Latest news with #SAVAK
NDTV
03-07-2025
- Politics
- NDTV
NDTV Exclusive: Inside The Notorious Prison Where Iran's Ayatollah Ali Khamenei Was Tortured
Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has served as the second supreme leader of Iran since 1989. He is a powerful figure in the Middle East now and had issued a 'fatwa' or religious decree against US President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, calling them "enemies of God". The religious decree followed a 12-day war that erupted on June 13, when Israel launched a bombing campaign in Iran that killed top military commanders and scientists linked to its nuclear programme. However, rising to power did not come easy to Khamenei. His life was filled with hardships and he was imprisoned for eight months - a period he described as the most difficult time of his life. The prison where he was held before the 1979 Islamic Revolution, under Shah Reza Pahlavi's regime, is now known as the Ebrat Museum. The Ebrat Museum, once a notorious prison in Tehran, is known not only for its brutal history but also because many prominent political and religious figures were incarcerated there. Ayatollah Khamenei's Time In Prison Ayatollah Ali Khamenei was arrested multiple times in the 1960s and 1970s due to his active participation in Islamic revolutionary movements against the Pahlavi regime. During this time, he was tortured by SAVAK, the Shah's secret police. The Ebrat Museum, then known as the "Joint Committee Against Sabotage" prison, held Khamenei six times. In a narrow corridor of the museum, photographs of former prisoners are displayed, including one of Ayatollah Khamenei in a brown frame. Below his name, written in Persian, is: Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei. The museum also preserves a small, dimly lit cell with bars on its only window, where Khamenei was held. A wax statue of him, wearing a black turban, round glasses, and a brown robe, stands in this cell, symbolising his suffering and resolve during that period. Khamenei's Arrests And Tortures In 1962, Khamenei joined the revolutionary movement under Imam Khomeini's leadership in Qom against the Shah's pro-American and anti-Islamic policies. He played a crucial role in delivering Imam Khomeini's messages to Ayatollah Milani and other clerics in Mashhad. In 1963, he was arrested for the first time in Birjand and detained for one night. Between 1972 and 1975, Khamenei conducted classes on the Quran and Islamic ideology in three different mosques in Mashhad. His lectures, particularly on Imam Ali's Nahj al-Balagha, attracted thousands of youths and students. These activities alarmed SAVAK, and in the winter of 1975, his home in Mashhad was raided. He was arrested for the sixth time, and his books and notes were confiscated. This time, he was held for several months in Tehran's infamous "Police-SAVAK Joint Prison" (now the Ebrat Museum). Khamenei described this imprisonment as his most difficult, marked by inhumane treatment of prisoners. Khamenei's Revolutionary Contributions Khamenei's revolutionary activities began in the 1960s when he became a disciple of Imam Khomeini. He played an active role in protests against the Shah's regime. After the 1979 Islamic Revolution, when the Shah's regime collapsed and Khomeini returned to Tehran from Paris, Khamenei rose quickly through religious and political ranks. He was appointed Deputy Defence Minister and became the Imam of Friday prayers in Tehran, a position he still holds. In 1989, he was chosen as the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic. Khamenei's Memory In The Museum The Ebrat Museum displays Khamenei's photograph and wax statue, reflecting his revolutionary struggle and suffering under the Shah's regime. According to a museum official, "God destined Khamenei to be the leader of the nation." This exhibit serves as a reminder of the brutality of the Shah's secret police, SAVAK, and portrays Khamenei's leadership as a symbol of revolutionary sacrifice. Hijab Was A Crime At That Time, Women Were Imprisoned It wasn't just Ayatollah Khamenei; thousands of scholars, leaders, and followers of Islam were imprisoned in this jail. Women who wanted to cover their heads were also incarcerated. While today many women in Iran wish to go without headscarves, at that time, covering one's head was a crime. For this reason, Shah Reza Pahlavi imprisoned these women as well. Their photographs are still displayed in the museum today. Iran's Ebrat Museum: A Painful Memory Of History Located in Tehran, the capital of Iran, the Ebrat Museum (Muze-ye Ebrat) is a place that not only reflects a dark chapter of history but also offers a profound lesson for humanity. This museum, once a terrifying prison during the Pahlavi regime, brings to life some of the most tragic and horrifying stories of Iran's contemporary history. History Of The Ebrat Museum The Ebrat Museum building was constructed in 1932 under Reza Shah Pahlavi's orders by German engineers. It was designed as Iran's first modern prison, initially part of the Nazimiyeh complex. Later, in 1947, it became the country's first women's prison. However, its most notorious use was during Mohammad Reza Pahlavi's (Pahlavi II) reign in the 1960s and 1970s, when it was used to detain and torture opponents of the Islamic revolutionary movements. During this period, the prison was under the control of SAVAK, known as the "Joint Committee Against Sabotage." After the 1979 Islamic Revolution, the prison was renamed Tohid Prison and operated until 2000, when it was closed following human rights investigations. In 2002, Iran's Cultural Heritage Organisation transformed it into a museum, which now tells visitors the story of that era's brutality and oppression. Architecture Of The Museum The Ebrat Museum is known for its unique and terrifying architecture. This four-story building is earthquake-resistant, designed to make escape impossible for prisoners. Its central feature is a circular courtyard covered by a latticed roof. All corridors lead to this central space, making the prison's structure even more intimidating. The walls were built to prevent echoes of screams, increasing the psychological pressure on prisoners. The museum includes several sections, such as solitary and communal cells, torture rooms, meeting areas for prisoners, and clothing storage rooms. These sections vividly depict the cruelty of that time. Exhibits In The Museum The Ebrat Museum aims to remind visitors of the atrocities committed against political prisoners during the Pahlavi regime. The museum features several exhibits that bring that era's cruelty to life: Mannequins and Scenes: The museum uses mannequins to depict torture scenes, complete with bloodstains. These displays are suitable for adults but may be disturbing for emotionally sensitive visitors. Documentaries and Interviews: A short film is shown in the museum's amphitheater, featuring interviews with former prisoners. Available with English subtitles, it introduces visitors to the truth of that era. Guided Tours by Former Prisoners: One unique feature is that some guides are former prisoners of the jail. Their personal stories and experiences give visitors a deep sense of the horrors of that time. Documents and Photographs: The museum displays numerous photographs and documents showcasing the brutality of the Pahlavi regime and SAVAK. These include images of the royal family, reminding visitors of the era's ruling power. Significance Of The Museum The Ebrat Museum is a prime example of dark tourism, representing historical sites associated with death and tragedy. It not only preserves a painful part of Iran's history but also demonstrates how a place of oppression can become a center of memory and learning. It inspires visitors to value human rights and unite against oppression. How To Visit The Ebrat Museum The Ebrat Museum is located at Imam Khomeini Square, Yarjani Street, in Tehran. It is open daily, offering guided tours in English. The tours include a short film and stories from former prisoners, providing an immersive experience. Tickets are required for entry, and sensitive visitors are advised to prepare mentally, as the exhibits can be emotionally impactful. The Ebrat Museum is more than just a museum; it is a place that exposes the dark pages of history. It reminds us that stories of oppression and tyranny must not be forgotten to prevent such events from recurring. If you are in Tehran and want to understand Iran's contemporary history, a visit to the Ebrat Museum is a must. It is not only an educational experience but also awakens a deep sense of empathy for humanity.
Shafaq News
02-07-2025
- Politics
- Shafaq News
Feyli Kurd icon Barzo: A life of Iraqi resistance
Shafaq News/ From Baghdad's backstreets to the mountain frontlines of Penjwen, the life of Muhammad Hassan Barzo reads like a quiet epic of resistance. A Feyli Kurd born into marginalization, Barzo emerged as a central figure in Iraq's Kurdish political awakening—his legacy still echoing decades after his assassination in 1973. Born on July 1, 1923, on King Ghazi Street (now al-Kifah), Barzo came from a Feyli family that had migrated from Ilam, Iran, seeking security and stability. He began his education in Kuttabs (traditional Islamic schools), but his nationalist awareness was awakened by his cousin, intellectual Mohammad Khosrow. Immersed in Arabic and Persian writings on history and identity, Barzo's political consciousness took root early. In the 1940s, he joined the Hiwa (Hope) Party. When security crackdowns intensified, he fled to Iran, only to return in secret to Baghdad, where he discreetly organized within the Feyli community. As an accountant in Shorja market, Barzo quietly mobilized support among merchants and craftsmen for the Kurdish cause. A turning point came on August 16, 1946, when Barzo helped found the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), a leading party in the Kurdistan Region, in a clandestine meeting in Baghdad's Abu Sifain neighborhood. Inspired by the Mahabad Republic, the group gathered in two adjacent rented houses to avoid detection. His role in this milestone placed him at the center of the modern Kurdish political movement. Barzo's activism extended beyond politics. He co-founded the Grand Feyli Mosque in Bab al-Sheikh and led the Feyli Sports Club, blending civic empowerment with cultural organizing. These efforts, however, drew hostility from rival groups, particularly Communist Party sympathizers. In 1952, the Kurdish activist and young Jalal Talabani were assigned to rebuild KDP youth cells among Feyli Kurds. During the 1961 Kurdish uprising, Barzo sheltered party secretary Ibrahim Ahmad in his Baghdad home before helping him escape to Kurdistan. After a renewed crackdown in 1963, Barzo vanished into the mountains, taking an administrative post in Penjwen, where he coordinated services for residents. By the late 1960s, his activism crossed borders. He allied with Iranian opposition leader General Teymur Bakhtiar and became a vocal critic of the Shah. Through Al-Tariq newspaper and multilingual broadcasts, Barzo denounced Tehran's repression of minorities and exposed the brutality of SAVAK, the Shah's intelligence agency. Publishing in Kurdish, Persian, Arabic, and Azeri, he became a rare voice bridging ideological and ethnic lines. His criticism of the 1969 deportations of Feyli Kurds enraged both SAVAK and Iraq's Baath regime. Despite mounting threats, Barzo refused exile. On July 22, 1973, he was shot near al-Wathba Street, close to his boyhood home. His body was left in the street, with only 600 fils (less than a dollar) in his pocket. Kurdish movements condemned the murder as a 'political execution.' But among Feyli Kurds, Barzo came to symbolize more than martyrdom—he stood for principled defiance. He rejected privilege, stood with students, workers, and tradespeople, and poured his life and livelihood into a cause that never fully recognized him. Muhammad Hassan Barzo represented a generation of Feyli Kurds who fought on two fronts: asserting their presence in Baghdad and resisting authoritarianism at home and abroad. Though he never lived to see the fruits of his struggle, his convictions and sacrifice remain etched in Kurdish collective memory.
Scroll.in
26-06-2025
- Entertainment
- Scroll.in
What happens when an American meme finds itself at the gates of New York's City Hall
The image drifts through American feeds like a half-remembered dream: grainy, sepia-toned women in 1960s Tehran laugh in miniskirts, cocktails in hand, neon signs bleeding into the night. 'Iran before the revolution,' the caption sighs – a digital epitaph for a modernity America imagines it birthed. This meme, shared with performative grief, erases the Shah's SAVAK death squads, the feudal poverty, the US-backed dictatorship that birthed the revolution. Isn't history. It's colonial fan fiction. Progress, to the American gaze, means miniskirts and muted faith – a modernity measured in proximity to whiteness. Iran before the Islamic revolution. — Tom Harwood (@tomhfh) June 17, 2025 Now, the flicker of a live feed: June 24, 2025. Queens pulses with 36.6-degree C heat and disbelief. Thirty-three-year-old Zohran Kwame Mamdani – socialist son of a Ugandan Marxist scholar and an Oscar-nominated filmmaker – has toppled disgraced former governor Andrew Cuomo in New York City's Democratic mayoral primary. Beside him stands Rama Duwaji, 27, a Syrian-born illustrator whose ink-stained hands have animated Palestinian solidarity art for The New Yorker and the Tate Modern. They are the meme incarnate: Mamdani in his East African khanzu or sharp suits, Duwaji in minimalist linen, her Instagram feed (@ramaduwaji) a gallery of Brooklyn murals and keffiyeh-clad protesters. Cosmopolitan. Educated. Unapologetically Muslim. The aesthetic is flawless. Iran before the revolution — Abu Mexicuh 🇵🇸🪂🔻☭ (@notronmexicuh) June 17, 2025 The backlash *Cut.* The digital scream begins. Not nostalgia, but venom. Tabloids brand Mamdani a 'radical fundamentalist'; Cuomo allies darken his beard in attack ads, splicing his image with 9/11 rubble. Groups funded by billionaires warn of disaster. Why? Because though Mamdani has donned the costume of the memes, he is dismantling the script. He describes Gaza as a 'genocide,' vows to arrest Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu under International Criminal Court warrants, and promises free buses by 2027 funded by taxing millionaires. Duwaji's ceramics scream what the meme silences: plates glazed 'Free Palestine', animations of Israeli tanks crushing protesters . Her Nina Simone quote hangs like a grenade: 'An artist's duty is to reflect the times.' This cognitive whiplash isn't accidental. It's revelatory. The meme demands Muslims perform secularism only as aesthetics –assimilated in dress but silent on power. Mamdani and Duwaji shatter the fantasy. He advocates socialism, not sharia; her art weaponises beauty against empire. Yet the moment Mamdani condemns Israeli policy, his Muslim identity – once rendered palatable by his pedigree and designer wardrobe – becomes the explanation. The label 'fundamentalist' is activated, fashioned into a cudgel by decades of post-9/11 fear. "Revolution@, by Syrian artist Rama Duwaji. #Sudan #Lebanon #Iraq #Algeria — Rasha Al Aqeedi (@RashaAlAqeedi) October 24, 2019 Split-screen America Fade between two images: Frame One: The 1967 Tehran nightclub. Frozen. Silent. Politically inert. Safe. A modernity America can pity and possess. Frame Two: Mamdani's victory speech: 'I'll be mayor for every New Yorker'. Duwaji's Instagram: 'Couldn't possibly be prouder'. Alive. Unsilenced. Threatening. The backlash exposes America's acceptance as conditional. Duwaji's client list that includes the Tate Modern? Ignored. Her pro-Palestinian art? Weaponised as 'radicalism'. Mamdani's tenant advocacy in Queens? Erased. His policy platform – municipal grocery stores (funded by corporate taxes), a $30 minimum wage – in attack ads becomes 'Soviet overreach'. Acceptance lasts only until sacred cows are gored: unwavering Zionism, capitalist dogma, American innocence. Even their love story – meeting on Hinge, marrying at City Hall – is mined for suspicion. When trolls accused Mamdani of 'hiding his wife', he fired back: 'You can critique my views, but not my family'. The hollow idol The meme endures because it is dead – a relic that allows Americans to mourn Muslims they never tolerated alive. But Mamdani and Duwaji are the ghost stepping from the frame. Their potential residency at Gracie Mansion isn't just political; it's a referendum on whether America can stomach the modernity it fetishises. His coalition – 50,000 volunteers, young White voters flipping decades of political orthodoxy –embodies the complex, vocal Muslim presence the meme erases. Where the meme offered miniskirts as symbols of liberation, Duwaji offers art as resistance. Where it promised silent assimilation, Mamdani demands redistributive justice. In a must-read comic in the Washington Post, illustrated by Rama Duwaji, Palestinian artist Reem Ahmed recounts the experience of being trapped under rubble for 12 hours following an Israeli bombing in Gaza: — MIX (@mixdevil66) November 24, 2023 Fade out The meme was never about Iran. It was always about us. As Mamdani stands one election from Gracie Mansion, America's reflection is clearer than ever: a nation clinging to its own fundamentalism – not of scripture, but of conditional belonging. The real 'fundamentalists' are those who demand modernity without justice, diversity without dissent, Muslims without voice. In the flicker between the grainy past and the vivid present, the illusion burns away. What remains is a choice: confront the living – or keep mourning the dead.
NDTV
24-06-2025
- Politics
- NDTV
Evin Prison: The Infamous Iranian Jail Struck By Israel
As plumes of smoke billowed from parts of Tehran on Monday, among the Israeli targets was Iran's Evin prison, a notorious detention facility in the capital. As the two countries traded missiles, Tel Aviv hit Evin Prison, which houses dissidents and political prisoners, including opposition politicians, activists, lawyers, journalists, environmental activists and students. Projectiles caused "damage to parts of the facility" but the prison was "under full control," IRNA, the Iranian state news agency, said. All About Iran's Evin Prison When the 1979 Islamic Revolution overthrew the US-backed Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi's regime, not much from the past was retained; not at least in its original form. Except, perhaps, a detention facility in the hills of northern Tehran. Built in 1971, the Evin Prison was used by the Shah regime to detain thousands of political prisoners in horrifying conditions, tortured, and executed there under the control of Shah's secret police, SAVAK, according to Human Rights Watch. Eight years later, the tables turned, and the new government used the same detention facility, filling it with those once associated with monarchy. In the following years, anyone seen as a threat to the new Islamic Republic was taken there. Over the years, Evin has expanded and now has multiple buildings. While the National Prisons Office is under control of the prison, different wards have been handed to the judicial authority, the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps, and the Ministry of Intelligence and Security over the last few years. Evin was a place to be feared, multiple people who were held in the notorious facility told the HRW. Political detainees were pulled out for interrogations much more frequently than those arrested for common crimes, they said. Authorities at the prison use threats of torture, indefinite imprisonment and targeting family members, deception and humiliation, multiple daily interrogations lasting up to five or six hours, denial of medical care, and denial of family visits, against political prisoners. According to Amnesty International, even female prisoners, who have been tortured, were denied adequate medical care. Apart from that, the authorities have also been accused of using incommunicado solitary confinement to break the resolve of detainees. This, reports say, is done so that they capitulate under pressure and agree to be videotaped, sign confessions, and give information about their political affiliations and associates. The detainees have described the conditions as "white torture", which involved keeping them in twenty-four-hour artificial light, denying communication with other prisoners and access to lawyers, families, and medical health professionals.
New Indian Express
22-06-2025
- Politics
- New Indian Express
Iran's unyielding guardian, enduring symbol of defiance
At 86, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei stands as both the unyielding guardian of Iran's Islamic revolution and the enduring symbol of its defiance, a legacy his adversaries seem determined to shatter. As the region teeters on the brink of wider conflict, he remains the central force shaping Iran's trajectory at one of its most perilous moments since 1979. Since becoming Supreme Leader in 1989, Khamenei has outlasted US presidents, Israeli threats, foreign wars, crushing sanctions, political unrest, and waves of internal dissent. Yet today, both he and the Republic he leads stand at a crossroads. Iran faces unprecedented external pressure, as it mounts an aggressive counterstrategy striking deep inside Israeli territory and reinforcing its posture of resistance. Khamenei's grip on Iran's political system is unrivaled. As Supreme Leader, he is commander-in-chief of the armed forces and final arbiter of the judiciary, legislature, and executive. As Vali-ye Faqih, the guardian jurist, he also holds the highest religious authority in the Shiite establishment. But the enormous power is shadowed by immense responsibility, especially in a climate of regional volatility. Born in 1939 in Mashhad to a modest clerical family, Khamenei pursued religious studies in the seminaries of Qom, where he came under the influence of cleric Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. By the 1960s, he was deeply embedded in the underground movement opposing the Shah, arrested multiple times by the SAVAK security forces. He translated revolutionary Islamist texts into Farsi, embraced anti-colonial ideologies, and sought to synthesise Islamic thought with contemporary political theories.
