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Indian Express
2 days ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
Kanwar yatra is not chaos. It is a radical act of equality and freedom
Written by Saahil Shokeen Every year during the month of Sawan, the roads of NCR and neighbouring states are flooded with a wave of Kanwariyas — mostly young men dressed in saffron, carrying intricately decorated kawads on their shoulders. The performance of this pilgrimage has undergone many transformations in recent years. Custom-made t-shirts with political iconographies, kawads decorated with images of socio-political leaders and flags, have made it a symbol of cultural and political identity. For a large section of urban observers, however, the yatra has come to mean traffic disruption, loud music and unruly behaviour. This reduces the essence of the kawad yatra. The surface-level understanding of the yatra as a public inconvenience ignores how the Kanwar yatra has emerged as a powerful platform for subaltern voices to assert themselves in the public sphere. What may appear as chaos to an observer is in fact a highly symbolic and creative performance by millions of participants for whom the yatra is a temporary respite from their everyday realities and a reimagination of the social order itself, where religion, identity, politics and aesthetics are reimagined. During the course of the yatra, 'Bhola', another name for lord Shiva, becomes the common term of salutation amongst the pilgrims instead of their actual names. The non-pilgrims en route also address the pilgrims using the same term. This simple linguistic gesture disrupts everyday identities such as caste, class and status for a limited duration. It is this liminality that showcases the radical potential of the yatra. Not only does it challenge everyday social norms, but also provides an arena for alternative social imaginations performed through language, symbols, gestures and attire. The kawad itself, which was once only a bamboo carrier for holy water, have morphed into elaborate structures decorated with photographs, the national flag, political images and iconographies. They have transformed into mobile canvases of symbolic expressions. It is not uncommon to see pilgrims wearing t-shirts with images of lord Shiva juxtaposed with images of political leaders. This is a conscious aesthetic choice that reflects a fusion of faith and political aspirations. The pilgrims often attach the tricolour on their kawads or wear attires that reflect a nationalist iconography. These displays express a desire for visibility, participation and inclusion in the nationalist imagination, especially by groups that otherwise often find themselves on the margins. Why then does the yatra create such discomfort in the Savarna imagination? One reason may be unease with the subaltern body asserting and occupying public spaces. This image of the young, male, working-class pilgrim performing religious devotion with such loud vigour is antithetical to the aesthetics of the sanitised upper-class imagination of religious ritual performance. This carnivalesque assertion in the otherwise restricted public sphere must instead be understood as free expression in its raw form. It offers a unique sense of shared joy and purpose for a limited time. The phenomenon of the Kanwar yatra needs to be understood with nuance and empathy. This spectacle may provoke annoyance and even fear in many of us, but dismissing it as a mere nuisance does injustice to its deeper social textures. We must be willing to listen to the yatri's performance and engage with the questions of what they are trying to say with their kawads, their bodies and their attire. If we keep avoiding engagement with these questions, we will keep missing the potential of this unique ritual performance. The writer is a researcher, Dr B R Ambedkar University, Delhi
The Hindu
04-07-2025
- Business
- The Hindu
Cultural appropriation isn't just colonial, it's casteist
When Italian luxury house Prada recently unveiled its version of the Kolhapuri chappal, Indian social media was quick to react. Accusations of cultural appropriation and erasure followed, accompanied by demands for proper attribution and a wider call to 'decolonise fashion'. But what if the cultural erasure didn't start with Prada, or with the West? What if the deeper, older story is not just about colonial appropriation, but about caste-based appropriation from within? Beneath the Indian diaspora's outrage lies a deeper, more uncomfortable truth: the issue isn't just about what is being borrowed, but who gets to borrow and who doesn't. The Kolhapuri controversy exposes not only colonial legacies but also the casteist dynamics embedded within India's cultural economy. Not just Indian, but Dalit in origin Originating in Maharashtra's Kolhapur region and its neighbouring districts, the Kolhapuri chappal is known for its durability and distinct structure. What is less commonly discussed is who makes them. Historical accounts of Kolhapuri craftsmanship often mention specific sub-castes such as the Chamar, Dhor, and Matang: scheduled caste communities historically assigned the task of leatherwork, a practice stigmatised due to its contact with animal hides. These artisans, often from marginalised backgrounds, tan, dye, and stitch the leather by hand, creating a product celebrated for its durability and aesthetic. Yet, mainstream narratives often generalise Kolhapuris as a 'Maharashtrian' or 'Indian' craft, erasing the caste-specific labour behind them. Appropriation marketed as 'revival' Within India, cultural appropriation often wears the mask of reverence. Many Indian artforms, textiles, jewellery, and crafts originate from Dalit-Adivasi aesthetics, labour, and design but commercialised by upper caste (Savarna) owned businesses. When a luxury Indian label collaborates with artisans, it is seen as uplifting tradition. But these collaborations rarely involve co-authorship or equity. Artisans are paid per piece. Designs are owned by the brand. The origin story is softened into a marketing stunt. While artisans toil for minimal wages, the profits and prestige accrue to brands. Artisans, often from marginalised social backgrounds, form the backbone of India's handicraft sector but lack control over branding or distribution. Savarna designers and brands act as gatekeepers, curating and profiting from these crafts while framing their role as 'saviours of craft'. Who owns the means of design? Indian fashion runways feature designers predominantly from Savarna castes. The narratives in Indian fashion are largely shaped by editorials run by upper-caste surnames. The leadership roles in the Indian fashion and textile sector are disproportionately represented by upper castes. Meanwhile, Bahujans remain largely invisible in decision-making roles, often limited to labour roles. Their labour, when filtered through a Savarna designer's lens, becomes 'art.' When done independently, it remains 'ethnic' or 'rural.' Many traditional artisans lack access to formal design education, capital investment, or English-language fluency. Such barriers make it difficult for Bahujans to participate in the elite circuits of fashion. Bahujans are often reduced to tokenistic roles: a one season's showstopper or a lookbook model, to signal performative inclusivity without ceding power. Bahujans are rarely seen in leadership roles, such as creative directors or brand owners, yet their identity is exploited in marketing campaigns that romanticise their poverty and struggles as 'hardwork' or 'heritage.' This tokenism commodifies Bahujan struggle while denying them agency, perpetuating a cycle where their labour is celebrated, but their voices are silenced. The diaspora and the blind spot The Indian diaspora's calls to decolonise fashion often overlook these internal caste hierarchies. This blind spot is telling. National pride tends to eclipse caste critique. In calling out foreign appropriation, many forget to examine who within India controls narrative, capital, and authorship. The act is the same. The reaction shifts from outrage to celebration depending on who borrows and who gets to author the narrative. What cultural equity actually requires The question isn't whether Kolhapuris or any Indian craft should evolve. They must. But the more urgent question is: who gets to decide how they evolve? Who profits? Who gets cited in design schools and magazines, and who remains a footnote? True cultural equity is about fair wages, credit, representation in leadership roles and platforms for co-authorship in design and storytelling which rebalance historic exclusion. The Prada-Kolhapuri controversy is more than a clash over sandals; it's a mirror reflecting how global and local systems both flatten the histories of marginalised makers while uplifting those with socio-economic capital. Within the Indian fashion ecosystem, the intersections of caste and class dictate who gets to be the 'designer' and who remains the uncredited, underpaid and exploited 'artisan.' Until credit, compensation, and representation are equitably shared, cultural appropriation — whether by Prada or privileged Indian elites — will remain a form of theft, rooted in both colonial and casteist legacies. The writer is a Chennai based fashion designer, artist and educator
Indian Express
02-07-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
BJP looks to complete organisational polls in key states like UP, Karnataka, even as it speeds up delayed party elections
Amid a flurry of unopposed elections of state presidents over the last three days that made the party complete half the state presidential elections, technically clearing the decks for the election of the national president, the BJP is yet to complete the organisational elections in key states like Gujarat, Uttar Pradesh and Karnataka. Even as there are expectations that the election of the new BJP chief may be round the corner, a highly-placed source in the party said that these states being important, the party would want to first wind up presidential elections in these, before announcing the national president — something that may take some time. The announcement of the new BJP president to replace JP Nadda has now seen one full year of delay after the end of the extension till June 2024 that the national executive of the party had given him in January 2023 in view of the Lok Sabha polls. In Uttar Pradesh, while more than half the zilla elections have long been completed – the magic number required for the state chief to be appointed – party leaders say 'sab thanda padaa hai (things aren't moving till now).' A key source in the UP BJP said that with the sudden flurry of appointments of party presidents, there is rising expectation that UP may also have a party chief soon. 'There is still speculation as to what formula the party will adopt for UP – a Dalit, OBC or Savarna president, and which caste even among these categories. The face for the party chief will depend on that,' a BJP leader in UP said. In Karnataka, too, things have been stuck long after half the zilla elections were completed. In the state, the BJP was also embarrassed by constant tirades of Basangouda Patil Yatnal against state BJP chief BY Vijayendra, son of former Chief Minister and Lingayat strongman BS Yeddyurappa, and had to expel Yatna from the party late in March 2025. Meanwhile, the back-to-back announcements of state unit presidents by the BJP on Tuesday and Wednesday, with more expected this week, set party circles abuzz about the possibility of the organisational elections being complete soon. After the party announced the names of Dr. Beicchua and VP Ramalingam as the respective presidents of its Mizoram and Puducherry units, PVN Madhav replaced D. Purandeshwari as the Andhra Pradesh BJP chief while N Ramchander Rao took over from Union Minister G Kishan Reddy in Telangana. Mahendra Bhatt retained the party's reins in Uttarakhand and Dr. Rajiv Bindal in Himachal Pradesh even as the party was likely to announce the presidents of Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Chandigarh, Arunachal Pradesh. The process to elect party chiefs in West Bengal and Tripura among other units is also underway. Adding to the tally of the state presidents to be appointed further, working party chief Ravindra Chavan was appointed president of the party's Maharashtra unit while Anil Tiwari was appointed the chief of the BJP's Andaman and Nicobar unit. On Wednesday, the party's state units in Madhya Pradesh and Ladakh got their respective presidents with Betul legislator Hemant Khandelwal taking over from VD Sharma and Phunchok Tanzin being replaced by Tashi Gyalson Kachu. 'Organisational polls in more states are likely to conclude on or by July 4 in light of the auspiciousness of the period as per the Hindu calendar; we expect the entire organisational overhaul of the party to be complete within the month of Sawan till early August,' a party source said. 'All the state presidents appointed so far bear the stamp of the senior BJP leadership; it appears that the party is still yet to reach consensus with the RSS as far as the appointments of presidents of crucial states such as UP, Gujarat and Karnataka are concerned,' another source said. As per the BJP's constitution, organisational elections proceed bottom-up. When half the booth-level presidents have been elected, the Mandal elections begin. With half the Mandal presidents appointed, the party starts the zilla elections, and when half the zilla presidents are announced, the party appoints the state president. The BJP national president is elected after half the state presidents have been appointed. With the BJP having 37 state units in India, the magic number is therefore 19 — a number the party has already achieved. While the BJP constitution provides for election at every level, the national president and even the state presidents are conventionally elected unopposed, with only one person filing the nomination.
New Indian Express
01-07-2025
- Entertainment
- New Indian Express
Revival of counter-tradition challenges dominant ideas in Tamil theatre
'Sabha plays' have occupied the center stage of mainstream theatre spaces for long, sidelining alternative productions. 'Sabhas' refer to Brahmanical theatre spaces that promote plays portraying stories—sanitised and reduced to stereotypes—to appease a homogenous Brahmanical audience. Though Sabha plays are famously known for their moving depiction of Hindu-centric devotional themes, they sometimes draw upon contemporary life too. However, these slice-of-life productions merely reinforce Brahmanical values for an unquestioning audience, often promoting conservative ideals and patriarchal structures within the household. The one-dimensional approach to theatre comforts the audience; neither the producers nor the audience choose to confront the harsh realities that exist beyond these exclusive and elite Savarna theatre spaces. Such a situation has slowly started to shift, as mainstream theatre spaces have begun shedding their dependency on Sabha plays. This change can be attributed to a recent revival of a counter-tradition that not only challenges dominant ideas but also navigates through physical space in ways unimagined by mainstream theatre. By combining traditional form with modern sensibilities, a new genre of alternative theatre has emerged in Tamil Nadu. However, the existing monopoly of Savarna theatre in the mainstream has significantly shaped the growth of alternative theatre. With wealthy patrons and powerful connections in place, Savarna producers can mobilise resources for high-budget performances at exclusive stages, reinforcing their hold on mainstream theatre. As such, theatrical spaces are difficult to democratise.
Indian Express
24-06-2025
- Business
- Indian Express
Corporate India has a caste problem. And it is time to talk about it
On June 23, the Indian aviation industry was again in the news, however, for all the wrong reasons. Reports started coming in of an IndiGo pilot trainee alleging caste based discrimination by his bosses. An FIR has been filed, and a police investigation is underway. Meanwhile, IndiGo has strongly refuted such claims, saying it stands for 'zero-tolerance policy towards any form of discrimination'. The investigation will take its own course, but it opens the avenue to talk about a much larger issue: Corporate India's caste problem. Post the 1990s, when the private sector started to expand immensely owing to policy changes, it was primarily the Savarna entrepreneurs who benefited greatly. Among them, the rise of Bania capital within India Inc has been mapped extensively. However, this has been perceived as an organic development, born out of inherent merit, developed in some sort of 'casteless vacuum'. However, the material realities of labour and capital are intrinsically caste-coded. The overrepresentation of communities in some sectors of the economy is directly and (often) proportionally related to the absence of other communities in the same. Babasaheb Ambedkar had analysed caste as not just a system of division of labour, but rather a division of labourers. Within corporate India, this division and categorisation of labourers is starkly visible. In the last decade or so, even as corporate culture internationally veered towards 'Diversity, Equity, Inclusion', also known as DEI practices, India Inc has remained caste-blind. Not just within corporate structures and the industry, but even within allied ecosystems — from B-schools to market commentators, journalists, and podcasters — there has been no serious or critical conversation on caste as a key variable in business management and planning. This is very surprising because most of the real economy is based on kinship networks and 'contacts' which often overlap with political funding and are ultimately mediated through caste connections. In the absence of any meaningful discourse on these intersections, the corporate understanding of Indian market realities remains stunted, myopic and unsuited for Indian needs, as it frequently over-fixates on some socio-cultural segments while invisibilising large swathes. India's commerce minister, Piyush Goyal's recent comments on the lopsided nature of startup/business priorities of corporate India also seem to suggest the same. The minister's comments stirred up a debate. Most business leaders responded with a litany of complaints against the government itself and lamented the business challenges they faced. While there is certainly a lot of validity in their collective grievance, very few actually acknowledged that there was a 'priority gap'. Fewer still tried to analyse why the 'gaze' of India Inc remains limited only to a very small range of business models, often urban-situated and catering usually to high-net-worth individuals. Even as every B-school teaches its MBAs to 'think outside the box' and all industry captains talk ad nauseum about innovation — it seems that in the last 30 years no one has realistically found a way to innovatively create value for large sections of Indian masses outside those wealthy urban enclaves (almost always populated by other wealthy Savarnas like themselves). It may well be because of the lack of diversity in their leadership, in the one-dimensional, non-diverse pedagogy (in spaces of training) that celebrates itself as ground-breaking and inventive. India Inc, despite three decades of neoliberalisation, remains a social formation that is run by Savarnas, for other Savarnas and trained by Savarnas. This total ubiquity of Savarna-ness renders corporate culture in its own shape, where the omnipresent becomes the invisible. As per David Foster Wallace's allegory about the fish swimming in water does not 'see' the water, the caste stratified codes of corporate India become invisible to Savarnas within it. But almost immediately, it manifests to folks who come from different socio-cultural realities, often in hostile and contradictory ways. So much so that for many marginalised people, to survive and move ahead in India Inc, they have to internalise and validate Savarna idioms of business success. Whether it is the casteist ad campaign run by Zomato, Narayan Murthy's work-life balance ideas or Swiggy's decision for veg-only fleets (rescinded upon backlash) — that is how you emerge with statements or decisions. And on occasion, where friction within teams emerges, inherent, embedded caste prejudices come to the fore in ways that are traumatic for caste-marginalised people but may seem totally normal or par-for-the-course to other Savarnas. It remains to be seen whether this is the case in the aforementioned IndiGo matter. Irrespective of how the matter unfolds, these types of flashpoints remain an unspoken reality for the minority caste-marginalised professionals working in top positions. In most cases, one stays silent and compliant, and internalises the bias as the structure itself is coded in the vocabulary of the dominant caste. At a time when a strong online campaign is emerging against caste-based reservation among educated, elite Savarnas, it is perhaps time for India Inc to reflect upon itself and give shape to the unfulfilled promise of diversity and consider reservations in the private sector as an innovative, bold and progressive step in bridging market reforms, nation-building mandates as well as dignity to all working professionals. The writer is Associate Dean at Woxsen University, Hyderabad. His latest book is Meet the Savarnas: Indian Millennials Whose Mediocrity Broke Everything
