Latest news with #SchoolofInternationalStudies
Hindustan Times
9 hours ago
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
‘China, Pak gaining influence in B'desh'
New Delhi Foreign policy experts have warned the parliamentary committee on external affairs against the increasing strategic foothold of China and, to some extent, Pakistan in Bangladesh under the interim government led by Chief Advisor Mohammad Yunus, people familiar with the matter said on Friday. The experts added that media hype is adding to the adversities. 'China, Pak gaining influence in B'desh' Former foreign secretary Shiv Shankar Menon, dean of JNU's School of International Studies Amitabh Mattoo and former Indian High Commissioner to Dhaka Riva Ganguly Das, along with retired Lt. General Syed Ata Hasnain, briefed the members of the panel, led by Congress lawmaker Shashi Tharoor, during a meeting on the 'Future of India-Bangladesh Relationship' on Friday. Tharoor later said, 'Four first-class experts gave us great insights... You will see our report in the next few weeks... We didn't discuss (the issue of Bangladeshis living in India). But we were told about a figure that the number of Bangladeshis coming to our country has lessened now.' According to functionaries, some experts expressed concern over how China and Pakistan are making inroads in Bangladesh since the students' revolt led to the ouster of former premier Sheikh Hasina in August 2024. India-Bangladesh relations have been in free fall since the caretaker government led by Yunus assumed office after Hasina was ousted. The two sides have repeatedly clashed over Dhaka's handling of the repression of Bangladesh's Hindus, with New Delhi calling for steps to protect the minority. In April this year, Prime Minister Narendra Modi met Yunus on the sidelines of the Bimstec summit in Thailand. 'I reiterated India's support for peace, stability, inclusivity and democracy in Bangladesh. Discussed measures to prevent illegal border crossings and expressed our serious concern for the safety and well-being of Hindus and other minorities,' Modi later said in a post on X. On Friday, the experts told the panel that the influx of illegal Bangladeshis in India has reduced drastically, even as a section of the media has made it a major issue. The experts also felt that the media hype also remains a major issue in restoring India-Bangladesh ties. According to people familiar with the matter, BJP MP Kiran Choudhry,recalled India's role in liberating Bangladesh, noting that her father Brigadier Atma Singh of 17 Kumaon Regiment had played a heroic role in the 1971 war and had suffered bullet injuries. Singh was called the 'founding father' of the regiment and his unit battle honours. Another MP asked if South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation could be revived to counter China's attempts to grow its influence in the region, and also floated the idea of exchange of journalists to boost people-to-people engagement with Bangladesh. As New Delhi and Dhaka are set to meet in the coming months to renew the Ganga water treaty, experts also discussed the geostrategic situation and the importance of data sharing for Ganga and Teesta.
India Gazette
5 days ago
- Business
- India Gazette
"India will have to navigate very cautiously": JNU Academician weighs in on Israel-Iran conflict
New Delhi [India], June 23 (ANI): As tensions escalate between Israel and Iran following US airstrikes on Iranian nuclear facilities, India's approach to the conflict has come under scrutiny. Professor Aswini Kumar Mohapatra, former Dean of the School of International Studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University, shared his insights on how India can navigate this complex situation. Speaking to ANI, Professor Aswini Kumar Mohapatra emphasised that India must proceed cautiously, avoiding hasty decisions while maintaining a balanced foreign policy. He suggested that India can play a role by encouraging Israel and Iran to engage in dialogue, promoting a negotiated settlement. 'We have to wait and watch and wait for some time, and subsequently, at the appropriate international forum, India has to make its position quite clear towards a peaceful settlement, more towards international efforts being focused on establishing a semblance of peace and stability in the region,' Mohapatra told ANI. He noted that these actions benefit India, as we have big plans, such as the India-Middle East Economic Corridor, and productive economic relations. The IMEC faces risks from the conflict, which threatens its progress and impacts bilateral trade and regional economic dynamics. Furthermore, shipping disruptions in the Red Sea and surrounding waters could cause delays, higher shipping costs, and instability in global trade routes. He underscored, 'Rather than being entangled in the regional can look forward to some kind of semblance of peace and stability in the region' to contain the conflicts in the region and prevent their explosion or expansion.' The conflict could challenge global oil markets, impacting India's energy security. Mohapatra suggested that these challenges are possible but will depend on how the situation unfolds. Since the war began on June 13, global Brent crude prices have risen by around 11 per cent, from levels of $67.34 per barrel on June 12 to around $74.6 per barrel on Tuesday. This is a significant spike, and several global financial firms are projecting that oil could cross $100 per barrel in case the crisis continues and worsens. On being asked whether India can be a mediator in the Israel-Iran conflict, Professor Mohapatra told ANI that it is possible; however, India may not act alone as a mediator but also be joined by other neutral partners such as the European Union for mediation. The Israel-Iran conflict triggered serious concern among major stakeholders in the region, including India. For India, which imports nearly 2 million barrels of oil daily through the crucial Strait of Hormuz, any instability would mean supply shortages, spiralling energy costs, rising inflation, and constraints on economic growth. India is highly vulnerable to global oil price volatility; a sustained surge from regional conflict could trigger higher inflation, strain the fiscal balance, slow economic growth, and shift investor sentiment towards bonds and gold, as reflected in weaker Sensex and Nifty openings. India's key connectivity projects, such as the Chabahar port in Iran, which links it to Afghanistan and Central Asia, could be affected by regional turmoil and International North South Transport Corridor, which Russia, India, and Iran initiated, is a multi-modal transportation project linking the Indian Ocean and Persian Gulf to the Caspian Sea via Iran, and onward to northern Europe via St Petersburg in Russia. This corridor aims to reduce transit times to about 25 days -- 20 days fewer than the Suez Canal route -- and cut freight costs by 30 per cent. The INSTC envisages the movement of goods from Mumbai to Bandar Abbas in Iran by sea; from Bandar Abbas to Bandar-e-Anzali, an Iranian port on the Caspian Sea, by road; from Bandar-e-Anzali to Astrakhan, a Caspian port in the Russian Federation by ship across the Caspian Sea; and onward to other parts of the Russian Federation and Europe by rail. India has built robust relations with Israel, especially in defence, technology, and innovation areas. However, as tensions escalate, India could find itself challenged, facing pressure to take sides -- an outcome it would prefer to avoid. A worsening Israel-Iran conflict risks disrupting India's delicate diplomatic balance, which it has effectively maintained over the past decade with Israel, Iran, and the Gulf Arab nations. Indian Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal on Friday urged both Israel and Iran 'to avoid any escalatory steps,' saying India has 'close and friendly' relations with the two nations. Bringing to attention how the US President, despite giving a 2 week window, saw the launch of aerial strikes on Iranian nuclear sites in two days' time, Mohapatra said, 'Let's wait for the things to cool down and then I see the prospect of India's involvement along with other countries, because India's mediation will be acceptable to both the parties, Israel as well as Iran.' Mohapatra noted that while India could act as a mediator, it might be more effective to do so alongside neutral partners like the European Union and proposed that India could work with other countries or groups, such as BRICS, the UN Security Council, or the US, China, and Russia, to facilitate a peaceful resolution. 'It could be the involvement of BRICS, European countries, the United Nations Security Council, or the leading countries in the world- China, Russia, India, together, all kinds of formations. I see that it does exist in the realm of possibilities.' His remarks came against the backdrop of the US launching an attack on three Nuclear sites in Iran. US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth confirmed the success of the operation launched by the US in Iran on Sunday. Operation Midnight Hammer targeted three key nuclear sites in Fordow, Natanz, and Isfahan in Iran. (ANI)
India Gazette
5 days ago
- Business
- India Gazette
"India will have to navigate very cautiously": Ex JNU Academician weighs in on Israel-Iran conflict
New Delhi [India], June 23 (ANI): As tensions escalate between Israel and Iran following US airstrikes on Iranian nuclear facilities, India's approach to the conflict has come under scrutiny. Professor Aswini Kumar Mohapatra, former Dean of the School of International Studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University, shared his insights on how India can navigate this complex situation. Speaking to ANI, Professor Aswini Kumar Mohapatra emphasised that India must proceed cautiously, avoiding hasty decisions while maintaining a balanced foreign policy. He suggested that India can play a role by encouraging Israel and Iran to engage in dialogue, promoting a negotiated settlement. 'We have to wait and watch and wait for some time, and subsequently, at the appropriate international forum, India has to make its position quite clear towards a peaceful settlement, more towards international efforts being focused on establishing a semblance of peace and stability in the region,' Mohapatra told ANI. He noted that these actions benefit India, as we have big plans, such as the India-Middle East Economic Corridor, and productive economic relations. The IMEC faces risks from the conflict, which threatens its progress and impacts bilateral trade and regional economic dynamics. Furthermore, shipping disruptions in the Red Sea and surrounding waters could cause delays, higher shipping costs, and instability in global trade routes. He underscored, 'Rather than being entangled in the regional can look forward to some kind of semblance of peace and stability in the region' to contain the conflicts in the region and prevent their explosion or expansion.' The conflict could challenge global oil markets, impacting India's energy security. Mohapatra suggested that these challenges are possible but will depend on how the situation unfolds. Since the war began on June 13, global Brent crude prices have risen by around 11 per cent -- from levels of $67.34 per barrel on June 12 to around $74.6 per barrel on Tuesday. This is a significant spike -- and several global financial firms are projecting that oil could cross $100 per barrel in case the crisis continues and worsens. On being asked whether India can be a mediator in the Israel-Iran conflict, Professor Mohapatra told ANI that it is possible; however, India may not act alone as a mediator but also be joined by other neutral partners such as the European Union for mediation. The Israel-Iran conflict triggered serious concern among major stakeholders in the region, including India. For India, which imports nearly 2 million barrels of oil daily through the crucial Strait of Hormuz, any instability would mean supply shortages, spiraling energy costs, rising inflation, and constraints on economic growth. India is highly vulnerable to global oil price volatility; a sustained surge from regional conflict could trigger higher inflation, strain the fiscal balance, slow economic growth, and shift investor sentiment towards bonds and gold, as reflected in weaker Sensex and Nifty openings. India's key connectivity projects, such as the Chabahar port in Iran, which links it to Afghanistan and Central Asia, could be affected by regional turmoil and International North South Transport Corridor, which Russia, India, and Iran initiated, is a multi-modal transportation project linking the Indian Ocean and Persian Gulf to the Caspian Sea via Iran, and onward to northern Europe via St Petersburg in Russia. This corridor aims to reduce transit times to about 25 days -- 20 days fewer than the Suez Canal route -- and cut freight costs by 30 per cent. The INSTC envisages the movement of goods from Mumbai to Bandar Abbas in Iran by sea; from Bandar Abbas to Bandar-e-Anzali, an Iranian port on the Caspian Sea, by road; from Bandar-e-Anzali to Astrakhan, a Caspian port in the Russian Federation by ship across the Caspian Sea; and onward to other parts of the Russian Federation and Europe by rail. India has built robust relations with Israel, especially in defence, technology, and innovation areas. However, as tensions escalate, India could find itself challenged, facing pressure to take sides -- an outcome it would prefer to avoid. A worsening Israel-Iran conflict risks disrupting India's delicate diplomatic balance, which it has effectively maintained over the past decade with Israel, Iran, and the Gulf Arab nations. Indian Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal on Friday urged both Israel and Iran 'to avoid any escalatory steps,' saying India has 'close and friendly' relations with the two nations. Bringing to attention how the US President, despite giving a 2 week window, saw the launch of aerial strikes on Iranian nuclear sites in two days' time, Mohapatra said, 'Let's wait for the things to cool down and then I see the prospect of India's involvement along with other countries, because India's mediation will be acceptable to both the parties, Israel as well as Iran.' Mohapatra noted that while India could act as a mediator, it might be more effective to do so alongside neutral partners like the European Union and proposed that India could work with other countries or groups, such as BRICS, the UN Security Council, or the US, China, and Russia, to facilitate a peaceful resolution. 'It could be the involvement of BRICS, European countries, the United Nations Security Council, or the leading countries in the world- China, Russia, India, together, all kinds of formations. I see that it does exist in the realm of possibilities.' His remarks came against the backdrop of the US launching an attack on three Nuclear sites in Iran. US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth confirmed the success of the operation launched by the US in Iran on Sunday. Operation Midnight Hammer targeted three key nuclear sites in Fordow, Natanz, and Isfahan in Iran. (ANI)
&w=3840&q=100)
First Post
6 days ago
- Politics
- First Post
As US joins Israel's war against Iran, is Ayatollah's time coming to end?
As the United States has joined Israel's war against Iran, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei is facing an existential crisis to his regime. In a far cry from the goal of destroying Israel and exporting the Islamic Revolution globally, he now has no good options to even keep his regime afloat. read more 'We shall export our revolution to the whole world. Until the cry 'there is no God but Allah' resounds over the whole world, there will be struggle,' Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the founder of the Islamic Republic of Iran, swore in 1970s. In 1979, Khomeini put Iran on the path to destroy Israel and export the Islamic Revolution to the world. In 2025, his successor, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, has his back to the wall and is staring at the potential collapse of his regime. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD While Israel had already degraded the Iranian power to the extent that nearly all air defences had been taken out, the military brass had been wiped out, and many missile launchers and weapon storage sites had been destroyed, US airstrikes on Saturday struck a blow to Khamenei's ultimate leverage of the nuclear programme. The Islamic Republic is currently at its weakest point and Supreme Leader Khamenei does not have many options as the war is now not just with Israel but with the United States and the fear of the collapse of regime change is very real, says Alvite Ningthoujam, a scholar of West Asia at the School of International Studies (SIS), Symbiosis International University (SIU), Pune. For decades, Iran did not draw power just from its military and intelligence apparatus, which was second in the region only to that of Israel, but also from the 'Axis of Resistance' it sponsored — the bloc comprised groups like Hamas, Hezbollah, and Houthis. The bloc stands battered and is in no position to help Iran. For Israel, 'Operation Rising Lion' that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu launched last week was not a new war but merely the latest episode in the war that the Islamic Republic began in 1979, so the current state of the regime, whether it's the degradation of proxies or strikes on its nuclear sites, is the result of its policies going back to the foundation of the regime, says Daphne Richemond Barak, a professor of international relations at the Lauder School of Government, Diplomacy and Strategy at Israel's Reichman University. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Khamenei faces regime change fears as Trump & Netanyahu join hands In a far cry from 1989 when Khamenei took over as the Supreme Leader of Iran and assumed the responsibility of destroying Israel, exporting the Islamic Revolution globally, and weakening the West, his sole responsibility has now been reduced to ensuring the survival of the regime. Netanyahu, on the other hand, is hell-bent on toppling Ayatollah Khamenei's regime and it remains to be seen if President Trump will support that objective as well, says Ningthoujam, the Deputy Director at SIS, Pune. Regime change is, however, easier said than done. Unlike Iraq or Afghanistan, there is no indication that Israel or the United States are about to launch a ground offensive. Unlike Syria, there are no opposition forces whom they may support militarily and financially against the regime. 'Even as Supreme Leader Khamenei appears to be secure from immediate regime change, the threat is there and he is under unprecedented pressure, and it is under such pressure that he takes major actions. The future of the regime may rest on whether he now decides to fight to the end, develop a nuclear weapon, or make a deal to live to fight another day,' says Ningthoujam. ALSO READ: As Netanyahu dares Khamenei, here's timeline of Israel-Iran conflict STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The fate of Khamenei's regime may rest on how the external pressure affects internal faultlines in Iran. It is no secret that Iranians despise the conservative, dictatorial regime — as was seen in 2022-23 when millions took to the streets in the monthslong uprising after the regime's morality police murdered a young woman for purportedly not following the hijab law. However, the external pressure can work both ways. While many accounts suggest that Iranians in and out of the country are quietly cheering at the weakening of the regime, some suggest that there is a brewing rallying around the flag effect as many Iranians interpret the Israeli offensive as not one directed at the regime but at the country. The regime change in Iran may not be the same as Iraq or Afghanistan where an invading force overthrew the ruler or like Syria where armed groups opposed to the regime overthrew it, but could be much more subtle, suggests Ningthoujam. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD 'If the Supreme Leader is assassinated along with the remaining leaders of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC), there would be a leadership vacuum. The rise of a new crop of leaders would amount to a regime change. Even if the Supreme Leader remains but the regime is weakened and public anger against extremists swells, the moderates may come to power and give the country a new direction. That would be as good as regime change,' says Ningthoujam. Khamenei has no good options With his back to the wall, Khamenei has no good options. Whether Khamenei makes a deal and surrenders the nuclear programme to ensure the regime's survival or puts up a fight, the chances are that he would emerge as a loser both internally and externally. If Khamenei gives up nuclear enrichment as the international community has demanded, he would give up his final leverage and risk meeting the same fate as Libyan dictator Muammar Gaddafi, who gave up the weapons of mass destruction (WMD) programme in 2003 in a deal with the United States and United Kingdom and was still ousted in Western military intervention in 2011. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD If Khamenei keeps his nuclear programme, he would risk plunging his country deeper into the conflict. Neither Netanyahu nor Trump would have any issue from bombarding Iran until it becomes a wasteland like the Gaza Strip. ALSO READ: Inside Netanyahu's campaign to destroy Iran's bunker nuclear sites Either way, Supreme Leader Khamenei would be at the risk of losing his legitimacy and that of the Islamic Republic and the Islamic Revolution, says Ningthoujam. For Israel, however, Khamenei's choice may not matter — at least for now. Even though Prime Minister Netanyahu set the destruction of Iranian nuclear capabilities and the collapse of the Iranian regime as principal objectives, the main idea behind the offensive was the degradation of the Iranian regime and that has been achieved, says Prof. Barak, the international relations scholar at Israel's Reichman University. Critics of the US and Israeli actions have said that strikes on the Iranian nuclear programme would leave Khamenei with no choice but to make a nuclear weapon to restore deterrence as conventional deterrence stands eroded. Barak does not agree. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Barak says, 'The attacks have degraded the Iranian ability to make nuclear weapons. Even if the knowledge continues to exist, the means no longer exist whether it is a strong regime at home or proxies abroad. There were four broad outcomes with Operation Rising Lion and at least three of them are about to be realised.' Barak lists the four outcomes expected from the Operation Rising Lion at the onset: the United States entering the war on Israel's sides and attacking Iran's underground nuclear sites as that capability did not exist with Israel; Israeli strikes in the absence of direct US involvement setting back the Iranian nuclear programme by many years, making its revival next to impossible; Israeli strikes and possible US participation pushing Iran into making a deal favourable to Israel; and the chaos inside Iran from the war leading to an uprising against the regime. While the first two potential outcomes have been achieved and the third may still be achieved as Trump has pitched the strikes as a way to bring Iran to the negotiating table. The fourth potential outcome depends on how the situation evolves. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD 'Until now, it was a proxy war. Now, Israel has gone for the head of the octopus — Iran is an octopus and not a snake. If you cut a tentacle, like Hezbollah or Hamas, it would regrow. Therefore, Israel has now struck the head of the octopus in Iran. The international community may be concerned about chaos at the fall of the regime in Iran, but Israel is not. Israel has been in an existential war with Iran since 1979,' says Barak.
New Straits Times
18-06-2025
- Politics
- New Straits Times
Expert: Malaysia must balance law and humanity in Rohingya refugee crisis
KUALA LUMPUR: Malaysia must urgently strike a balance between its domestic immigration policies and international humanitarian obligations in addressing the plight of Myanmar refugees, analysts say. Universiti Utara Malaysia's School of International Studies (Academic and International) deputy dean Dr Shazwanis Shukri said that while deporting the Rohingya — who make up the majority of Myanmar refugees in Malaysia — was not a viable option, the existing policy vacuum remained deeply concerning. She said that refugees continued to be treated as undocumented migrants, leaving thousands in legal limbo and vulnerable to exploitation, detention, and abuse. "The reality is that Malaysia has not ratified the 1951 Refugee Convention, and therefore does not formally recognise refugees within its legal framework. "However, under customary international law, we are bound by the principle of non-refoulement — meaning we cannot return them to a country where they face persecution," she told the New Straits Times. Shazwanis said one practical approach would be to strengthen cooperation with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to register Rohingya asylum seekers and issue identification cards that provide limited protection from arrest or deportation. However, she said that this informal arrangement had clear limitations, leaving many in prolonged uncertainty without access to legal employment, public education, or government healthcare services. To address these gaps, she proposed the introduction of a temporary protection framework tailored for the Rohingya community, recognising their unique status as stateless individuals and victims of systematic ethnic persecution. "This could include temporary residency rights, legal access to employment in specific sectors, and minimal access to essential services such as healthcare and education — ideally in partnership with NGOs and UN agencies," she said. Without such measures, Shazwanis said, Malaysia risked a cascade of humanitarian, legal, diplomatic, and security challenges. Legally, the government's current stance also contradicts its commitments under international conventions it has ratified, including the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). "There is also a growing security dimension to consider. Leaving a large population in limbo, with no legal status or livelihood options, creates opportunities for human trafficking, forced labour, and even recruitment into extremist networks," she added. She also urged a more active regional response through Asean, highlighting the absence of a formal refugee framework within the bloc. Meanwhile, Nusantara Academy for Strategic Research senior fellow Dr Azmi Hassan said Malaysia should refrain from deporting Myanmar refugees, regardless of whether they are officially recognised by the UNHCR. "This is not about interfering in Myanmar's domestic affairs — it is a humanitarian matter. Deporting them now, under the current regime, risks exposing them to political persecution," he said. Azmi added that Malaysia had long accommodated not only Myanmar refugees but also undocumented migrants from other parts of the region, including Indonesia, despite lacking a formal refugee policy. As Asean chair this year, he said Malaysia had a chance to demonstrate leadership through compassion. "We must lead by example and show that we are capable of hosting the Rohingya, even if the Myanmar junta disapproves. "Until Myanmar returns to civilian rule and upholds the Asean Five-Point Consensus, we must prioritise humanitarian values." On June 16, Myanmar refugees in Malaysia
