Latest news with #Sino-Thai
The Star
08-07-2025
- Business
- The Star
Pop Mart plane makes debut flight to celebrate China-Thailand anniversary
A themed aircraft celebrating the 50th anniversary of Sino-Thai diplomatic relations made its debut flight from Beijing Daxing International Airport to Bangkok on Friday. [Photo provided to China Daily] A themed aircraft celebrating the 50th anniversary of Sino-Thai diplomatic relations made its debut flight from Beijing Daxing International Airport to Bangkok on Friday, according to China Eastern Air Holding Co. The specially painted plane, jointly created by China Eastern Airlines and pop culture brand Pop Mart, is based on an Airbus A320 model and bears the registration number B32EP. The aircraft exterior is adorned with Pop Mart creation Dimoo, dressed in exquisite traditional Thai attire, along with a Chinese lotus and Thailand's symbolic elephant. The aircraft's design vividly celebrates the profound friendship between China and Thailand on the 50th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic ties. The interior of the cabin is also decorated with Dimoo images and elements, offering passengers a unique experience in the air. The launch of the themed aircraft is among China Eastern's latest attempts to maximize its role as a bridge for communication and cultural connection between China and Thailand. - China Daily/ANN
Bangkok Post
01-07-2025
- Business
- Bangkok Post
Sino-Thai ties: Kinship and complexity
Today marks two significant milestones. Firstly, Thailand and China are commemorating a golden jubilee -- the 50th anniversary of their diplomatic relations. Countless personalities and factors have contributed to the strengthening and continued relevance of Zhong Tai yi jia qin -- China and Thailand are one family. Looking back, this family has been tested through trial and error. The notion of "one family" also holds special meaning, as the slogan has been frequently cited by the two countries' leaders as the foundation of their bilateral relations. Secondly, it also marks the start of a new journey on which both countries must jointly embark over the next half-century amid global uncertainties. No one can predict the future outcome of this familial relationship, given the ongoing geopolitical, geoeconomic, and geo-technological competitions among great and emerging powers. Therefore, all stakeholders from both countries must work together for the celebration of the second golden jubilee. Thailand and China have signed numerous comprehensive cooperative agreements since 1998. The then-Foreign Minister Surin Pitsuwan took the lead in Asean by signing the "Joint Declaration on Cooperation and Partnership for the 21st Century" with China on Nov 26, 1998, setting the tone for a closer strategic relationship. Later, similar arrangements were pursued by other Asean members. Now both countries are pursuing "A shared community of enhanced stability, sustainability and prosperity" based on people-centred approaches. Right now, China's development and growing power in all domains have been astonishing and unstoppable. The most populous country is also becoming one of the world's most powerful countries in setting guardrails for more equitable relations among nations. Within the region, China has already become the preeminent player in all aspects of existence, with all its consequences, real or imagined. However, on the Thai side, the country remains in its sabai-sabai mode of development and progress, despite all the superfluous dreams and visions mapped out by the present ruling coalition and its predecessors. The country is still embroiled in domestic problems and struggling with basic structural reforms and overall effort to catch up with its developed Asean colleagues. Unavoidably, this widening asymmetry in development strategies and mindsets will impact Thailand–China future relations, especially among younger generations. They are witnessing China's blossoming influence in various aspects of Thai life as never before. Yet, most of them still have no knowledge of the historical evolution of the country's most important ties. A deeper understanding of future Sino-Thai ties needs to flash back to their thousands of years of kinship. Furthermore, the policymakers who painstakingly shaped Thailand–China relations since 1975 are no longer active. Only a few are still able to recount how these ties evolved and consolidated. While they may have left behind legacies, it is uncertain whether the new generation of policymakers and the public at large possesses the same appreciation or institutional memory needed to navigate relations with a rising China. Most importantly, the feel-good sentiment and positive images once held of each other -- whether through private conversations or on social media -- have shifted to a new sense of alienation not seen in the past 50 years. While many Thais are comfortable with a new, powerful, and technologically advanced China, others remain cautious in engaging with the Middle Kingdom, fearing the potential influence on their societal values and norms. This perception gap, essentially enshrining both continuity and change, is becoming increasingly visible by the day. Truth be told, it is still too early to assess its full impact among younger and better-educated generations. Until recently, neither country had ever experienced the level of disinformation and misinformation they now face daily. In the age of instant communication and globalised media platforms, Bangkok and Beijing are scratching their heads as public perceptions in their countries have suddenly been turned upside down. Of late, some typical examples that have gone viral online are Thais' concerns about potential dangers of unscrupulous investors from China in various sectors, while Chinese tourists fear kidnapping and becoming victims of scammers and for their physical safety when travelling in Thailand. It was unfortunate that the commemorative year began poorly in the first week of 2025 when Wang Xing, a Chinese actor was kidnapped and trafficked across the border into Myanmar to work for a scam centre. The incident opened a Pandora's box, exposing the underlying intricacies and interdependence of their relations, involving the third country and the powerful role of social media. Within days, both Thai and Chinese social media were having a field day with toxic comments and narratives surrounding the incident and associated developments. Thanks to the commitments made by concerned Thai and Chinese authorities, after months of planning, they have jointly tackled online scammers to disrupt their operations. Realistically, in the near term, a mutual public understanding of one another will be the most consequential tenet that shapes the trajectory of their friendship and cooperation. It can reorient Thai diplomacy in a rapidly changing world. Today, the information gap between the two countries is vast. China has various state-run outlets in Bangkok. These media also operate savvy digital platforms that promote information and insights about China. Currently, the Department of Public Information has 25 Chinese correspondents registered, out of a total of 351 members from 144 media outlets. They rank third after the Japanese and the American media. For many Thai media outlets, these Chinese sources serve as primary references. From time to time, Chinese embassies and affiliated cultural centres issue press releases or host media briefings, ensuring that China's positions are not ignored in Thai news cycles. Thailand, on the other hand, has no dedicated correspondents reporting directly from China. Reports from news stringers are common. This phenomenon is not due to a lack of interest, but rather structural and financial challenges. Maintaining a bureau in China is not financially viable. After the Tom Yum Goong financial crisis, all Thai media organisations scaled down their overseas reporting, mainly in China and Vietnam. They prefer free-of-charge information provided by Chinese news sources. The result is an imbalanced flow of information. Chinese media content -- whether directly or indirectly translated -- is widely available in Thai. Yet Thai-generated reporting on China is minuscule. Thai audiences, including policymakers, are left to interpret China through the lens of international wire services, which often lack Thai perspectives or cultural context. This media asymmetry has real consequences. Public discourse in Thailand on China-related issues -- ranging from investment and economic cooperation to regional security, labour practices, or infrastructure projects -- is often lopsided. As such, it can fuel suspicion based on incomplete or decontextualised reporting. Given the strategic maturity of Thai–China relations, this is a major challenge that both countries must address. Both sides must prevent strategic surprises from happening. It is high time that Thai media institutions and universities invest in building China literacy. This includes training a new generation of Thai journalists equipped with language skills, geopolitical awareness, and field reporting capabilities relevant to China. Expanding current Sino-Thai media cooperation to include more reporting fellowships and internships could fill the gap, while setting up a bureau in China may remain difficult. The Thai government, private sector, and civil society should support independent research and journalism through funding and digital innovation. Bridging the China information gap will ensure that Thailand can engage with China through an informed understanding, mutual respect, and strategic clarity.
