America By Xochitl Gonzalez The four men in jeans and tactical vests labeled Police: U.S. Border Patrol had Narciso Barranco surrounded. Their masks and hats concealed their faces, so that only their eyes were visible. When they'd approached him, he was doing landscape work outside of an IHOP in Santa Ana, California. Frightened, Barranco attempted to run away. By the time a bystander started filming, the agents had caught him and pinned him, face down, on the road. One crouches and begins to pummel him, repeatedly, in the head. You can hear Barranco moaning in pain. Eventually, the masked men drag him to his feet and try to shove him into an SUV. When Barranco resists, one agent takes a rod and wedges it under his neck, attempting to steer him into the vehicle as if prodding livestock. Barranco is the father of three sons, all of them United States Marines. The eldest brother is a veteran, and the younger men are on active duty. At any moment, the same president who sent an emboldened ICE after their father could also command them into battle. More From The Atlantic Culture Break Coming soon. A new season of the Autocracy in America podcast, hosted by Garry Kasparov, a former world chess champion and democracy activist. Watch (or skip). Squid Game 's final season (out now on Netflix) is a reminder of what the show did so well, in the wrong ways, Shirley Li writes. Play our daily crossword. P.S. Tuesday was a red-letter day for blue language in the Gray Lady. The New York Times is famously shy about four-letter words; the journalist Blake Eskin noted in 2022 that the paper had published three separate articles about the satirical children's book Go the Fuck to Sleep, all without ever printing the actual name of the book. An article about Emil Bove III, which I wrote about yesterday, was tricky for the Times: The notable thing about the story was the language allegedly used. In its second paragraph, the Times used one of its standard circumlocutions: 'In Mr. Reuveni's telling, Mr. Bove discussed disregarding court orders, adding an expletive for emphasis.' It printed the word itself in the 16th paragraph, perhaps because any children reading would have gotten bored and moved on by then. The same day, the Times reported, unexpurgated, on Trump's anger at Iran and Israel: 'We basically have two countries that have been fighting so long and so hard that they don't know what the fuck they're doing,' the president told reporters. I was curious about the discussions behind these choices. In a suitably Times -y email, the newspaper spokesperson Danielle Rhoades Ha told me: 'Editors decided it was newsworthy that the president of the United States used a curse word to make a point on one of the biggest issues of the day, and did so in openly showing frustration with an ally as well as an adversary.' It's another Trumpian innovation: expanding the definition of news fit to print.
Yahoo
37 minutes ago
- Business
- Yahoo
JB Pritzker: From political neophyte to 43rd governor of Illinois — and potential US presidential candidate
Democratic Gov. JB Pritzker this week set out to make history, launching his bid to become the first Illinois governor since the 1980s to be elected to more than two terms in office. A win next year also would make Pritzker, 60, the first Democrat ever in Illinois to win three terms. Republican James R. Thompson was Illinois' longest-serving governor, winning election four times straight and holding the office from 1977 to 1991. A century earlier, when the Grand Old Party was a new force in politics, Republican Richard Oglesby won three nonconsecutive elections, in 1864, '72 and '84, although he resigned 10 days after being sworn in for his second term to join the U.S. Senate. Two other Republicans, Dwight Green in 1948 and William Stratton in 1960, made unsuccessful third-term attempts, losing to Democrats Adlai Stevenson II and Otto Kerner, respectively. Pritzker is not expected to have significant competition for the Democratic primary in March and it remains to be seen whether any high-profile Republicans will mount a campaign to challenge him in November 2026. He's also publicly flirted with the idea of running for president in 2028. So as Pritzker embarks on another campaign, here's a look back at how the Hyatt Hotels heir went from political neophyte to 43rd governor of Illinois and potential Democratic presidential contender. Pritzker's story begins when his great-grandfather Nicholas J. Pritzker came to Chicago from Kyiv in 1881 to escape the anti-Jewish Russian pogroms in present-day Ukraine. Nicholas Pritzker eventually founded a law firm, but the family's business empire got going in the next generation, when one of Nicholas' sons and JB's grandfather, A.N. Pritzker, and great-uncle began investing in real estate and other ventures. The family is best known for Hyatt, but other high-profile investments have included Royal Caribbean Cruises, Ticketmaster and credit bureau TransUnion. Today, the extended Pritzker clan is the sixth-richest family in America, with an estimated fortune of $41.6 billion, according to Forbes. (JB's share is estimated at $3.7 billion.) Born into affluence in California in 1965, Jay Robert Pritzker — named after his two uncles and called JB for short — didn't have an idyllic childhood. Both of his parents died before he turned 18. His father, Donald, died of a heart attack in 1972 at age 39, and his mother, Sue, struggled with alcoholism. She died a decade later, almost to the day, when she leaped out of a tow truck that was pulling her car, and she was run over. Despite her struggles, Sue Pritzker's philanthropy and involvement in the Democratic Party inspired JB's interest in politics and activism, particularly in the area of reproductive rights. While he was only first elected to public office in 2018, Pritzker has long nursed political ambitions. After graduating from Duke University in the 1980s, he worked on Capitol Hill as an aide to Democratic U.S. Sens. Terry Sanford of North Carolina and Alan Dixon of Illinois. Returning to the Chicago area to attend law school at Northwestern University in the early 1990s, he formed Democratic Leadership for the 21st Century. The group sought to bring more young voices into the party and helped spur the careers of several prominent Illinois officials and Democratic operatives, including Illinois Senate President Don Harmon, an Oak Park Democrat. In 1998, Pritzker made his first run for public office, finishing in a disappointing third place in a Democratic primary to replace 24-term U.S. Rep. Sidney Yates. The winner was Jan Schakowsky. She went on to win the general election and has held the seat since, although Schakowsky recently announced she isn't running for another term. 'Could I live a happy life without ever running for public office again?' Pritzker said in a Tribune profile after losing the race. 'I suppose that I can imagine not running, but I feel I have something important that I can do. And my skin is far thicker now.' It would be two decades before he'd put his name on the ballot again. But ambitions lingered. In a 2008 phone call secretly recorded by federal investigators, Pritzker spoke with then-Gov. Rod Blagojevich, whose campaigns he'd contributed to, as the Chicago Democratic governor schemed over who to appoint to the U.S. Senate seat being vacated by then-President-elect Barack Obama. On the call, first revealed by the Tribune during the 2018 governor's race, Pritzker expressed disinterest in the Senate appointment but suggested Blagojevich might make him state treasurer if the position became vacant. Blagojevich and Pritzker also were recorded discussing various Black officials who were potential Senate appointees in language that caused a stir during the 2018 campaign. Aside from his own aspirations, Pritzker was a major backer of Hillary Clinton in both her presidential bids, even as his older sister Penny served as finance chair for Illinois' favorite son, Obama, in 2008. Ahead of the 2016 election, JB Pritzker and his wife, MK, gave $15.6 million to pro-Clinton political action committee Priorities USA Action. Out of the political spotlight, Pritzker built up his resume as an investor and philanthropist. While his name and fortune are closely associated with Hyatt, Pritzker only worked for the family hotel business as a teenager. He made his mark in the business realm through New World Ventures, a tech-focused investment fund founded with his older brother, Anthony, and later renamed Pritzker Group Venture Capital. The brothers also started Pritzker Group, which, in addition to the venture fund, includes private equity and asset management components. In 2012, Pritzker founded the nonprofit tech incubator 1871 to help spur Chicago's tech sector, later collaborating closely with then-Mayor Rahm Emanuel. In a 2014 profile highlighting the project, Chicago magazine dubbed Pritzker 'The Other Mayor of Chicago.' In the philanthropic world, Pritzker helped found and fund the Illinois Holocaust Museum in Skokie, and he, along with MK, launched the Pritzker Family Foundation in 2001, which funds initiatives in early childhood education and other areas. Spurred by Clinton's loss to Republican Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential election and the bruising budget battles in Springfield between then-Gov. and GOP multimillionaire Bruce Rauner and the Democratic-controlled legislature, Pritzker entered the 2018 campaign for Illinois governor. Defeating political scion Chris Kennedy and then-state Sen. Daniel Biss of Evanston in the Democratic primary, Pritzker ultimately poured more than $170 million of his own money into the campaign. Combined with $79 million for Rauner, including $50 million from the incumbent himself and $22.5 million from billionaire Citadel CEO Ken Griffin, it resulted in what's believed to be the most expensive governor's race in U.S. history, which Pritzker won by nearly 16 points. Four years later, Pritzker spent another $167 million to beat back a challenge from conservative southern Illinois state Sen. Darren Bailey, who got backing from billionaire ultraconservative Richard Uihlein, founder of the Uline packaging supplies firm. Pritzker's 2022 spending total included $27 million he gave to the Democratic Governors Association, which aired ads during the GOP primary labeling Bailey as too conservative. The move was a thinly veiled attempt to set up what Pritzker's team saw as an easier general election matchup, boosting Bailey among Republican primary voters over then-Aurora Mayor Richard Irvin, backed by $50 million from Pritzker nemesis Griffin. Pritzker beat Bailey by 13 points that fall. Through the end of 2022, Pritzker spent nearly $350 million on the two campaigns. Over the past two years, he's deposited another $25 million in his campaign account and had $3.4 million remaining at the end of April, state records show. A hallmark of Pritzker's two terms in office has been his handling of the state's chronically shaky finances. While he failed to convince voters in 2020 to amend the state constitution to create a graduated-rate income tax, an effort into which he sunk $58 million, Pritzker has received high marks from ratings agencies and other observers for his handling of the budget. After years of downgrades, the state has seen its credit rating raised by all the major agencies, though it still ranks near the bottom compared to the other 49 states. Spending has increased by nearly a third during his time in office, without adjusting for inflation. But the state largely has avoided using gimmicks to balance the budget on Pritzker's watch and received its first credit upgrades in decades. Tighter financial times have returned, however, with the state budget that takes effect July 1 cutting funding for health insurance for noncitizen immigrants younger than 65 and pausing Pritzker's proposed expansion of state-funded preschool programs, among other trims. Rather than trying again to fix a state tax system he once described as 'unfair' and 'inadequate,' Pritzker has instead blamed Trump and his economic policies for the state's latest budget woes. Aided by overwhelming Democratic majorities in the state legislature, which he helped secure through his political largesse, Pritzker has built a resume almost any governor in the party would be happy to claim. His accomplishments in the legislature include raising the minimum wage to $15 per hour, enshrining abortion rights in state law, legalizing recreational marijuana while expunging prior convictions, and enacting a $45 billion infrastructure program, the largest in state history. And that was just his first year. He has also enacted an ambitious energy policy that aims to make Illinois' energy generation carbon-free by 2050, as well as an overhaul of the criminal justice system that has eliminated cash bail. In one of the first acts of his second term, Pritzker in early 2023 signed a sweeping gun ban that prohibits the sale or possession of a long list of high-powered semiautomatic firearms and high-capacity ammunition magazines, a response to the mass shooting at Highland Park's Fourth of July parade months earlier. While facing ongoing legal challenges, the law has remained in force. More recently, he's taken on what he describes as the predatory practices of health insurance companies and pharmacy benefit managers. He's also made moves, with mixed results, to position Illinois as a leader in emerging industries such as electric vehicles and quantum technology. The onset of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 tested Pritzker's leadership and, in some ways, ended a brief honeymoon period he had with some members of the legislature's Republican minority. Decisions to shut schools and issue a stay-at-home order brought the state government into people's lives in unprecedented ways. Aside from conservative criticism over Pritzker's use of executive power, the pandemic exposed problems at state agencies under his control, including an outbreak at a state-run veterans home in LaSalle that led to 36 deaths and an overwhelmed unemployment system that elicited some bipartisan criticism. His administration also has come under fire for continued problems at the beleaguered Illinois Department of Children and Family Services and the handling of resident mistreatment at homes for the developmentally disabled. And a state inspector general has found rampant fraud among state employees who abused the federal government's Paycheck Protection Program, a pandemic-era lifeline for businesses. Pritzker's administration also was forced to respond when Republican Gov. Greg Abbott of Texas in 2022 began sending busloads of migrants from the southern border to Chicago, creating a crisis for the city and state and inflaming tensions with Mayors Lori Lightfoot and Brandon Johnson. The governor has also faced criticism for working with legislative Democrats to exclude Republicans from the process of allocating funds for local infrastructure projects and for not taking significant enough steps to strengthen government ethics laws, despite a sprawling federal corruption probe involving state lawmakers and local officials and a series of high-profile convictions during his tenure. A vociferous Trump critic, Pritzker has long been believed to harbor presidential ambitions, speculation he's done little to quell even as he has professed his dedication to Illinois. The governor lobbied hard to bring last year's Democratic National Convention to Chicago, serving as de facto host for an event widely seen as a success, at least until Trump emerged victorious in November. Pritzker, at least publicly, stood behind President Joe Biden until he dropped out, declining to mount a primary challenge to a sitting president or to enter the fray when Vice President Kamala Harris became the consensus pick of party leaders. He was vetted to join Harris on the ticket but was passed over in favor of Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz. In 2023, he launched Think Big America, a dark money group that has backed abortion rights ballot measures and pro-abortion rights candidates across the country. He's also poured money into two recent Wisconsin Supreme Court races, backing candidates that reclaimed and then maintained a liberal majority in the pivotal swing state. In addition to running his campaign for reelection next year, Pritzker is putting his force behind Lt. Gov. Juliana Stratton, his two-time running mate, in her Democratic primary bid for U.S. Senate. Heading into 2026, a big question is whether and how quickly Pritzker will pivot to a 2028 presidential bid if he wins a third term as governor.
New York Times
an hour ago
- Business
- New York Times
Why a Bill Nobody Loves Feels Inevitable
The path for the One Big Beautiful Bill, as President Trump calls his signature domestic legislation, has not been linear. The bill, which would extend the 2017 tax cuts and cut into the social safety net to pay for it, barely passed the House. It was heavily rewritten in the Senate. In recent days, various provisions have been rejected by a key Senate official whose job is to make sure that lawmakers color inside the lines of such budget bills, leaving senators scrambling to add back in what they can. Then there's the fact that, as my colleagues Carl Hulse and Catie Edmondson wrote today, nobody really loves the bill. But this is Trump's Washington. And trifling matters like not knowing quite what's going to be in the bill — and not particularly liking it — will probably not stop Senate Republicans from voting for it, potentially as soon as this weekend. I asked Catie, who has covered every twist and turn of this bill's winding path, to explain how it became a policy grab bag, why it makes so many Republicans uncomfortable — and why none of that probably matters when it comes to its chances of becoming law. As we speak, Republicans are scrambling to save various provisions that the Senate parliamentarian believes run afoul of the rules governing budget bills. You've covered Congress since the first Trump administration, and you have seen a lot of sausage-making in that time. Is it always, uh, like this? Want all of The Times? Subscribe.
Telegraph
an hour ago
- Politics
- Telegraph
Marjorie Taylor Greene says Zohran Mamdani is ‘smart and unique'
Marjorie Taylor Greene has praised socialist Democrat Zohran Mamdani 's mayoral campaign as 'unique and very smart'. The Maga loyalist said while she disagrees with everything the New York Democrat says, she was impressed by his ability to talk 'directly to the people' during his campaign. Mr Mamdani, 33, clinched the Democratic nomination earlier this week, beating Andrew Cuomo after appealing to New Yorkers with viral videos promising everything from free bus rides to controlling food prices. With staunchly Left-wing, pro-Palestine views, Mr Mamdani has been fiercely criticised by Republicans and some Democrats. But his campaigning talent has received plaudits from an unlikely source: one of Donald Trump's biggest supporters. Ms Taylor Greene suggested the GOP could learn from Mr Mamdani's successful campaign, which will see him contest the November election as a front runner in a city that has not elected a Republican since 2005. 'I've watched quite a few of [Mamdani's] videos and he did something pretty unique and very smart, even though I don't agree with anything he says', the congresswoman told Real America's Voice. Ms Taylor Greene added: 'He really ran a campaign where he talked directly to the people. He was focused on their issues, focused on their problems and talking to the people about his solutions even though his solutions were insane, they're socialist, probably communist, but he was talking directly to the people.' She said: 'When we're not talking to the people and not working on the people's problems we lose the people and the people will turn elsewhere.' Mr Mamdani is a vocal supporter of the Palestinian cause with a string of celebrity endorsements and more than a million followers on Instagram.
