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Hitler-like rule: JDS says Siddaramaiah's public rebuke made officer seek retirement
Hitler-like rule: JDS says Siddaramaiah's public rebuke made officer seek retirement

India Today

time02-07-2025

  • Politics
  • India Today

Hitler-like rule: JDS says Siddaramaiah's public rebuke made officer seek retirement

The Janata Dal (Secular) has claimed that police officers in Karnataka are 'fed up' with Chief Minister Siddaramaiah's "Hitler-like rule" and are opting for voluntary retirement out of comes after Assistant Superintendent of Police (ASP) Narayan Bharamani reportedly applied for voluntary retirement, months after a public humiliation by the Chief April this year, Siddaramaiah publicly reprimanded ASP Bharamani during a Congress rally in The Chief Minister, irked over a disruption by BJP women workers near the stage, summoned the officer in front of the crowd and, in a moment of anger, raised his hand as if to slap him, but stopped short. The incident was widely circulated on social media and drew criticism from several a post on X, the JDS wrote, 'Fed up with the Hitler-like rule of the Siddaramaiah government, police officers in the state are opting for voluntary retirement. A few days ago, CM Siddaramaiah raising his hand to hit Dharwad ASP Narayan Bharamani in a public forum became national news. Humiliated by this incident, mentally distressed and deeply hurt, ASP Narayan Bharamani has written to the government seeking voluntary retirement.'The party further alleged that under the Congress-led government, honest and capable officers are being insulted and humiliated rather than being respected. 'In the @INCKarnataka misrule, for honest and capable officers, 'respect' means insult and suspension,' the post April incident sparked controversy, with opposition parties accusing Siddaramaiah of high-handedness and disrespect towards uniformed was posted there for stage security during the event. Following the protest, Siddaramaiah summoned him on stage, asking, 'You, whoever you are, come here, what were you doing?' while lifting his hand in anger.- EndsTune InMust Watch IN THIS STORY#Karnataka

Politics and history of inclusion of ‘socialist' and ‘secular' in the Preamble
Politics and history of inclusion of ‘socialist' and ‘secular' in the Preamble

India Today

time27-06-2025

  • Politics
  • India Today

Politics and history of inclusion of ‘socialist' and ‘secular' in the Preamble

RSS General Secretary Dattatreya Hosabale has called for a debate on removing 'socialist' and 'secular' from the Constitution's Preamble, citing their addition during the Emergency (1975-1977) as a deviation from BR Ambedkar's original The Preamble describes India as a 'Sovereign Socialist Secular Democratic Republic.' These words were added by the 42nd Amendment Act of 1976, during the Emergency imposed by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in are these words controversial?The terms were added during a period of quasi-dictatorship, when the government's word was the law. Critics argue they were imposed without proper debate. Some claim identification as a 'socialist' country limits policy choices. The right-wing, led by the RSS, sees 'secular' as a negation of India's Hindutva legacy. Supporters argue the terms clarify India's syncretic culture, and define the responsibility of the government towards society, and neutrality on matters of the Constituent Assembly discuss including 'secular and socialist' in the Preamble?Yes, some members proposed adding secular and socialist to describe India. They believed explicitly mentioning 'socialist' and 'secular' would codify the state's Assembly member Professor KT Shah made multiple attempts to include these terms in the Constitution. He argued that explicitly stating 'secular' would convey India's commitment to religious neutrality, and 'socialist' would reflect the state's aim to address economic like HV Kamath and Hasrat Mohani supported this was Dr BR Ambedkar's stand?Ambedkar, the Constitution's chief architect, opposed their inclusion. He viewed socialism as a provisional policy, not a constitutional mandate. Ambedkar believed that the future of such policies should be left to the government of the day. He argued that stating socialism as an immutable principle in the Preamble would undermine democratic flexibility. 'What should be the policy of the State are matters which must be decided by the people themselves according to time and circumstances. It cannot be laid down in the Constitution itself, because that is destroying democracy altogether,' Ambedkar argued that socialism was already embedded in the Constitution's Directive Principles of State Policy, making it redundant in the to Shah, he said: 'If these Directive Principles to which I have drawn attention are not socialistic in their direction and in their content, I fail to understand what more socialism can be. Therefore, my submission is that these socialist principles are already embodied in our Constitution and it is unnecessary to accept this amendment.'Ambedkar, a Buddhist, was a firm believer in India's multicultural ethos. On secularism, Ambedkar felt the term was unnecessary, as the Constitution already guaranteed it through the Fundamental Rights. He pointed out that secularism was 'already contained in the draft Preamble,' and the broader constitutional framework ensured religious did not oppose the notion of secularism itself but resisted its explicit mention, believing the Constitution's structural design sufficiently upheld the principle, and the state would treat all religions equally, ensuring non-discrimination without needing the India's first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru agree with Ambedkar?Nehru was a staunch socialist and proponent of secularism. He advocated religious freedom for all, 'including freedom for those who may have no religion.'Yet, he did not push for their explicit inclusion in the Preamble. He believed the structure of the Constitution ensured a welfare state with equal respect for all religions. Nehru's pragmatic approach echoed Ambedkar's sum up: Both Ambedkar and Nehru believed the Constitution should set frameworks, not fixed policy The Assembly adopted the Preamble on November 26, 1949, without these were 'secular and socialist' added to the Preamble?Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's government added these terms to highlight the state's commitment to a welfare state. This reflected her commitment to poverty eradication - gareebi hataao. Secularism was added to reinforce religious neutrality to reflect the original intent of the Constitution, according to the Indira Gandhi amendment applied retroactively to November 26, 1949, which critics later Janata Party government (1977–1980) reversed some parts of the 42nd Amendment but retained 'socialist and secular.'What has the Supreme Court said about these terms?They have been upheld by the Supreme Court, most recently in Dr Balram Singh vs Union of India (2024), which dismissed challenges to their inclusion. The Court ruled that the Constitution is a living document, and can be amended by Parliament.'Over time, India has developed its own interpretation of secularism, wherein the State neither supports any religion nor penalises the profession and practice of any faith. This principle is enshrined in Articles 14, 15, and 16 of the Constitution, which prohibit discrimination against citizens on religious grounds while guaranteeing equal protection of laws and equal opportunity in public employment. The Preamble's original tenets—equality of status and opportunity; fraternity, ensuring individual dignity—read alongside justice - social, economic, political, and liberty; of thought, expression, belief, faith, and worship, reflect this secular ethos,' Justice Sanjay Kumar in Kesavananda Bharati vs State of Kerala (1973), the Supreme Court ruled the Preamble is an integral part of the Constitution and can be amended under Article 368, provided the basic structure is not do debates about these terms persist?The debate has been fuelled by the rise of the BJP, which is seen as a party with a clear Hindutva leaning. Ironically, its politics, based on largesse and doles, is based on 2015, the Narendra Modi government used an image of the original Preamble (without socialist and secular). Its ministers defended the decision, arguing there should be a debate on these right-wing ideologues argue 'secular' promotes 'pseudo-secularism,' a term popularised by former Deputy Prime Minister LK Advani. The BJP derides this as 'minority appeasement.'The Congress counters the terms clarify India's commitment to equality and unity, are widely accepted, and align with constitutional says the RSS and its affiliates see secularism as a counter to their agenda of imposing Hindutva on SpinEvery government has outperformed others on so-called welfarism, dishing out sops, especially before polls, and yet disses taking office in 2014, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has significantly expanded India's welfare initiatives, focusing on women and farmers. His administration has invested over Rs 34 trillion in the past decade, providing essentials like cooking gas, free grain, housing, toilets, piped water, electricity, and bank accounts, while enhancing a jobs guarantee part of the welfare agenda, the government delivers Rs 6,000 annually to over 110 million farmers, one of the largest cash transfer schemes globally. These initiatives, promoted as Modi's personal 'guarantees,' have reached over 900 million the inclusion of socialism and secularism during a period of democratic restrictions sparked debate, the terms align with India's diverse and evolving Supreme Court and successive governments have upheld these terms as integral to India's constitutional identity, and have been widely accepted since critics continue to question their necessity and historical legitimacy, primarily for ideological one upmanship, and to question the legacy of Indira Gandhi, who, despite the Emergency, remains a towering figure.- EndsMust Watch

Claims, counter-claims over sharing Hemavati waters trigger a row
Claims, counter-claims over sharing Hemavati waters trigger a row

The Hindu

time13-06-2025

  • Politics
  • The Hindu

Claims, counter-claims over sharing Hemavati waters trigger a row

Calm prevails at Sankapura village, nestled amid coconut and arecanut plantations, nearly two weeks after a massive protest by farmers of Tumakuru district, accompanied by some Opposition Bharatiya Janata Party and Janata Dal (Secular) leaders and religious leaders, in south-eastern Karnataka. Their opposition to the Hemavati Express Link Canal Project — an offshoot of the Hemavati branch canal that proposes to transfer the river water to nearby Magadi taluk in the neighbouring Bengaluru South district (erstwhile Ramanagara district) — had turned violent. After an estimated 20,000 farmers from various taluks descended on the village in Gubbi taluk to protest on May 31, civil work was ordered to be halted temporarily, while massive pipes procured for the project are lying scattered at the site. A posse of policemen attached to the Karnataka State Reserve Police is now deployed on the village outskirts. The Tumakuru police have filed 13 FIRs against over 100 people, including three Opposition legislators — G.B. Jyothi Ganesh and Suresh Gowda of the BJP and M.T. Krishnappa of the JD(S) — and seers of four religious mutts, on charges including violating prohibitory orders, damaging public property, and indulging in stone pelting. The government is now considering withdrawing the FIRs against the seers. The protesters, including the legislators, have sought a study by a recognised institute to ascertain the viability of the project. 'The government is pushing the project without consultation and technical discussion. We are not against sharing water, but oppose the project in this form,' says Govind Rao, a coconut grower in Bennuru village, about a kilometre away from Sankapura. The Hemavati branch canal passes between Bennuru and Sankapura villages, where the link canal is proposed to be started. The region is dotted with arecanut, coconut, and pomegranate plantations that are dependent on groundwater. Ragi and vegetables are grown in smaller quantities owing to the unavailability of labour and the rising cost of cultivation, farmers say. Lack of knowledge Many villagers The Hindu spoke to had no clear picture of the project and realised its magnitude only after the contractor unloaded massive pipes near the construction site. Near Kallur village, a middle-aged woman, Siddagangaa, aired her apprehension about losing a part of her plantation to the canal work. 'They are planning to take the pipelines through our farms. As it is, our holdings are small and if plants are uprooted, we are ruined,' she says. The villagers say the government had neither issued notices nor acquired land from farmers for laying the underground pipeline, which caused further confusion. It was B.P. Chandrashekar of Bennuru who flagged the issue and went to court against the project. 'They started excavating the ground to cut a trench to lay the pipes through my farm. One of the fully-grown coconut trees came crashing down. They insisted on continuing the work, and I got a permanent injunction from the Gubbi court,' he says. Following this, many others have approached the court. Chandrashekar says that after the underground pipeline is laid, farmers cannot grow either arecanut or coconut, which are the main crops in the region. 'Only vegetables can be grown,' he says. For Chandrashekar, it is a déjà vu moment as he had earlier lost land for the Tumakuru branch canal and also for another canal that takes water to Gubbi. According to B.C. Chandan, a farmer, though attempts were made to start the work in May 2024, it was stalled after farmers opposed it. 'This is the second time that the work is being started,' he says. Approved in 2019 Though the express link canal project received approval in early 2019 from the JD(S)-Congress alliance government, the succeeding BJP government led by B.S. Yediyurappa shelved it. The project was revived by the incumbent Congress government in January 2024, and attempts were made to start the work in May 2024. The project envisages supplying water to Magadi taluk for drinking purposes and groundwater rejuvenation by transferring water to the link canal from the Tumakuru branch canal. The about ₹1,000-crore project entails taking water from the nearly 240-km-long Tumakuru branch canal (that runs from Channarayapatna to Kunigal) at the 70-km mark and bringing it to the same canal at the 165-km mark through a 34.5 km underground pipeline. Currently, Kunigal gets water from the Tumakuru branch canal after it meanders through Gubbi, Turuvekere, Tumakuru Rural, and Tumakuru. The express canal project cuts the distance by about 60 km. The project is also linked with the Sri Ranga Lift Irrigation Project that will eventually lift the water towards Magadi taluk from the 191-km mark of the Tumakuru branch canal near Hirekere-Begurkere in Kunigal taluk. About 83 lakes in Magadi taluk are proposed to be filled up using 0.67 tmcft of water to rejuvenate groundwater and to serve the drinking water needs. Though just about 450 metres of excavation work of the link canal project has been completed in the Muzrai Department land belonging to Kencharaya and Sompuradamma temple at Sankapura village, substantial work such as pumping station and sub-stations have been completed in the Sri Ranga Lift Irrigation Project. But Tumakuru farmers have fears about water yield. 'Once the link canal becomes operational, the water will flow out of the Tumakuru branch canal with force due to gravity, and Tumakuru district can end up getting far less than what has been allocated. The rain-parched district can once again become water-starved,' fears Karnataka Rajya Raitha Sangha Tumakuru district president A. Govindraju. 'Nobody is opposing water supply to Kunigal, which is also in the Tumakuru district. When the Tumakuru branch canal has been modified to carry a higher quantum of water up to Kunigal at a cost of ₹550 crore, why is the government spending ₹1,000 crore on a new project?' Farmers also question the need for an underground pipeline. However, the government has justified it, arguing that it is to prevent water theft en route and also distribution losses due to evaporation. Illegal pumping of water from the canal is widespread in Tumakuru, though the police seize pumps regularly. Bone of contention The sharing of the Hemavati waters from the 25.3 tmcft allocated to the Tumakuru branch canal has long been the bone of contention. More than a decade ago, farmers had opposed another canal that took water to Sira, also in the Tumakuru district. The taluk-wise allocation notified in 2019 by the State government, after the Supreme Court order confirmed the inter-State water dispute award over the sharing of the Cauvery waters in 2018, provides 25.3 tmcft to be distributed among 14 taluks across Tumakuru, Mandya, Hassan, Chikkamagaluru, Chitradurga, and the erstwhile Ramanagara districts through the Tumakuru branch canal. Magadi is one of the beneficiary taluks proposed to receive 0.67 tmfcft or about 2.64% of the total allocation in the Tumakuru branch canal for drinking water purposes. Of the total, 6.8 tmcft has been earmarked for various drinking water schemes. No inter-basin transfer Water Resources Department sources argue that Magadi taluk is in the Cauvery basin and is also part of the taluks that received water allocation in 2019. 'Why is there a problem with Magadi? There has been no inter-basin transfer. As per the National Water Policy, 2012, and the State Water Policy, 2022, Magadi falls in the first-order priority for drinking water. The Sri Ranga Lift Irrigation Project is aligned with the National Water Policy,' says an official. The overall allocation from the Hemavati has to be seen through legal, social, administrative, and technical perspectives, officials say, even as confusion and lack of awareness prevail among farmers in Tumakuru. An official emphasises that the district boundary is not the criterion for allocating the water, but the basin is the predominant factor. 'Inter-basin transfers have happened in Sira and Hosadurga. We cannot deprive Magadi of water since it is part of the basin,' he says. Tumakuru and Mandya districts receive the Hemavati waters from the Gorur reservoir in Hassan district through the A.G. Ramachandra Rao Canal, which is the left bank canal (LBC). After traversing for 72 km, the LBC bifurcates near Channarayapatna in Hassan district. While one branch goes towards Tumakuru, the other — Sahukar Chennaiah Canal — goes to Mandya district, serving K.R. Pet, Shravanabelagola, Pandavapura, and Nagamangala. The branch going towards Tumakuru passes through the Baguru-Navile tunnel, after which it again bifurcates into the Tumakuru branch canal and the Nagamangala branch canal, which together have been allocated 25.3 tmcft. The Nagamangala branch canal serves Tiptur and Turuvekere in Tumakuru district, while Nagamangala in Mandya district is at the tail end. Farmers of two districts Over the decades, the distribution of the Hemavati water impounded at Gorur has been a point of contention between Hassan and Tumakuru farmers. Hassan farmers are often accused of utilising a higher quantum of water through the canal networks. Of the total 37 tmcft of water impounded at Gorur, Hassan district gets 18% of the overall allocation, while Tumakuru and Mandya gets 45% and 35% allocation, respectively. 'In fact, Hassan farmers, who have sacrificed land and homes for the Gorur reservoir, could have asked for more allocation than Tumakuru and Mandya,' an official argues. He also points out that the supervisory control and data acquisition mechanism, an electronically controlled canal operating system, to be located at the Hemavati project office in Tumakuru, would regulate and quantify the flow of water, and this office is accessible to all to ascertain the water flow as per the allocation. In Magadi taluk, 'Kannada' Kumar, a progressive farmer from Hanumapura village who has organised a group of organic farmers, argues that what is playing out around the project now is much politics. He says that Magadi taluk being the catchment area for reservoirs at T.G. Halli, Y.G. Gudda, and Manchanabele does not benefit it owing to the topography. 'Lives in Magadi taluk and Tumakuru district are socially and economically connected. Politicians are playing politics over water. Magadi has been allocated a small quantum.' Magadi's Karnataka Development Programme member T.G. Venkatesh, a resident of Thippasandra, says that they are asking for water to fill lakes and not for irrigation, and that too based on the allocation made. 'Only in years of bad monsoon can there be a problem. Even then, we are seeking only a proportionate release of water,' he says. Many hues of politics Now, farmers in Magadi taluk in Bengaluru South district have organised themselves to stage protests, seeking immediate implementation of the project. Political leaders, too, have entered the fray. The keen interest of Deputy Chief Minister D.K. Shivakumar, who also holds the Major and Medium Irrigation portfolio, his brother and former Bengaluru Rural MP D.K. Suresh, and their relative H.D. Ranganath, Congress MLA for Kunigal, in this project has aroused political interests. For the JD(S), opposition in Tumakuru to bring water to Magadi can affect its political equity in Bengaluru South. Congress legislator from Gubbi S.R. Srinivas has aired his opposition to the project, though he has not joined the protest, which is seen as a political compulsion. Farmers in Magadi are questioning the absence of BJP MP representing Bengaluru Rural C.N. Manjunath in the agitations. It has a caste colour too, as it is seen as a covert fight between Lingayats in Tumakuru district and predominantly Vokkaligas in Magadi taluk. Shivakumar has said the question of dropping the project, cleared by a technical committee, does not arise since about 40% of the work has been completed, and has dismissed the protest as 'politically motivated'. He has accused the legislators of orchestrating the protest despite knowing the details of the project. He has said farmers on both sides are equal before the government, and the interest of all will be protected.

GTD showers praise on Siddaramaiah for Indira canteen initiative
GTD showers praise on Siddaramaiah for Indira canteen initiative

The Hindu

time24-05-2025

  • Politics
  • The Hindu

GTD showers praise on Siddaramaiah for Indira canteen initiative

Senior Janata Dal (Secular) leader G.T. Deve Gowda, who has been staying away from the JD(S) leadership, showered praises on Chief Minister Siddaramaiah at a function in Hinkal in Mysuru on Saturday. Mr. Gowda, who presided over the inauguration of the Indira canteen at Hinkal, which is part of the Chamundeshwari Assembly constituency that he represents, complimented Mr. Siddaramaiah for not only starting the Anna Bhagya scheme, but also for Indira canteens that seek to relieve the hunger of poor people. He recalled Mr. Siddaramaiah's rise from a taluk board member in 1978 to an MLA in 1983 before becoming a Finance Minister, Deputy Chief Minister, Leader of the Opposition in the Legislative Assembly, and his second term as the Chief Minister. Mr. Gowda pointed out that he and Mr. Siddaramaiah had worked together in politics in 1983.

Is Konkana Sensharma dating Amol Parashar? When her ex-husband Ranvir Shorey dropped a hint
Is Konkana Sensharma dating Amol Parashar? When her ex-husband Ranvir Shorey dropped a hint

Hindustan Times

time15-05-2025

  • Entertainment
  • Hindustan Times

Is Konkana Sensharma dating Amol Parashar? When her ex-husband Ranvir Shorey dropped a hint

Celebrities often avoid talking about their personal lives as they want the audience to know them for the work they do. One such actor is Amol Parashar (38), who is currently soaring high on the love being received by his recently released web series Gram Chikitsalay and Kull: The Legacy of the Raisingghs. Well, even though Amol's lips have been sealed, his love life has been making headlines since last night after he made his first public appearance with rumoured lady love Konkana Sensharma (45) at the screening of his show Gram Chikitsalay. A post shared by Viral Mantra (@theviralmantra) In a viral video from the screening, rumoured star couple Amol Parashar and Konkona Sensharma can be seen sharing a warm hug before posing for the paparazzi. Well, this isn't the first time that Amol and Konkona are in the headlines for their alleged relationship. A year ago, Konkana's ex-husband and actor Ranvir Shorey had indirectly confirmed that she had moved on after her divorce with Amol. Let's take a trip down memory lane, shall we? Last year, a parody account on Twitter shared a screenshot of Amol's post where he had taken a dig at PM Modi's mangalsutra comment. Above the screenshot, the tweet read: 'Konkana Sen sharma took the best decision to leave Modi bhakt Ranvir Shorey and date Secular Amol Parashar. 🔥🔥.' What netizens were not expecting was Ranvir to react to this post. The actor dropped a cryptic comment which read, 'I agree.' This comment sent the internet into a frenzy, with many claiming that Ranvir had confirmed Konkona and Amol's rumoured relationship before they made it official themselves. Well, a year later, it seems like Amol and Konkona are finally ready to make an announcement. Or maybe they really are 'just good friends'. We'll just have to wait for them to confirm. On the work front, Amol and Konkona shared the screen in the 2020 film Dolly Kitty Aur Woh Chamakte Sitare, where they won hearts with their onscreen chemistry.

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