Latest news with #SamikBhattacharya
Indian Express
3 hours ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
New Bengal BJP chief: ‘90% fatalities in state political violence are Muslims… How long will they listen to mandir, masjid stories?'
Days after taking charge as the new West Bengal BJP president, Samik Bhattacharya, Rajya Sabha MP, has sought to reach out to Muslims and a Left section, done a balancing act between different factions in the state party unit, and invoked the deities of Bengal. A BJP old-timer with an RSS background, Bhattacharya, 61, has his task cut out in the run-up to the state Assembly polls slated early next year, when the party would again take on the incumbent Trinamool Congress (TMC) led by three-term Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee. In an interview with The Indian Express, Bhattacharya speaks on multiple issues, ranging from the prevailing situation in the state to the BJP's roadmap for the 2026 polls. Excerpts: The plan is simple. Wherever we could not dent them (TMC), we will have to, and wherever there are misunderstandings and communication gaps within us, we will have to fix them. People have made up their mind to get rid of the current situation in Bengal under any circumstances. And West Bengal will remain West Bengal and not become West Bangladesh. Politics is not a highway like the golden quadrilateral. A political worker is always a political worker, be it inside or outside Assembly or Parliament, be it the state party president or a primary worker. A worker is only focused on bringing the party to power and executing its ideology. The path is a straight line, but the journey varies. My rise and fall is linked with the rise and fall of the party. I cannot tell you the reasons like that. Every election is different. We made some mistakes, there is no denying it. From every election, the party takes a lesson. From that elections too (2021 polls), we have learnt a lesson – we had some drawbacks. We had detailed discussions over it, but I cannot reveal it. Regarding the Bengal bypoll results, the less said, the better. We could not make people 'bhoy mukto' (fearless). However, the manner in which we are now moving forward after a detailed homework and discussions with central leadership, we believe it is possible to oust TMC from power. It is true that we do not have visible active members in all booths. It is also true that our workers are facing threats and terror at the grassroots level. But you will see when the time comes (before the polls) they will be visible and active. First, we have to restore democracy. In Bengal, the Opposition parties have no right to protest or speak up. We have to restore law and order. We have to ensure after we come to power that no one's party offices are captured or ransacked. In the Assembly, Opposition parties would be able to voice their opinions. No policeman would knock on the doors of the Opposition leaders to terrorise them. We will have to create an industry-friendly and investment atmosphere in the state. We have asked industrialists – please wait for a year, invest in Bengal, your contribution to Bengal is indisputable, take part in its progress. We have to ensure that merit, labour and capital do not join an exodus. We would aim to ensure a roof on the heads of all residents of the state. A party aims to be all-encompassing and inclusive. It is a fact that we do not have a base among Muslims in Bengal. A large number of Muslims did not vote for us. However, in some Muslim-dominated panchayats, we have won. There are such panchayats in Birbhum and Murshidabad. If we could do that, then we are asking Muslims to think – you do not have to give vote to us, our fight is not against you but against your poverty; keeping aside 'khariji (unrecognised) madrasas', let your children read Science and English, some are trying their best. If change has to come, then it is not possible through individual efforts, but through social reform. Come forward and think how Muslims in Gujarat, Maharashtra are doing. In the last three years 90% of fatalities in political violence (in Bengal) are Muslims. Muslims are killing Muslims. This picture is absent in any other state of India, be it Gujarat or Uttar Pradesh. For how long will you listen to stories of mandir and masjid. That's an old story. India is a multi-party democracy, a country of pluralism. Here all parties will speak. There is no problem in that. But it is essential to restore democracy in this state. For that, it is essential to oust Trinamool from power. We promise that after winning the 2026 Assembly polls, those CPI(M) offices which have been grabbed under the TMC rule will be returned to them. Panchayat members of CPI(M) and Congress would be able to fight against BJP without fear or coercion. Police would not be sent to their homes. TMC's agenda is to put the names of Bangladeshis, Rohingyas and infiltrators on the voters' list. To provide tacit support to them to procure fake Aadhaar, PAN and voter cards. The EC's agenda is to make a voters' list minus fake voters. Naturally this goes against the interest of TMC. On the issue of infiltrators, the CM (Mamata) once threw papers at the Speaker (Lok Sabha) and came out with tears in her eyes. That same person is now saying there is nothing called infiltration and people from both side of the border are the same. The CM should visit there (Bangladesh) on a personal capacity. Indian government will give her permission. The manner in which Hindu temples are being attacked and ransacked in Bangladesh, forcible religious conversions are taking place there, the manner in which a library named after Indira Gandhi was gutted. She (Mamata) has a picture of Indira at her home. We are against the politics of Congress and Indira Gandhi, but Mrs Gandhi was our country's Prime Minister and a women leader. She is the founder of Bangladesh. Atal Bihari Vajpayee called her Devi Durga during the Bangladesh war. Today, her effigy is being desecrated. Seventy thousands books have been burned in Bangladesh. Books of Joy Goswami, Abul Bashar and Sunil Ganguly's books have been burnt. Can Mamata Banerjee go there and protest? So our fight is against this radicalisation. Out fight is not against Muslims but their poverty, against those who are teaching them to choose the wrong path. This has happened because of TMC politicspo This is incorrect that it is happening more in BJP-ruled states. It is happening more in Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra. Why this is happening? There are two reasons. Everyone is gravely concerned about the internal security in their own states. West Bengal was safe passage (for terrorists), now it has become a safe home. There were no major incidents or bomb blasts here since terrorists used it as a passage and did not want to disturb it. As other states know about the infiltration situation in Bengal, they are raiding Bengali migrants. In Tamil Nadu, it is an anti-BJP government. Now in their raids they are finding some Bangladeshis with fake ID cards made from Barasat or Siliguri, so they are saying they do not want to keep any Bengalis there. It is then that anyone speaking in Bengali becomes a Bangladeshi. Who is responsible for this situation. That is why there is a need for NRC in Bengal. Those who are Indian Muslims, open-minded Muslims, those who do not say they will capture the country through their sheer numbers, we don't have any fight against them. I will not do it – the party ideology will carry all of them together ahead. There are some aberrations in some areas, but that cannot be considered as the entire party. In the next 15 days a unified BJP will be seen. In the wake of recent events in our state and Bangladesh, Maa Kali is most relevant. It is a system in our party where we all visit different states. Whenever some party leaders or workers come to Kolkata from outside, they want to visit Kalighat. But Maa Kali is not safe in Bengal where idols and temples are being vandalised. Temples in Bangladesh are being vandalised. One should worship 'Shakti', which symbolises Maa Kali, to prevent radicalisation. No stone should be left unturned to prevent West Bengal from becoming West Bangladesh or an Islamic republic. Jai Shri Ram is a slogan of protest. Shri means prosperity, Ram means values. The movement for Ram Mandir (Ayodhya) was not a religious movement. It was a movement for removing an injury inflicted by an invader. Whatever has happened (the construction of the Ram Temple) took place after the court's order. When the CM (Mamata) targeted Jai Shri Ram, it was established as a mass slogan. Then TMC used it for religious polarisation, saying if BJP comes they will demolish all mosques. We are saying we are not for demolishing anything. It was a movement then, where we pressed for Ayodhya, Kashi and Mathura. One cannot imagine Bharat without Ram. Ram is Bharat, Bharat is Ram. Once Atal Bihari Vajpayee ji said that he is a product of the party. Narendra Modi is also a product of BJP. In our party models do not exist. We all have specific responsibility in the party and we are discharging that.
India Today
2 days ago
- Politics
- India Today
Our development will reach Muslims even sans their vote: BJP's new Bengal chief
BJP Rajya Sabha MP Samik Bhattacharya—a seasoned Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) member—has been entrusted with presidency of the party in West Bengal in the run-up to the assembly polls next year. The appointment is being seen as recognition of his ability to act as a bridge between the old and new guards in the state unit and bringing a distinctly Bengali ideological sensibility to the political for his deep-rooted connection with Bengali culture—as a soft-spoken bhadralok who often quotes poets Shankha Ghosh and Shakti Chattopadhyay—Bhattacharya is seeking to reposition the BJP beyond personality-centric politics in the his first public addresses, Bhattacharya projected an inclusive vision: protecting Bengal's plural identity, encouraging harmony between Hindus and Muslims and advocating education over violence. He urged 'nationalist Muslims' to work alongside the BJP to counter radicalisation, signalling a conscious outreach beyond the party's traditional BJP leaders and cadre, Bhattacharya's message is clear: party before self. He has sent subtle signals of collaboration with veterans such as Leader of the Opposition Suvendu Adhikari and former Bengal BJP president Dilip Ghosh, stressing that the organisation is greater than any individual. Bhattacharya has also called upon anti-Trinamool Congress parties, including the Left, to join forces to oust the Mamata Banerjee's government in 2026. He appears eager to weave Bengali ethos into the BJP's broader narrative, forging new alliances while reviving its grassroots vigour. Excerpts from an exclusive interview:Q. You have taken charge at a critical time in Bengal. What is the blueprint you intend to follow in the run-up to assembly elections?A. The BJP's style of functioning is built on structure and continuity. We were already preparing a roadmap for January 2026. From there on, we will transition to our plan for April, when we expect the elections to take place. This process began even before I became state president. That is the strength of our organisational backbone—we move forward with consistency.Q. How do you see the political situation on the ground?A. What we're dealing with in Bengal is multilayered. There's one kind of leadership in this house (BJP) and quite another in the house across the street (Trinamool Congress). And there's a difference. Bengal has a unique political grammar—Hindu Bengalis, Leftists, caste-based groups, Muslims, each with its own posture and are confronting rampant illegal immigration. The Rohingyas have been systematically settled here. If this continues unchecked and the Trinamool returns to power through these tactics, then mark my words: what you saw in the Jammu and Kashmir assembly (such as most MLAs being Muslims) will be repeated in the West Bengal assembly. That is the situation unfolding before the people of Bengal. Even those who would never vote for the BJP—the traditional Left, the self-declared progressives—have begun to recognise the warning signs, especially after the recent events in How do you see the Bangladesh situation?A. We have seen bullets being fired. The leader of the Communist Party of Bangladesh—a Hindu—was the first to be murdered. Back home in Murshidabad, a Trinamool MLA's family had to flee. These aren't ideological talking points—these are lived Gandhi, who created Bangladesh, is now dishonoured there—her effigy urinated upon. A library named after her was burnt down, destroying 70,000 books, including works by Abul Bashar, Badal Sircar and Bratya Basu. This is Islamist fascism, blinded by religion. Islamic fundamentalist forces—the same ones operating in Pakistan—are using Bangladesh as a launch-pad to spread their influence across India.Q. How does all this impact Bengal?A. What is unfolding in Kolkata should concern everyone—a city stripped of dignity, aesthetics and order. Lawlessness parades openly because the state government, propped up by fear rather than legitimacy, has no moral authority. If the government continues to act with such impunity—whether by claiming to be a welfare state or by adopting totalitarian tendencies—the outcome will be at Pakistan, the only country created explicitly in the name of religion. If that logic had prevailed globally, we wouldn't have had 22 separate countries in the Arab League. Many of these nations aren't exclusively Muslim. Those now cheering Pakistan from Bangladesh have forgotten history. In the Jessore Cantonment, over 150,000 women were raped. It's a legacy of trauma carved into stone. And here we are, watching the West Bengal government turn a blind eye to these was always said about Bangladesh that 'We are not separate in Dhaka and Kolkata'. We made films together, shared literature. We still do. But this bond is being sabotaged. From 1936 to 1949, East Pakistan faced constant upheaval. Syama Prasad Mookerjee, who wasn't affiliated with any political party at the time, reached out to Subhas Chandra Bose and his brother Sarat Bose, seeking their help. Mookerjee had been an academic. But the worsening Hindu crisis drew him into there is an exodus of capital and skill from Bengal. The highly educated are underpaid IT majdoors while their counterparts in Bengaluru, Chennai or Delhi thrive. The less-educated build Delhi's buildings, run Noida's kitchens and power Gurugram's hotels, yet remain invisible in their own an identity crisis. People in Delhi's posh Bengali neighbourhood, Chittaranjan Park, now hesitate to admit their roots. The cultural pride of Bengal has collapsed. And this rot is political, fuelled by bomb politics, civic volunteers-turned-enforcers and a complete absence of healthy public discourse.Q. What has been the BJP's response?A. We aren't doing anything extraordinary—we are just trying to restore order. But even that is seen as confrontation. The Trinamool Congress, without police and civic volunteers, cannot win even one election booth. They dominate not through popularity but intimidation. We are doing politics in this poisoned landscape. Still, we believe we can change Bengal's political narrative just as Prime Minister Narendra Modi has changed India's. Today, democracy is our religion and development our children in Bengal are being forced to migrate. Where are the children of Trinamool leaders like Javed Khan and Firhad Hakim studying? Abroad. Meanwhile, the poor are sent to Khariji madrasas or, worse still, handed stones and swords. That isn't education; it's appeal to everyone: social reform is non-negotiable. We must win people's minds, not just votes. The BJP has never claimed to win 100 per cent support [of Hindus]. In many booths, we got just 5-7 votes. But we are growing. We've broken barriers in places like Kaliganj during the recent bypoll. Muslim voters, too, are realising that the BJP will be in power at the Centre for at least 20 more years. They now understand that the Centre is working for them, not treating them as You sound more receptive towards Muslims than Suvendu Adhikari, who has publicly called for Hindu consolidation and said that the BJP can win the Bengal polls without the support of Muslims.A. What I and Suvendu Adhikari are saying are not contradictory. Suvendu is the Leader of the Opposition. He has been heckled, insulted, even manhandled, in Muslim-dominated areas. But we all want inclusive development and growth in Bengal. Even if the Muslims do not vote for us, our development must and will reach their why am I referencing Bangladesh? Look at the silence surrounding gang-rapes there. Mujibur Rahman's legacy is invoked, yet a chit fund operator—awarded the Nobel Prize—is now the head of their government. Meanwhile, Islamic fundamentalism is rising and no one are spreading this message across Bengal and beyond—that India is moving forward but Bengal is stuck. After Partition, Sindh was lost. Half of Punjab is gone. Bengal, too, lost half of itself. But Bengal will not be divided along religious lines again. This is a powerful movement. We do not want power for power's sake. Bengal deserves a civilised society.Q. Many Bengali-speaking migrant workers from Bengal are being labelled as Bangladeshis and deported. Secondly, the NREGA fund freeze by the Centre—stopping the funds didn't help the BJP. The Lok Sabha poll results are proof of that.A. The Centre cannot bypass court orders. Clause 27 of the MGNREGA Act justifies the freeze. Irregularities cannot be overlooked. The court has permitted the Centre to continue the investigations. Even the state has acknowledged in court that corruption for migrant labourers, I was the first to raise the issue. During my time as MLA of Basirhat Dakshin (September 2014 to May 2016), I spoke to several Trinamool leaders and ministers. I urged them to help labourers—mostly Muslims—facing hardships in southern Indian cities such as Chennai. No one did.I finally asked these labourers if they would accept help from the local RSS. Their only problem was shelter. The RSS gave them food, even baby food for their children. These people came back and supported me in the state elections in 2016. I lost but because they had supported me, Trinamool goons razed their homes. This is why I say that Muslims are not safe under the Trinamool. A change is imminent in 2026.Q. But is the BJP organisationally strong enough to take on the Trinamool? Will the party, for instance, be able to deploy booth agents everywhere?A. The post-poll violence of 2021 certainly damaged our organisation. People got scared. But that's no longer the case. In 2026, you will see that the BJP will have its men in most booths in Bengal. People are waiting to topple this government. The binary was set in 2019, and it held firm through the recent Kaliganj bypoll. The people have decided: the BJP will form the government in Bengal in to India Today Magazine- EndsMust Watch
Time of India
2 days ago
- Politics
- Time of India
Samik Bhattacharya's inclusive pitch: Can BJP's Bengal pivot disrupt Mamata's playbook?
PTI file photo NEW DELHI: There's a new player in Bengal politics, and he's trying to rewrite the rules of the game. How often do you see a politician praising opposition leaders of bygone eras, lamenting their lack of recognition in history books, and, in the process, attempting to connect with party cadres? It's early days, but newly appointed Bengal BJP president Samik Bhattacharya is doing just that. Challenging the TMC juggernaut In today's political landscape, where civility is scarce and coarse discourse is the norm, Samik's polished approach stands out as a welcome change and a fresh challenge to the ruling TMC . Over the past five years, the TMC has perfected a political playbook: branding the BJP as a party of bohiragato (outsiders), referring to Modi and Shah as zamindars (entitled overlords), highlighting alleged deprivation of central funds, and reinforcing Mamata Banerjee's image as the 'true daughter of the soil' with campaigns like Bangla nijer meyekei chay (Bengal wants its own daughter). Backed by unwavering support from women voters benefiting from welfare schemes like Lakshmir Bhandar and overwhelming endorsement from the minority community, the TMC has built a resilient social base, weathering anti-incumbency and serious graft allegations. Changing BJP's narrative But Samik Bhattacharya, 62, a grassroots leader who rose from block-level ranks, is now experimenting with a distinctly different strategy to disrupt that winning formula. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like An engineer reveals: One simple trick to get internet without a subscription Techno Mag Learn More Undo He's attempting to bring 'Bengal' back into the state BJP's political narrative, focusing more sharply on the emotional and historical context of Partition and the creation of West Bengal, things which many believe greatly discomfort the Bengali liberals. In speech after speech, Samik evokes Syama Prasad Mookerjee, highlighting his pivotal role in forming West Bengal and the bipartisan support he received. He's pushing for a people's mahajot (grand alliance) against the TMC and using history as a strategic bridge to reach voters across the spectrum. The prominent display of Goddess Kali during his official takeover last week was no afterthought; it was part of a deliberate recalibration of optics. With Amit Malviya asserting that 'BJP is the only pro-Bengali party born in Bengal,' it's clear the saffron party is tailoring its message to reflect Bengali sub-nationalism. Samik is now articulating a narrative rooted in Bengali asmita (pride), arguing that Bengal's soul is under attack and must be defended. An inclusive message with strategic hints 'What's the point of politics if there is no West Bengal?' he asked recently, in an earnest pitch to disillusioned CPM and Congress cadres, urging them to support the BJP in the larger interest of the state. Samik highlights atrocities against minorities in neighbouring Bangladesh, tacitly warning his core voters by invoking memories from the border district of Murshidabad. Yet, unlike Bengal's leader of opposition Suvendu Adhikari, who calls directly for Hindu consolidation, Samik frames his message in inclusive terms, envisioning a Bengal where Durga Puja immersions and Muharram processions can take place peacefully, side by side. In his debut speech, he even reached out to Muslims. Acknowledging the minority community's mistrust of the BJP, he said the party wants books, not stones, in the hands of Muslim youth. Referring to icons like Kazi Nazrul Islam and Syed Mujtaba Ali, Samik urged the community to self-introspect and think about whom they want to emulate. By using phrases like marche musalman, morche musalman (Muslims are killing Muslims), many believe Samik is also trying to loosen the TMC's grip on the minority vote bank. Assuring Muslims, Samik said India is a country of joto mot, toto poth (as many opinions, so many paths), referencing Ramakrishna Paramhansa's immortal words. According to him, India's strength lies in pluralism, not Hindutva. He yearns for a time when Hindus and Muslims celebrated Saraswati Puja together in schools. What's the unsaid plan? Speaking to TOI, political expert Professor Sibaji Pratim Basu said Samik is dialing down anti-Muslim rhetoric because it had proven counterproductive, leading to consolidated minority support for the TMC. Professor Basu also believes this outreach isn't necessarily about gaining Muslim votes, but about gaining legitimacy among the urbane Bengali intelligentsia, which still views the BJP with deep suspicion. Even if some of the urban Left-liberals who in 2021 rallied behind the 'No Vote to BJP' campaign switch sides, it could prove pivotal in Kolkata and neighbouring constituencies. Many of them have criticized the TMC's handling of the RG Kar rape and murder case. Their discontent, Basu argues, could translate into anti-TMC votes if the BJP earns their trust. However, while the narrative may shift slightly with Samik's appointment, the deciding factor will be which party's electoral machinery proves more efficient on polling day. TMC still holds a significant edge in that regard, Basu believes. Ringing endorsement from seniors Former MP and party ideologue Swapan Dasgupta noted on X (formerly Twitter) that Samik's tone may resonate with voters the BJP has struggled to reach, whom he dubbed as the 'orphaned Bengali bhadrolok.' This was echoed by former state party president Tathagata Roy. Known for his outspoken nature, Roy told TOI that during the 2021 Assembly election, Hindi-speaking leaders of BJP alienated the Bengali middle class. He believes the party backed the wrong campaigners, leading to defeat. Roy sees Samik's appointment as a welcome signal to Bengal's intellectual class. Retelling forgotten histories With leaders like Dilip Ghosh and Suvendu Adhikari, the BJP built a strong cadre base but struggled to gain traction in southern Bengal, including Kolkata. In Samik Bhattacharya, a long-time resident of Salt Lake, an elite satellite town of Kolkata, the party sees an opening to breach that urban bastion. To Left-Congress voters, Samik's message is steeped in Partition-era history. He recalls how Jyoti Basu once defied the party line to support Syama Prasad Mookerjee's proposal in the Bengal Assembly, or how TMC MP Sukhendu Sekhar Roy's father appealed to the Hindu Mahasabha leader to ensure Malda stayed in India. These long-forgotten anecdotes are being revived by Samik, a skilled orator, to build bridges across ideological divides. He even hailed Jyoti Basu, a Left icon, as one of the architects of modern Bengal. Left pushes back The Left, however, is unimpressed. Eminent CPI(M) leader Dr. Fuad Halim outrightly rejected Samik Bhattacharya as a communal, anti-national figure when contacted by TOI. He questioned how the BJP leader could label an entire community as stone-throwers. Referring to BJP's past alliance with the TMC, Halim claimed Samik is actually a well-wisher of Mamata's party and dared him to publicly declare when the TMC became the BJP's enemy. He also dismissed any possibility of Left voters switching to the BJP. While the Left and Congress may have publicly rejected Samik's overture, their combined vote share, still around 10 percent, more than the TMC-BJP gap of 7 percent in the 2024 Lok Sabha election, remains critical. Winning over even a part of this bloc could prove decisive. Tathagata Roy argues that Bengal politics has always been bipolar, and if voters see the BJP as the only viable alternative to the TMC, they will naturally shift. Recalling his tenure as BJP state president, Roy said the party could never cross the 5 percent vote mark because only Mamata was then seen as capable of ending Left rule. TMC's response and the road ahead The ruling TMC has so far dismissed Samik Bhattacharya's strategy. Spokesperson Kunal Ghosh claimed the BJP, realising Suvendu Adhikari's communal approach has failed, is now testing a new narrative. Mamata Banerjee is expected to deliver her counterattack during the party's annual Martyrs' Day rally on July 21. Back in 2014, Samik became only the second BJP MLA elected to the Bengal Assembly. Recalling the moment, Samik said that he stood in stunned silence for 15 minutes, absorbing the significance of the occasion. He is no stranger to history-making, but the challenge before him now is far more complex. Mixed messaging, a problem? Some argue the BJP's messaging under Samik appears conflicted. On one hand, Suvendu Adhikari calls for strident Hindu unity. On the other hand, Samik Bhattacharya champions restraint and inclusion. At first glance, the two seem at odds. But Samik insists the party line is coherent. Suvendu speaks the public's mind, while he expresses the BJP's official stance. Professor Basu believes core BJP voters are unlikely to be swayed, as they see no viable alternative. He also sees Samik's attempt to unify party factions, including overtures toward Dilip Ghosh, as a significant move. If the old RSS mechanism is activated, they can come handy in elections, believe experts. Former Governor Tathagata Roy believes Samik's moderate persona, deep RSS roots and decades of party loyalty are key assets which can take BJP to new heights. Churn in place Samik Bhattacharya's approach is calibrated and high-stakes. His emphasis on identity, history and inclusion is a marked shift in tone for the Bengal BJP. Whether this softer narrative can coexist with Suvendu Adhikari's aggressive mobilization strategy and succeed in broadening the party's appeal is uncertain. But in a state known for its ideological churn and volatile swings, Samik's strategy has undeniably altered the tone of Bengal's political conversation.
News18
2 days ago
- Politics
- News18
TMC Revives ‘Bengali Vs Bahari' Narrative Ahead Of July 21 Rally, Accuses BJP Of ‘Cultural Assault'
Last Updated: Experts believe the insider vs outsider messaging was instrumental in TMC's landslide victory in the 2021 polls, when BJP struggled to connect with the regional identity of Bengal The Trinamool Congress (TMC), in a political throwback to its 2021 campaign strategy, has once again sharpened its 'Bengali vs Bahari' narrative, accusing the BJP of launching a targeted cultural and political assault on Bengal and its people. Experts believe the messaging was instrumental in TMC's landslide victory in the 2021 assembly elections, when the BJP struggled to connect with the regional identity of Bengal. Now, in 2025, with a shift in BJP's state leadership—appointing Samik Bhattacharya, a quintessential Bhadralok Bangali, as its West Bengal president—the TMC is attempting to reposition the narrative. Mamata Banerjee's party has alleged a systematic anti-Bengali agenda driven by the saffron party. A tweet, aggressively promoted across platforms by TMC over the past two days, accuses the BJP of waging a 'cultural purge" in Bengal: 'Bangla-Birodhi @BJP4India has unleashed a sinister, three-pronged assault on our people, and the execution is already underway: • Workers from Bengal are being branded as 'illegal Bangladeshis' in BJP-ruled states and forcibly deported with BSF's help It's a full-blown war on Bengalis. A CULTURAL PURGE designed by a party that simply can't stomach rejection. They lost Bengal. Now they want REVENGE." According to sources, the party will amplify this messaging at the upcoming July 21 Martyrs' Day Rally, where chief minister Banerjee is expected to deliver her political message for the year. The rally will likely spotlight three major allegations: • NRC harassment: TMC will allege that legitimate Bengali citizens are being threatened with eviction through NRC notices. • Voter deletion: The party claims the Election Commission, under BJP pressure, is using voter roll revision—particularly in Bihar—to delete names of Bengal-based voters ahead of the 2026 polls. • Deportation of workers: The party alleges that Bengali-speaking migrant workers are being wrongfully identified as illegal immigrants in BJP-ruled states and forcibly deported. Speaking to News18, TMC Rajya Sabha MP Samirul Islam, who has worked extensively on migrant issues, said: 'This is a threat to our mother tongue and cultural identity. For the last six years, Bengalis have faced targeted harassment in BJP-ruled states like Odisha, Madhya Pradesh, and Delhi. Authorities suddenly approach people demanding documents. If we question it, we're told to prove that they are from West Bengal. 'On June 13, several Bengali-speaking individuals were picked up by Mumbai Police and deported to Bangladesh without informing anyone. A similar incident took place in Birbhum involving Delhi Police. These are deliberate actions—BJP is clearly anti-Bengali. We've taken legal action and written to the Union Home Minister multiple times." The chief minister herself recently posed a sharp question: 'Is speaking Bengali now a crime in India?" In addition to cultural and linguistic concerns, the TMC is also raising economic grievances, alleging that the BJP-led Centre is withholding MGNREGA funds and other central allocations to Bengal. The party is portraying this as a preview of what governance could look like if the BJP were ever to come to power in the state. Political observers believe that TMC's repeated focus on the 'anti-Bengali" narrative is a strategic effort to implant the idea deep in the public consciousness, especially ahead of the 2026 state elections. However, the BJP has dismissed the allegations as baseless. BJP leader and MLA Agnimitra Paul, speaking to News18, said: 'How can they accuse us of being anti-Bengali? The founder of our party, Syama Prasad Mukherjee, was a proud Bengali. We don't need lessons in Bengali identity from the TMC." The TMC is putting its entire political weight behind the 'Bengali vs Bahari' narrative and it will be interesting to see how it resonates in the polls next year. Get Latest Updates on Movies, Breaking News On India, World, Live Cricket Scores, And Stock Market Updates. Also Download the News18 App to stay updated! tags : Mamata Banerjee trinamool congress West Bengal elections Location : Kolkata, India, India First Published: July 08, 2025, 12:03 IST News politics TMC Revives 'Bengali Vs Bahari' Narrative Ahead Of July 21 Rally, Accuses BJP Of 'Cultural Assault'
News18
2 days ago
- Politics
- News18
'Won't Allow Bengal To Become West Bangladesh': New State BJP Chief Targets TMC Govt
West Bengal BJP president Samik Bhattacharya vowed that the BJP would never let Bengal become "West Bangladesh" or an "Islamic Republic". West Bengal BJP president Samik Bhattacharya on Tuesday accused the ruling TMC of yielding to fundamentalist forces and allowing a 'silent demographic invasion", asserting that the 2026 assembly polls would decide the fate and existence of Bengal and Bengali Hindus. He vowed that the BJP would never let Bengal become 'West Bangladesh" or an 'Islamic Republic". Bhattacharya, who recently took charge as the state party chief, said the political atmosphere in Bengal was 'frighteningly similar" to the volatile pre-Partition years of 1946. 'This is not merely a political contest. It is a struggle for identity, survival, and existence. Bengali Hindus are facing an existential crisis. The BJP is the only force standing in defence of Bengali Hindus' existence and Bengal. We won't allow the state to be turned into an Islamic Republic or West Bangladesh," the state BJP chief said. Bhattacharya, a Rajya Sabha MP, is known in political circles for his measured tone and cultural fluency. He did not shy away from deploying the full spectrum of the BJP's Hindutva rhetoric, invoking demographic anxieties, cultural pride, and historical trauma. 'The TMC has surrendered before fundamentalists. For the sake of vote-bank politics, they have opened the gates to infiltration. Since the 1980s, we have warned of a silent demographic invasion. If we don't resist now, the fate of Bengali Hindus may mirror that of Hindus in Bangladesh," he claimed. Emphasising that the BJP was not anti-Muslim, Bhattacharya appealed to 'nationalist and liberal Muslims" to join the party's mission to defeat radicalism and religious appeasement. 'Radicalisation is spreading, but we will not allow Bengal to be divided again. The BJP is not against Muslims; we are against those who pick up stones and swords. We want to give their children books and pens instead," he said. In a message to the minorities, Bhattacharya questioned what they had gained under the TMC rule. 'Nearly 90 per cent of political violence victims in recent years have been Muslims. The TMC has used them as vote banks but done nothing for their uplift. I urge my Muslim brothers and sisters to ask yourselves, what have you truly received in return for your loyalty?" he asked. 'There are large numbers of Muslims, who are against fundamentalism. We would appeal to them that they should come forward against this misrule of the TMC," Bhattacharya said. The BJP leader accused the chief minister of 'compromising Bengal's pluralism" for political expediency. 'She has now moved on from Maa Kali to Lord Jagannath. But she pursues appeasement politics. We don't need lessons in secularism or Bengali culture from TMC," he claimed. One of the key challenges before Bhattacharya is whether the Bengal BJP under his leadership will pursue a moderate, inclusive Hindutva line or continue with the combative, hardline posture championed by Leader of the Opposition Suvendu Adhikari. Bhattacharya was quick to dispel any talk of ideological divergence. 'There is no binary of aggressive or soft Hindutva or any difference. There is no difference between the Bengal line and the Delhi line. The party has always believed in inclusive nationalism and unity without appeasement. We will make Bengal free from fear, corruption and violence," he said. The 61-year-old lauded Adhikari as a 'natural leader", asserting that there is no difference of opinion with him, but said the party line would be decided by the top leadership. His appointment as state BJP president, seen as an attempt to bring order to a faction-ridden unit, came amid growing concern in the party's central leadership over a shrinking support base, demoralised cadre, and lack of emotional connection with the Bengali electorate. 'The old generation of BJP leaders laid the foundations when we had nothing in Bengal. The new generation must value that struggle. Similarly, the old guards have to understand that for the party to grow we have to induct new people. There is no friction between the old and the new. Everyone will stand united to defeat TMC," he said. Ahead of the 2021 assembly election, the TMC invoked Bengali sub-nationalism to counter the BJP's Hindutva narrative, branding it a party of 'outsiders". Responding to the charge, Bhattacharya said, 'No one has a monopoly over Bengali culture. The BJP stands for every Bengali who aspires for development and dignity. We don't need lessons on Bengali culture from anyone in the TMC." Bhattacharya said his immediate priority would be to strengthen the BJP's presence in districts with untapped potential and re-energise the grassroots network. 'We have around ten months. A baby takes eight to nine months to be born, so there is time to deliver. People must not fall for the 'No Vote to BJP' campaign. This is a ploy to help the TMC. The real binary is BJP versus TMC. Everything else is noise," he said. Bhattacharya sought to position the BJP as a party with an economic and industrial vision. 'Industries have collapsed, investors fled, and youths are migrating for jobs. The TMC has failed Bengal's economy. We will reverse this decline. Bengal must rise again, both culturally and economically," he said. As the BJP aims to script a comeback in a state where it made impressive gains in the 2019 Lok Sabha polls but faltered in the 2021 state polls, the spotlight is now firmly on Bhattacharya's stewardship. 'This is not just about winning an election. It is about saving Bengal," he signed off. tags : BJP Samik Bhattacharya tmc West Bengal Location : West Bengal, India, India First Published: July 08, 2025, 14:57 IST News india 'Won't Allow Bengal To Become West Bangladesh': New State BJP Chief Targets TMC Govt
