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IOL News
4 days ago
- Business
- IOL News
Why the Gini coefficient remains crucial for understanding inequality
The Gini coefficient is not the full story of inequality in South Africa, but it remains an important chapter. Image: Ron AI THE rubric of robust statistical measures is essential for evaluating policies and plans within the context of democratic governance. A RECENT Sunday Independent article questions the relevance of the Gini coefficient as a measure of inequality in South Africa, describing it as outdated, narrow, and even politically manipulative. It argues that the Gini fails to account for social grants, informal economies, and the growing black middle class, concluding that we must retire it and replace it with a new, locally informed metric. The critique is welcome and necessary. As Statistician-General, I support public scrutiny of the tools we use to measure our society. But I caution against discarding useful instruments because they are imperfect. The Gini coefficient is not the full story of inequality in South Africa, but it remains an important chapter. Developed in the early 20th century, the Gini coefficient is a single statistic that indicates how evenly (or unevenly) income or wealth is distributed. It is widely used by national and international bodies, especially in relation to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), particularly Goal 10, which focuses on reducing inequalities. This commitment is reflected in Agenda 2063, the African Union's (AU's) socio-economic transformation plan. It is embedded in South Africa's National Development Plan (NDP), which aims to reduce our Gini from 0.69 to 0.60 by 2030. The article makes a valid point: inequality is complex, and no single measure can capture it all. The Gini does not reflect the value of the 'social wage' — free education, healthcare, grants, housing subsidies — and may undercount informal economic activity. But it is not meant to measure everything. It is one tool among many, and it tells us something important: South Africa remains one of the most unequal societies in the world, even if we have made real progress in reducing poverty. As a statistician, I use it as part of my statistical toolkit. Statistical measures are essential for data analysis and informed decision-making, revealing patterns and trends. In his 2005 paper, Aziz Othman emphasises that effective policies rely on quality data. There is a growing shift among governments and organisations from opinion-based to evidence-based policy, underscoring the need for credible statistical analysis in policy formulation. National statistical agencies in the United Kingdom and Australia also produce Gini coefficient statistics relevant to their contexts. This highlights the importance of continuous monitoring of income inequality and the integration of statistical methods into policymaking, as discussed in Othman's paper. With more than 30 years of experience in producing official statistics at both national and continental levels, I have come to understand that poverty and inequality are complex issues that span social, economic, and political dimensions. This complexity shows that a single measure cannot fully capture these challenges. Thus, using various statistical methods is essential. Statistics SA (Stats SA) employs three main approaches to assess poverty: traditional money-metric measures based on national poverty lines, multidimensional methods like the SA Multidimensional Poverty Index (Sampi) and Child Multiple Overlapping Deprivation Analysis (Moda), along with subjective assessments that reflect personal views of poverty. Similarly, in analysing inequality, the Gini coefficient is but one of several metrics used by Stats SA to quantify economic disparities. Additional indicators include inequality experts Henri Theil's indices, Anthony Atkinson's indices, and Alex Sumner's Palma ratio. Each of these measures possesses distinct strengths and weaknesses, yet all are widely recognised and used by National Statistical Offices (NSOs) and scholars globally to elucidate the structure and magnitude of inequality within a nation. It is important to note that the Gini coefficient facilitates understanding income and expenditure distributions across households rather than functioning as an all-encompassing indicator of inequality, contrary to what the article may imply. Furthermore, additional measures based on asset data, service delivery data, and labour market information produced by Stats SA are also useful for understanding the broader issue of inequality beyond economic indicators such as the Gini coefficient. The simplest approach to measuring income inequality involves segmenting the population or households into quintiles, ranging from the poorest to the richest, and analysing the distribution of income or expenditure across these segments. Recent Income and Expenditure Survey (IES) results indicate that about 75% of white-headed households are within the upper income quintile. Conversely, nearly half (45.1%) of black African-headed households fall within the lowest two quintiles in terms of income. Similar trends are observed in expenditure, where about 45.3% of black African-headed households are also categorised within the bottom two expenditure quintiles. This data underscores the significant disparities in economic status between these demographic groups. The findings illustrate a significant disparity in income and expenditure per capita, clearly highlighting the entrenched income inequality in South Africa, particularly affecting black African-headed households. Notably, nearly 57% of households within the lowest income quintile are female-headed. However, this proportion diminishes across the quintiles, with 49.5% of the second quintile, 42.9% in the third, 34.5% in the fourth, and only 33.5% in the upper quintile. This decreasing representation of female-headed households in higher quintiles underscores the persistent issue of gender inequality within the socio-economic landscape. South Africa has extensive survey data on individual and household welfare from Stats SA, which offers various indicators of poverty and inequality.
IOL News
5 days ago
- Business
- IOL News
Repossessed homes sold for R100— South Africa's big banks will front the courts in R60bn lawsuit
Some of the largest banks in the country are finally set to face legal action in February 2026 when a R60 billion class action lawsuit against them goes to court. Image: Independent Media / Ron AI Some of the largest banks in the country are finally set to face legal action in February 2026 when a R60 billion class action lawsuit against them goes to court. Hundreds of former homeowners allege their properties were unlawfully repossessed and sold below market value. The case, filed in 2017, is set to go to court in February 2026. Some homeowners reportedly had their homes auctioned for as little as 10% of their market value, resulting in homelessness and destitution. The case names the four largest banks in the country Absa, Nedbank, Standard Bank, and FirstRand, as well as the National Credit Regulator, the Minister of Justice and Constitutional Development Mmamoloko Kubayi, and the South African Human Rights Commission. Before the case can proceed, the court must determine whether the group of plaintiffs qualifies for class action status, which would allow them to sue collectively. IOL previously reported that once the class action is certified, it is hoped that things will run much faster and that the banks will then pay the hundreds of claimants who are now in dire financial need after losing their homes. 'No one thinks what they have been doing - in some cases selling homes for as little as R100 - is okay. They should pay these people back,' Advocate Douglas Shaw at told IOL earlier this year. Last year the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) led by Julius Malema also endorsed the 'long overdue' class action lawsuit against banks for their 'predatory and exploitative practices' which the party says has left hundreds of poor, primarily black South Africans homeless and destitute 'The class members argue that the bank's sales in execution were not only unnecessary in many cases but also represented a grave violation of their rights, as these properties were their primary residences and were sold at far below market value, destroying their savings and security," the party said. IOL also previously reported that the banks are challenging the case and say they have done nothing wrong. [email protected] IOL Business Get your news on the go, click here to join the IOL News WhatsApp channel
IOL News
5 days ago
- Business
- IOL News
FSCA's Deepfake Admission Sparks Industry Outrage: Why is Banxso facing the brunt?
The FSCA has issued a stark warning about deepfake investment scams targeting South Africans, implicating high-profile figures. Yet, why is Banxso facing severe penalties while others evade scrutiny? Image: IOL / Ron AI The Financial Sector Conduct Authority (FSCA) has issued a damning public warning over a sophisticated network of deepfake investment scams exploiting high-profile South African figures, including President Cyril Ramaphosa, Dr Patrice Motsepe, Ms Leanne Manas, and Deputy President Paul Mashatile. But industry insiders are asking a pointed question: why is Banxso being crucified when others are quietly cautioned? This month's FSCA release formally acknowledges what many in the financial services industry have long suspected — that the problem of unauthorised third-party affiliates deploying AI-generated deepfake advertisements is industry-wide, not confined to one firm. Yet, in what critics describe as a deeply unbalanced enforcement approach, Banxso has seemingly become the regulator's scapegoat whilst other implicated platforms escape scrutiny. The Scale of Deception The FSCA's June 10, 2025, warning reveals the alarming sophistication of these fraud networks. Scammers are promising investors "unrealistic returns of between R13,000 and R17,000 per day, on an investment of R4,500" using fabricated endorsements from South Africa's most trusted public figures. In one particularly brazen deepfake video, Dr Motsepe appears to promote the investments, whilst Deputy President Mashatile is shown "confirming that the platform is authorised and that investors will receive returns". Another synthetic video features President Ramaphosa endorsing "guaranteed returns" — content so convincing it has fooled hundreds of potential investors. The FSCA explicitly states that "the individuals behind the platforms are not authorised in terms of any financial sector law to provide financial services to the public" and that these operators "failed to respond to FSCA queries." This represents a clear acknowledgement that multiple unauthorised entities are operating these schemes across various platforms and seemingly the FSCA has no way of combatting this. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad loading Selective Enforcement Under Fire "Banxso acted swiftly when made aware of the deepfakes — refunding over R14 million of their own capital to affected consumers and laying criminal charges against the entity identified as operating the scam," an anonymous compliance expert said. "Other firms stayed silent or claimed ignorance. Why is only one company facing the full weight of enforcement?" Indeed, whilst the FSCA's press release highlights "platforms" plural using synthetic media to promote fraudulent investments, there is no specific mention of Banxso, nor any indication that Banxso continues to operate in connection with these ongoing scams. The regulatory warning appears to confirm that the deepfake problem extends far beyond any single financial services provider. Still, Banxso — a firm currently locked in multiple legal battles and awaiting judgment in a liquidation application that allegedly stems from the FSCA enforcement action — remains the only market participant to face such intense regulatory scrutiny and enforcement action. The company has not only ceased operations but has also proactively worked to trace the perpetrators of the fraudulent advertisements. Industry-Wide Problem, Singular Punishment "The FSCA is finally admitting that this isn't about one rogue actor. The deepfake threat is pervasive and sophisticated," said a fintech policy analyst. "These scammers are using unauthorised platforms, fake documentation, and AI-generated content to deceive consumers on a massive scale. But the regulator's response has been wildly inconsistent. Where is the fairness in targeting the one company that did the right thing?" The FSCA's own guidance emphasises that consumers should "verify that an entity or individual is authorised by the FSCA to provide financial products and services" and warns against "investment or trading offers on social media platforms or any unsolicited offers." This advice tacitly acknowledges that the deepfake threat spans multiple channels and operators — yet enforcement action remains concentrated on a single entity. Legal documents reviewed by IOL confirm that Banxso has initiated criminal proceedings against those behind what they believe to be the third party affiliate marketing scam, a fraudulent offshore entity believed to be at the centre of these AI-powered scams. The company has cooperated fully with authorities, and voluntarily compensated affected consumers — actions that stand in stark contrast to the unnamed platforms that continue operating without consequence. Questions of Proportionality "There is no question that regulation is necessary to protect consumers from these sophisticated fraud networks," added the regulatory source. "But we must ask who it truly protects when it turns a blind eye to some actors whilst hanging others out to dry. The FSCA's own warning confirms this is an industry-wide crisis, yet only one firm faces consequences for crimes it neither initiated nor condoned." The regulator's approach becomes more questionable when considering that the FSCA provides multiple verification methods for consumers to check authorisation status, including a toll-free number (0800 110 443) and online databases. These resources exist precisely because unauthorised operators are a systemic problem across the financial services landscape, not an isolated incident. Regulatory Inconsistency Under Spotlight The FSCA has advised the public to exercise "caution when considering investment or trading offers on social media platforms" and to verify that "the FSP number utilised by the entity or individual offering financial services matches the name of the FSP on the FSCA database." This guidance implicitly acknowledges that multiple unauthorised entities are exploiting regulatory gaps and consumer trust. Yet despite this industry-wide acknowledgement, enforcement actions remain conspicuously one-sided. Whilst unnamed platforms continue operating with apparent impunity, Banxso remains embroiled in costly legal proceedings despite its proactive response to the fraud network. "The selective enforcement sends a dangerous message to the industry," observed a former FSCA official. "Companies that cooperate, self-report, and take corrective action face harsher treatment than those who remain silent or deny responsibility. This approach will inevitably discourage transparency and cooperation in future incidents." The Broader Implications The FSCA's deepfake warning represents more than just consumer protection — it's an admission that South Africa's financial regulatory framework is struggling to keep pace with sophisticated AI-powered fraud networks. These criminals exploit the trust South Africans place in respected public figures whilst operating through unauthorised offshore entities that deliberately evade regulatory oversight. The scams described in the FSCA warning, promising guaranteed daily returns through fabricated celebrity endorsements, represent a clear and present danger to consumer confidence in legitimate financial services. Yet the regulator's response suggests a troubling pattern of selective enforcement that may ultimately undermine its stated objectives. Call for Balanced Response As artificial intelligence continues blurring the line between authentic and fabricated content, and as scammers become increasingly sophisticated in their tactics, the need for a coherent and even-handed regulatory response has never been more urgent. The FSCA's own warning confirms that deepfake investment fraud is a systemic threat requiring industry-wide vigilance and proportionate enforcement. But for now, Banxso remains the public face of a crime it neither initiated nor condoned whilst other implicated platforms escape meaningful scrutiny. The company paid dearly to correct a fraud perpetrated against it and its clients yet continues facing disproportionate regulatory consequences whilst the actual perpetrators operate with apparent impunity. The FSCA has not commented directly on the perceived imbalance in its enforcement actions, despite mounting questions from the financial services community about the consistency and fairness of its regulatory approach. With consumer protection hanging in the balance, South Africa's financial sector deserves regulatory oversight that targets actual wrongdoers. For verification of authorised financial service providers: Toll-free: 0800-110-443 Online: Click here. FSP Search: Click here. IOL
IOL News
5 days ago
- Business
- IOL News
More South Africans are turning to crowdfunding to survive
South Africans arer turning to crowdfunding as a solution to their financial struggles, This growing trend is raising millions for medical expenses, education, and more. Image: IOL / RonAI More and more South Africans are turning to crowdfunding to pay for medical expenses, cover school fees, support startups, and lend a hand to charities – raising hundreds of millions of rands in the process. These solutions are increasingly pertinent, given that Statistics South Africa's Tuesday Labour Force Survey showed that, as of March, 95 000 people lost their jobs. At the same time, the release showed that gross earnings dropped by 4.6% between December last year and March. Data from Horizon indicates that the crowdfunding market in the Middle East and Africa is expected to reach a projected revenue of $478.4 million (R8.5 billion) by 2030 from R183.8m (R3.3bn) now. I've personally used BackaBuddy: I have a small Jack Russell x Dachshund x Whippet who developed a chronic illness. However, it cost more than R20 000 to finally get to a diagnosis because the vet and I agreed that we would follow a process of elimination. Because this was a lot of cash to fork out that I simply didn't have at the time, I turned to BackaBuddy. Ordinary South Africans generously donated so much more than the vet bill – I was able to pay off the bill as well as get doggo (Ginger is her name) the very expensive food that she needed for a few months. The causes people turn to crowdfunding for range from heart-wrenching to hopeful. An AI summary indicates that the most successful campaign to date is for Gift of the Givers, which has pulled in more than R19 million. Others include funding life-saving surgeries, such as Willem le Roux's R1.6m medical campaign, and social justice movements like the Uyinene Mrwetyana Fund, which raised over R1.2m in the wake of the UCT student's murder. Among some of the more interesting campaigns is one run by rock band Fokofpolisiekar, which – in 2017 – turned to Thundafund to ask people to give them more than R500 000 to record and independently release their third studio album, Selfmedikasie. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ On its website, Thundafund said 'this album caused a lot of excitement as it was their first album to be released in 11 years, since their sophomore album was released back in 2006'. Fokofpolisiekar set its target at R500 000, which they hit in just a week. 'This campaign was the first of the year to break South African rewards-based crowdfunding records, raising R1 081 010 through the campaign,' said BackaBuddy of the 2017 campaigns. While BackaBuddy is the most popular site people turn to when they want to crowdfund, having raised more than R550m in donations since launch in 2015, there are others that have raised funds for all sorts of things, such as – which provides shares in a company if you contribute. That platform offered shares in Beerhouse, a bar that offered more than 99 types of beer, at R1 000 a pop. Beerhouse closed its doors after 11 years, reportedly because of 'issues related to extortion and the murder of a doorman'. I've tried investing in upcoming companies through similar crowdfunding platforms and, well, lost my money. Others have had bad experiences, with one people on Reddit stating: 'A person I know created a BackaBuddy page to raise money to cover medical costs for her newly born. However, her WhatsApp stories painted a different picture, showcasing outings and was my one and only experience. 0/10 I'm not funding someone else's financial problems if they aren't willing to try fund it themselves.' BackaBuddy's website says it verifies campaigns by requiring organisers of the campaign to register with their true identities and providing supporting information to validate the cause. It also looks at the nature of the campaign, and won't support gambling, for example.
IOL News
6 days ago
- Politics
- IOL News
Managing Diversity in South Africa: Learning from the UAE experience
South Africa's rich diversity is enshrined in its progressive Constitution, yet social cohesion remains a challenge, writes Daryl Swanepoel. Image: IOL / Ron AI South Africa is a country of profound diversity, in race, ethnicity, language, culture and religion. Its Constitution, one of the most progressive in the world, recognises and protects this diversity. It provides for human dignity, equality, non-racialism and non-sexism, as well as the right to freely practice one's culture and language. Institutions such as the Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Communities (CRL Rights Commission) exist precisely to protect these constitutional values. Yet, despite these mechanisms, the country continues to face serious challenges in achieving genuine social cohesion, with high levels of poverty and inequality, largely still shaped along racial lines, contributing to tensions between communities. Historical divisions from apartheid continue to manifest in mistrust, exclusion and lack of cross-cultural understanding. Moreover, the lack of a comprehensive social cohesion strategy has meant that efforts to unify South Africa's people are sporadic, reactive, and often symbolic rather than systemic. Even though initiatives such as the 2012 National Cohesion Summit and government frameworks like the National Development Plan (NDP) identify social cohesion as a priority, implementation has been weak. Social cohesion remains elusive not because the constitutional architecture is flawed, but because the country lacks a focused, strategic approach to operationalise it in daily governance, education and community life. South Africa is in urgent need of a new, practical model that can guide it toward meaningful unity in diversity. For this, the experience of the United Arab Emirates (UAE) offers valuable lessons. The United Arab Emirates provides a striking example of how a society can consciously build mechanisms to manage diversity. With a population consisting of more than 200 nationalities and multiple religious and cultural groups, the UAE is one of the most diverse nations in the world. Unlike South Africa, the UAE did not emerge from a formalised system of racial oppression, yet, due to the diversity that comes with the range of nationalities now in the country, it faces immense challenges in integrating its multicultural population within a cohesive national framework. To respond to this challenge, the UAE government adopted a deliberate, structured approach and in 2016, it established a Ministry of Tolerance and Coexistence, which is dedicated to promoting harmonious relationships among the country's various cultural, religious and ethnic groups. It is not a ceremonial office; it plays an active role in policymaking, education and public engagement to foster shared values and social understanding. The UAE's approach is proactive and institutionalised. It goes beyond symbolism, embedding tolerance and intercultural respect into its national vision. One of its flagship initiatives was the Year of Tolerance in 2019, during which numerous programmes, campaigns and interfaith events were held. A key outcome was the establishment of the Abrahamic Family House, a complex in Abu Dhabi housing a mosque, church and synagogue, a powerful physical symbol of religious co-existence. Importantly, the UAE's model embraces both a unifying national identity and the preservation of individual cultural identities, rather than enforcing rigid assimilation. The state encourages diversity within a shared framework of mutual respect, which duality balances common civic values and cultural particularity. The UAE also links social cohesion to national development. It understands that diversity, if managed well, is an asset that can strengthen innovation, global engagement and social stability. Hence, tolerance is not only treated as a social imperative, but also as a contributor to economic resilience and political continuity. Recommendations for South Africa: From fragmentation to unity Drawing from the lessons of the UAE and recognising South Africa's unique history and democratic values, several strategic recommendations emerge to strengthen social cohesion domestically: Establish a dedicated social cohesion institution South Africa lacks a central agency mandated to coordinate social cohesion efforts across government, civil society and the private sector. A national structure, akin to the UAE's Ministry of Tolerance, should be established to drive strategic planning, monitor progress and champion inclusive values across all spheres of society. Develop a national social cohesion strategy The current approach is fragmented. South Africa must adopt a comprehensive, well-resourced national social cohesion strategy aligned to the Constitution. This strategy should integrate the work of existing institutions, set measurable goals and be embedded within national and provincial governance plans. It should also prioritise conflict resolution, intercultural education and multilingual communication. Reimagine civic education to promote unity in diversity Educational curricula must be transformed to teach young people the value of diversity, inclusion and active citizenship. Cultural literacy, empathy and human rights should be key components of schooling, alongside fostering pride in South Africa's rich cultural tapestry. As the UAE does, this education must not just reside in theory but be reinforced through national campaigns and visible leadership. Institutionalise public symbols and dialogue platforms South Africa should follow the UAE's example by introducing national dialogue platforms and visible public initiatives to promote cross-cultural understanding. For example, hosting an annual National Year of Social Cohesion could mobilise schools, faith institutions and media around a shared theme of unity. Public art, festivals and symbols must reflect the country's collective history and future aspirations. Strengthen the role of the CRL Rights Commission The CRL Rights Commission already exists to support cultural, religious and linguistic communities. However, its potential is underutilised. It should be capacitated further to lead local dialogue initiatives, mediate cultural disputes and advise government on inclusive policies. As with the UAE's tolerance ministry, the CRL must be a visible champion for unity. Promote equitable access to services and opportunity At the root of many social tensions is economic exclusion. The state must accelerate efforts to redress inequalities in housing, education and employment. Spatial integration, equitable service delivery and inclusive urban design are essential to break historical divides and build shared spaces where cohesion can flourish. Partner with religious and cultural leaders Faith-based and cultural institutions remain powerful influencers in South African society. A formal partnership model should be developed where government and these groups co-develop community programmes, especially in areas prone to conflict or marginalisation. The UAE's success is partly built on engaging religious leaders to promote peace and coexistence. Similarly, cultural leaders from across all groups should be consulted, engaged and involved in promoting social cohesion. Conclusion: A Cohesion compact for a shared future Social cohesion is not a luxury. It is the foundation of democratic stability, national development and collective dignity. South Africa has the legal frameworks, the civil society energy and the multicultural richness to become a global model of inclusion. What it lacks is coordination, leadership and strategic vision. The UAE has shown that it is possible to intentionally build unity amidst diversity, not by flattening difference, but by nurturing respect and belonging. South Africa should not replicate its political system, but it must replicate the deliberateness of its social cohesion agenda. By embedding inclusion into our institutions, education, public symbols and development priorities, we can transform our diversity from a source of tension into a wellspring of strength. The Constitution lights the path; it is now time to walk it, together. * Daryl Swanepoel is a research fellow at the School for Public Leadership Stellenbosch University and the Chief Executive Officer of the Inclusive Society Institute. This article draws its inspiration the Institute's recently published report 'Managing Social Cohesion in diverse communities: Can South Africa draw lessons from United Arab Emirates'. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL or Independent Media.
