Latest news with #SarayaAnsarAlSunna
LBCI
6 days ago
- Politics
- LBCI
Suspect in Damascus church bombing? Lebanon arrest raises ISIS concerns — here's what we know
Report by Lara El Hachem, English adaptation by Karine Keuchkerian Years after ISIS lost most of its territory in Syria, the group's extremist offshoots and ideology remain active—evident in the continued targeting of minorities in Syria and recent arrests in Lebanon. In the Lebanese town of Bouar, suspicions about a stranger prompted Lebanon's State Security office in Keserwan to detain him. What initially appeared to be a routine arrest soon revealed more troubling details. The detainee, identified as 31-year-old Hassan A., had illegally crossed into Lebanon from Syria via the northern border. During questioning, he claimed he had been promised a job. He admitted to paying a smuggler, identified as Syrian national Mostafa Q., $100 to facilitate his entry. He arrived in Lebanon just hours after the bombing of Saint Elias Church in Damascus. However, the contents of his phone—seized by State Security—told a deeper story. Investigators found images of him standing in front of an ISIS flag, holding a dagger, and wearing military fatigues with ISIS insignia. His phone also contained photos of him carrying a tactical vest and, more disturbingly, video footage of a beheading—evidence strongly suggesting an extremist ideology. Despite this, Hassan denied any affiliation with ISIS or Saraya Ansar al-Sunna, the group that claimed responsibility for the Damascus church bombing. He also denied participating in any executions. He told investigators the videos had been automatically downloaded to his phone through a WhatsApp group he had joined. Authorities have referred him to the Internal Security Forces' Information Branch for further investigation and technical analysis of his device. He only confirmed that he had received religious training from an extremist Syrian group and military training from groups of various Arab nationalities. So far, there is no conclusive evidence linking Hassan to the Damascus church attack. However, the timing of his arrival—just hours after the bombing—raises serious questions. Was it merely a coincidence, or was he fleeing the Syrian regime, which has pledged to eradicate ISIS—a commitment Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa reaffirmed during a recent meeting with U.S. President Donald Trump? The case has reignited concerns over whether Lebanon is becoming a new battleground for internal Syrian conflicts.
Asharq Al-Awsat
7 days ago
- Politics
- Asharq Al-Awsat
Damascus Gov't on Alert to Prevent ISIS Resurgence
A suicide bombing that targeted the Mar Elias church in the Dweila district of Damascus has reignited debate over ISIS's activity inside Syria, amid growing concerns that extremist groups are intensifying efforts to destabilize the government of President Ahmed al-Sharaa. Although a lesser-known faction, Saraya Ansar al-Sunna, claimed responsibility for the attack, multiple sources say various radical groups, despite differing ideologies, are now pursuing parallel strategies to undermine the Syrian state. A senior commander in the New Syrian Army warned of a looming ISIS plan to stage a large-scale, surprise assault on Damascus. They said the group was seeking to infiltrate cities by moving militants from the vast Syrian desert into urban areas, while other factions were launching attacks driven by resentment and anger towards the authorities. 'ISIS's current strategy is based on relocating from the desert into cities, embedding itself within civilian populations, and forming new sleeper cells,' the commander, who spoke under the condition of anonymity, told Asharq Al-Awsat. 'We have the capabilities to confront the threat and dismantle their networks. We know them better than anyone else,' they added. According to the commander, the new Syrian army has disclosed sensitive intelligence on ISIS's renewed push to infiltrate urban centers, warning that the extremist group is adapting its tactics as it regroups across Syria. The commander also said the army uncovered key details of ISIS's plans after dismantling a sleeper cell in Homs several months ago. The militants had reportedly travelled from the Syrian desert, or al-Badiya, highlighting what the commander described as 'a clear strategy' by ISIS to move from remote regions into population centers. 'The cell was part of a broader effort to penetrate cities from the desert,' the commander said, adding that the group appeared to be shifting its operational base closer to Damascus and other strategic urban areas. The revelations come in the wake of the suicide bombing that struck the Mar Elias church. One day after the June 22 attack, Syria's Interior Ministry announced it had carried out a 'precision operation' in coordination with the General Intelligence Directorate to track and dismantle ISIS hideouts in and around Damascus, including those believed to be directly linked to the church bombing. ISIS was preparing to launch a wide-scale, coordinated assault on several Syrian cities, starting from Homs, revealed the commander, adding that the terror group's strategy involved seizing control of multiple neighborhoods in key urban centers simultaneously, in a surprise offensive designed to destabilize the country. 'Dismantling the sleeper cells was crucial,' the commander told Asharq Al-Awsat. 'We reinforced our military presence in Homs and its surrounding areas. It was a major preemptive blow that disrupted ISIS's plans and helped bolster stability in Syria.' The group's tactical goals also included targeting religious sites belonging to Alawites, Murshidis, and Christians in an attempt to embarrass the Syrian government and project a sense of insecurity across the country. 'It's a familiar ISIS tactic used in both Syria and Iraq to inflame sectarian tensions, undermine state authority, and recruit new followers through chaos,' the commander added. The June 22 bombing of the Orthodox Saint Mar Elias church in Damascus, which killed and injured many civilians, appears to fit this pattern. Syria's Interior Ministry quickly blamed ISIS for the attack and later announced the arrest of several individuals it said were affiliated with the group. While local media have reported that ISIS is stepping up efforts to rebuild its networks after a period of dormancy, independent verification of these claims remains limited. However, intelligence gathered by the Syrian army suggests that ISIS is prioritizing urban operations and symbolic attacks on religious sites, a strategy consistent with the government's swift attribution of the church bombing to the group. The bombing of the Mar Elias church, the first attack of its kind targeting worshippers inside a church in the capital since 1860, has triggered both shock and competing interpretations about who was behind the deadly blast. While many Syrians and analysts have aligned with the government's accusation that ISIS was responsible, citing the group's enduring threat, some well-informed sources remain skeptical. They argue that despite similarities in method, the operation does not fully align with ISIS's known tactics or ideological playbook in Syria, particularly at this stage of its insurgency. 'ISIS has never targeted churches in this manner within its areas of influence in Syria,' a source familiar with the group's activity told Asharq Al-Awsat. 'Such attacks do not serve its goals while it's engaged in a broader war against al-Sharaa's government. Historically, ISIS has defiled and desecrated churches, destroying crosses, smashing altars, and raising its black flags above Christian sites. These acts were documented in parts of Deir Ezzor, rural Homs, and Idlib over the past decade. However, the group typically targeted religious symbols in already-conquered territory, rather than staging suicide bombings in government-controlled urban centers. Further complicating the narrative is the fact that churches have also been struck by shelling or airstrikes carried out by the previous Syrian regime, undermining the notion that religious sanctuaries were ever fully protected during the war. Syrian authorities are stepping up efforts to sever ISIS from its former support networks, using a mix of security operations and reconciliation initiatives aimed at individuals who once backed or belonged to the group. Mediators involved in government-led reconciliation efforts told Asharq Al-Awsat that more than 150 former ISIS affiliates who were not found to have committed crimes against civilians have renounced the group and been granted amnesty. 'These individuals chose to walk away from ISIS, and the state responded by offering a path back through forgiveness,' one mediator said, describing the initiative as part of a broader strategy to drain the group's residual influence in previously sympathetic communities. Another mediator, a respected tribal elder who spoke to Asharq Al-Awsat on condition of anonymity, revealed that many of those pardoned had joined the state's reconciliation efforts after receiving endorsements from local religious and tribal figures. Observers say the policy signals a strategic shift aimed at rehabilitating former ISIS affiliates who played no direct role in civilian bloodshed. The goal, they argue, is to detach these individuals from the group's ideological grip, strip ISIS of its remaining support base, and stem future recruitment. 'We asked the government to settle the status of former ISIS members who had no blood on their hands, to encourage others to walk away from the group,' the mediator said. 'The authorities understand that continued pursuit of these individuals could push them back into ISIS's arms.' However, he clarified that the state remains resolute in pursuing key ISIS operatives responsible for violence against civilians and rival factions such as Hayat Tahrir al-Sham. 'There is no clemency for those who've committed acts of terror,' he said. The reconciliation initiative runs parallel to ongoing military and intelligence operations targeting ISIS cells, as Damascus attempts to contain the group's underground resurgence and prevent a return to widespread insurgency.
Yahoo
7 days ago
- Politics
- Yahoo
Deadly church attack raises security fears for Syrians, minorities
Sunday's deadly attack on the Mar Elias Church in Damascus has shaken Syria, and particularly the country's Christians. The attack on Sunday killed at least 25 people, after a man with a rifle entered the church and shot at worshippers, before detonating a suicide bomb. It has raised questions about the ability of the new Syrian government to manage security in the country and protect its citizens, including those from minority groups. The Syrian Interior Ministry blamed ISIL (ISIS) for the attack, though another group called Saraya Ansar al-Sunna later claimed it. Government officials described the attack as an attempt to undermine their efforts to establish a state following the fall of longtime dictator Bashar al-Assad in December. 'Sedition is happening,' Hind Kabawat, Syria's Social and Labour Affairs minister, told Syria TV from a Damascus hospital, as she fought back tears. 'All Christians and Muslims and all Syrians need to be strong today. This is a big wound, and our pain is big.'While the target of the attack was a church – the first of its kind against a Syrian church since the fall of the al-Assad regime – it serves as a reminder of the precarious security situation the country still finds itself in, affecting all Syrians, as the government attempts to provide stability. 'It's very dangerous,' Abu Hassan, a Damascus resident, told Al Jazeera by phone. He said that he was wary of more attacks taking place as part of an attempt to sow disunity between Syria's Christians and Muslims. '[The attacks] won't disappear,' he said. 'There will be more blood. May God protect this country.' The end of the al-Assad regime, following a more than 13-year war in which hundreds of thousands died, was welcomed by most Syrians. The al-Assad dynasty – Bashar had been preceded as president by his father Hafez – had effectively built one of the world's most brutal police states, with a vast network of competing security and intelligence branches that terrorised much of the local population. The man who has replaced Bashar al-Assad as president is Ahmed al-Sharaa. His own background – as a former member of al-Qaeda who led the now-disbanded Hayat Tahrir al-Sham in the latter years of the war – led many Syrians to express doubts and concerns over his rule of such a religiously and ethnically diverse state. Al-Sharaa has repeatedly promised to protect minorities and build an inclusive state for Syrians of all backgrounds and religions. But a series of events in the interim has sown distrust between the ruling authorities and some members of religious minority groups. Massacres committed in the Alawite-dominated coastal region in March, followed by clashes between government-affiliated forces and Druze militias in May, rocked some of the goodwill and faith the new authorities had built up. The Mar Elias Church attack is, of course, different in that it was perpetrated by an enemy of the new government. But it has still contributed to the doubt felt by some that the security situation in Syria can improve – particularly, although not exclusively, for minorities. And that uncertainty is even pushing some minorities to consider that they may have to abandon their homes in Syria and leave the country. For many observers, ultimately, the buck stops with the authorities. 'The government will be judged based on what they are doing and how they solve the [security] issue,' Jerome Drevon, the International Crisis Group's senior analyst on jihad and modern conflict, told Al Jazeera, 'including the issue of religious minorities and how they protect them'.The government has said that it was able to thwart two other planned attacks by the same cell that was behind the Mar Elias attack, one of which was going to target a Shia Muslim shrine in Damascus. ISIL has yet to claim the attack, but is reportedly making inroads in Syria. The group had controlled vast swathes of territory in Syria and Iraq as part of its self-declared 'caliphate' before a United States-led campaign defeated it in 2019, and forced its remnants to the peripheries. Drevon said that the group had been mostly present in Syria's eastern desert in recent years, until US air strikes and Syrian government expansion led them to push into cities. ISIL now acts less as a hierarchical organisation and more as a network of independent cells, Drevon said, making it difficult to fully eradicate it. 'There is to some extent a security vacuum because there are not enough forces to man the full country,' Drevon said. Still, there is also room for positivity. Drevon noted that the government has had some success quelling insurgents and, as collaboration with foreign governments improves, so too will its intelligence and ability to thwart local attacks. 'There are cases of violence, of course, but the level of violence is very far from what we expected six months ago,' Drevon said. 'Even Western countries can't fully prevent armed attacks.' Analysts say Syrian authorities have been focused not just on preventing attacks from groups like ISIL, but also on stopping domestic insurrections, much like the one along Syria's coast in March sparked by supporters of al-Assad, which then descended into sectarian killing and massacres. Additionally, the new authorities are trying to improve their intelligence capabilities and means of collaborating and receiving intelligence from foreign countries. Drevon said it was important for foreign governments to collaborate with the new administration on intelligence to confront what is likely to be a growing threat from ISIL in the coming months. But beyond the question of the state's capacity to fight radical groups is also the importance of amplifying the message that religious and ethnic minorities are equal citizens in Syria, said Robin Yassin-Kassab, a Syrian writer. The overthrow of al-Assad was popular among Syrians, and the months that have followed have allowed for a new narrative of unity to emerge in the country. But that can quickly go away – particularly if people do not feel that justice is being carried out for the victims of all crimes, including ones committed by those aligned with the state. After the violence on the coast and in heavily Druze-populated areas, al-Sharaa's government formed committees to investigate and assign responsibility for the violence and deaths. The new authorities have occasionally also arrested people accused of perpetrating or coordinating violence. But some Syrians still don't feel there is a transparent process or messaging in distributing justice clearly, fairly and equally. '[There is] no clear message that perpetrators will be arrested and punished for committing crimes and it doesn't matter which political group or what identity, sect or regime, you are affiliated with, you will be punished,' Yassin-Kassab told Al Jazeera. 'That's still not clear.'
LBCI
25-06-2025
- Politics
- LBCI
Terror returns? Damascus church bombing sparks Lebanese probe into ISIS ties
Report by Lara El Hachem, English adaptation by Karine Keuchkerian All signs — from Syria to Lebanon — suggest that terrorist cells remain active. In Damascus, a terrorist group bombed Saint Elias church. The Syrian government blamed ISIS for the attack, while a group calling itself Saraya Ansar al-Sunna claimed responsibility. In Beirut, the Lebanese army announced the arrest of one of ISIS' top commanders, Lebanese national R.F., known by the alias 'Qasoura.' Is there a connection between the church bombing in Syria and Qasoura's arrest? According to security sources, Qasoura had been under surveillance for months, and the army has never ceased its preemptive intelligence efforts to track and prevent sleeper cells from operating. While the Damascus bombing has not triggered any direct repercussions in Lebanon, sources consider it a warning sign — prompting continued security coordination between Lebanon and Syria. LBCI has learned that Lebanon has requested Syria to provide the identities of those arrested in connection with the recent church bombing. Authorities want to determine whether any are Lebanese, have criminal records in Lebanon, or are linked to extremist groups operating locally. They also raised the possibility of further joint security cooperation once the investigation concludes. Meanwhile, Lebanese-Syrian security meetings continue, especially following Prime Minister Nawaf Salam's recent talks in Syria. One primary objective of these meetings is to report any security breaches along the intertwined northern and eastern borders, where both countries share critical security interests. Lebanon's Army Commander, General Rodolph Haykal, visited Lebanese military positions in the Bekaa region two days ago to inspect ongoing efforts to maintain border control on the Lebanese side.
Al Jazeera
25-06-2025
- Politics
- Al Jazeera
Deadly church attack raises security fears for Syrians, minorities
Sunday's deadly attack on the Mar Elias Church in Damascus has shaken Syria, and particularly the country's Christians. The attack on Sunday killed at least 25 people, after a man with a rifle entered the church and shot at worshippers, before detonating a suicide bomb. It has raised questions about the ability of the new Syrian government to manage security in the country and protect its citizens, including those from minority groups. The Syrian Interior Ministry blamed ISIL (ISIS) for the attack, though another group called Saraya Ansar al-Sunna later claimed it. Government officials described the attack as an attempt to undermine their efforts to establish a state following the fall of longtime dictator Bashar al-Assad in December. 'Sedition is happening,' Hind Kabawat, Syria's Social and Labour Affairs minister, told Syria TV from a Damascus hospital, as she fought back tears. 'All Christians and Muslims and all Syrians need to be strong today. This is a big wound, and our pain is big.' Fears in Syria While the target of the attack was a church – the first of its kind against a Syrian church since the fall of the al-Assad regime – it serves as a reminder of the precarious security situation the country still finds itself in, affecting all Syrians, as the government attempts to provide stability. 'It's very dangerous,' Abu Hassan, a Damascus resident, told Al Jazeera by phone. He said that he was wary of more attacks taking place as part of an attempt to sow disunity between Syria's Christians and Muslims. '[The attacks] won't disappear,' he said. 'There will be more blood. May God protect this country.' The end of the al-Assad regime, following a more than 13-year war in which hundreds of thousands died, was welcomed by most Syrians. The al-Assad dynasty – Bashar had been preceded as president by his father Hafez – had effectively built one of the world's most brutal police states, with a vast network of competing security and intelligence branches that terrorised much of the local population. The man who has replaced Bashar al-Assad as president is Ahmed al-Sharaa. His own background – as a former member of al-Qaeda who led the now-disbanded Hayat Tahrir al-Sham in the latter years of the war – led many Syrians to express doubts and concerns over his rule of such a religiously and ethnically diverse state. Al-Sharaa has repeatedly promised to protect minorities and build an inclusive state for Syrians of all backgrounds and religions. But a series of events in the interim has sown distrust between the ruling authorities and some members of religious minority groups. Massacres committed in the Alawite-dominated coastal region in March, followed by clashes between government-affiliated forces and Druze militias in May, rocked some of the goodwill and faith the new authorities had built up. The Mar Elias Church attack is, of course, different in that it was perpetrated by an enemy of the new government. But it has still contributed to the doubt felt by some that the security situation in Syria can improve – particularly, although not exclusively, for minorities. And that uncertainty is even pushing some minorities to consider that they may have to abandon their homes in Syria and leave the country. For many observers, ultimately, the buck stops with the authorities. 'The government will be judged based on what they are doing and how they solve the [security] issue,' Jerome Drevon, the International Crisis Group's senior analyst on jihad and modern conflict, told Al Jazeera, 'including the issue of religious minorities and how they protect them'. Need for justice The government has said that it was able to thwart two other planned attacks by the same cell that was behind the Mar Elias attack, one of which was going to target a Shia Muslim shrine in Damascus. ISIL has yet to claim the attack, but is reportedly making inroads in Syria. The group had controlled vast swathes of territory in Syria and Iraq as part of its self-declared 'caliphate' before a United States-led campaign defeated it in 2019, and forced its remnants to the peripheries. Drevon said that the group had been mostly present in Syria's eastern desert in recent years, until US air strikes and Syrian government expansion led them to push into cities. ISIL now acts less as a hierarchical organisation and more as a network of independent cells, Drevon said, making it difficult to fully eradicate it. 'There is to some extent a security vacuum because there are not enough forces to man the full country,' Drevon said. Still, there is also room for positivity. Drevon noted that the government has had some success quelling insurgents and, as collaboration with foreign governments improves, so too will its intelligence and ability to thwart local attacks. 'There are cases of violence, of course, but the level of violence is very far from what we expected six months ago,' Drevon said. 'Even Western countries can't fully prevent armed attacks.' Analysts say Syrian authorities have been focused not just on preventing attacks from groups like ISIL, but also on stopping domestic insurrections, much like the one along Syria's coast in March sparked by supporters of al-Assad, which then descended into sectarian killing and massacres. Additionally, the new authorities are trying to improve their intelligence capabilities and means of collaborating and receiving intelligence from foreign countries. Drevon said it was important for foreign governments to collaborate with the new administration on intelligence to confront what is likely to be a growing threat from ISIL in the coming months. But beyond the question of the state's capacity to fight radical groups is also the importance of amplifying the message that religious and ethnic minorities are equal citizens in Syria, said Robin Yassin-Kassab, a Syrian writer. The overthrow of al-Assad was popular among Syrians, and the months that have followed have allowed for a new narrative of unity to emerge in the country. But that can quickly go away – particularly if people do not feel that justice is being carried out for the victims of all crimes, including ones committed by those aligned with the state. After the violence on the coast and in heavily Druze-populated areas, al-Sharaa's government formed committees to investigate and assign responsibility for the violence and deaths. The new authorities have occasionally also arrested people accused of perpetrating or coordinating violence. But some Syrians still don't feel there is a transparent process or messaging in distributing justice clearly, fairly and equally. '[There is] no clear message that perpetrators will be arrested and punished for committing crimes and it doesn't matter which political group or what identity, sect or regime, you are affiliated with, you will be punished,' Yassin-Kassab told Al Jazeera. 'That's still not clear.'
