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New Indian Express
8 hours ago
- Politics
- New Indian Express
At House panel meeting, MPs flag Bangladesh's growing ties with Pak and China
NEW DELHI: A meeting of the Parliamentary standing committee on External Affairs on Friday saw discussion on Bangladesh's growing proximity with Pakistan and China, and implications of India's strained ties with its eastern neighbour amid suggestions by some experts on engagement with the country, according to sources. Former foreign secretary and ex-National Security Advisor Shivshankar Menon, Lt Gen Syed Ata Hasnain, former High Commissioner of India to Bangladesh Riva Ganguly Das and academician Amitabh Mattoo attended the meeting. The committee recorded evidence of the experts/non-official witnesses in connection with the examination of the subject 'Future of India-Bangladesh Relationship'. The panel is headed by Congress MP Shashi Tharoor. Some MPs expressed concern that China is getting a foothold in the country, which is strategically important for India, said sources. MPs also pointed out that Pakistan is trying to strengthen its ties with Bangladesh. One of the MPs suggested that if the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) can be revived to counter the Chinese bid to grow its influence in the MP also suggested that the exchange of journalists will boost people-to-people engagement with Bangladesh, said sources. An MP said some members raised concerns about the deteriorating relationship with Bangladesh under the interim government of Muhammad Yunus. The implications of India-Bangladesh ties on West Bengal, which shares a long border with the country, were also raised by MPs from the state, said a source. The state has been bearing the brunt of the suspected large-scale infiltration, said the MP. Speaking to the media after the meeting, Tharoor said infiltration from Bangladesh has been reduced now.
India Today
2 days ago
- Politics
- India Today
India–Pakistan rivalry: Holding the world hostage
The decades-old India-Pakistan rivalry has evolved from a regional border dispute into a significant impediment to international diplomacy. What began with the trauma of Partition and three full-scale wars has now metastasised into a global diplomatic fault line that consistently undermines multilateral 2025, this bilateral dysfunction reached new heights when India unilaterally suspended the Indus Waters Treaty—a cornerstone of cooperation since 1960. Pakistan retaliated by abandoning the Simla Agreement, closing its airspace, and halting trade routes. These weren't merely political gestures; they represented systematic breakdowns that weakened international water law and forced the World Bank into an uncomfortable The rivalry's destructive impact extends far beyond bilateral relations. The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) has become virtually invisible, with summits indefinitely postponed and initiatives on health and disaster relief consistently floundering. Even within the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, India and Pakistan managed to undermine consensus—notably at the 2025 Defence Ministers' summit, where disagreements over language prevented the issuance of a joint statement the United Nations, both nations continue to use the global stage for theatrical displays of animosity. Pakistan's calls for closed-door consultations following Indian military operations predictably devolved into blame games that produced no resolutions or meaningful rivalry infiltrates every aspect of bilateral engagement. Cultural ties collapse with each tension spike—Indian platforms purge Pakistani music, films are shelved, and streaming services remove content. The digital sphere has become another battleground, with both countries blocking each other's social media platforms and content cricket, once a rare source of connection, has hardened into another cold front. There has been no bilateral series in over a decade, with matches only occurring under international banners in neutral dysfunction carries profound global implications. As the Global South gains prominence in international politics, India and Pakistan's conflicting narratives divide allies and distract from crucial issues like climate finance and regional infrastructure. South Asia remains one of the world's least integrated regions economically, with negligible trade and restricted travel between its two largest uncomfortable truth is that South Asia's volatility has become structurally embedded in global diplomacy, consistently stalling international forums and undermining multilateral progress when lasting solutions are most needed.- EndsTune InMust Watch
Express Tribune
10-06-2025
- Politics
- Express Tribune
Muted mandate: SAARC and the cycle of Indo-Pak escalation
Listen to article When founded, in 1985, the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) was envisioned as a platform for regional harmony and collective progress. However, its role in mitigating the most recent escalation between Pakistan and India, triggered by the Pahalgam incident of April 22, and the subsequent military and diplomatic fallout, has been conspicuously absent and critically limited. An objective evaluation reveals that SAARC, hampered by its inherent structural weaknesses and the deep-seated animosity between its two major players, has once again failed to act as an effective mechanism for de-escalation or mediation. One of the fundamental limitations of SAARC is its charter, which explicitly excludes discussions on bilateral and contentious political issues. This very clause, intended to foster cooperation in socio-economic areas without being held hostage by political disputes, renders the organisation toothless when the most pressing regional challenges are political in nature, as is the case with Indo-Pak relations. Consequently, SAARC summits and ministerial meetings become stages for polite exchanges on trade and culture, while the elephant in the room — the persistent and often escalating tensions between Pakistan and India — remains unaddressed within the formal structure. The recent crisis, which saw a rapid deterioration of diplomatic ties, cross-border accusations and even military posturing and engagement, demanded an immediate and robust regional response. Ideally, SAARC should have provided a forum for dialogue, a neutral space for both nations to air their grievances, and a mechanism to facilitate de-escalation through diplomatic channels. However, the bloc remained largely silent as bilateral tensions spiraled, underscoring its inability to transcend the nationalistic agendas of its member states, particularly when these agendas are in direct conflict. The history of SAARC is replete with instances where Indo-Pak tensions have undermined its potential. The 2016 summit was cancelled after the Uri attack. The 2019 Pulwama-Balakot standoff further marginalised the organisation. In each instance, SAARC's structural design and political inertia have rendered it a bystander. The current escalation is no different. With both nations locked in a familiar cycle of accusation and retaliation, SAARC's consensus-based decision-making process becomes a significant impediment. Any meaningful action or statement requiring the agreement of all member states is virtually impossible when the two most influential members are in direct confrontation. Furthermore, the lack of strong institutional mechanisms for conflict resolution within SAARC contributes to its ineffectiveness during crises. While the charter emphasises peaceful settlement of disputes, it lacks concrete procedures or a dedicated body to mediate or arbitrate in situations of heightened tension. This void leaves the region reliant on external actors or ad-hoc bilateral engagements, bypassing the very regional framework that was intended to foster collective security and stability. Despite these shortcomings, SAARC could still play a subtle, indirect role. By continuing to promote people-to-people contact, cultural exchanges and economic cooperation in areas where consensus exists, the organisation might foster a long-term environment of trust and understanding that could eventually spill over into the political domain. However, during times of acute crisis, these slow-burn initiatives are often overshadowed by immediate security concerns and nationalist sentiments. The palpable tension following the Pahalgam incident and India's subsequent actions has likely curtailed any such positive momentum. While the ideal of regional cooperation in South Asia remains vital, the current iteration of SAARC has proven to be an inadequate instrument for managing and resolving the most pressing security challenges facing the region. A fundamental re-evaluation of its charter and a genuine commitment from its member states to prioritise regional harmony over narrow nationalistic interests are essential if SAARC is to evolve from a largely symbolic entity into a meaningful force for peace and cooperation in South Asia.
Business Recorder
07-06-2025
- Politics
- Business Recorder
India's hegemonic designs
One reality which emerged out of the recent India-Pakistan conflict is that India is one among equal in the fraternity of South Asian nations. India has long positioned itself as the dominant regional power in South Asia, leveraging its demographic, economic, and military superiority. However, the recent conflict between India and Pakistan has exposed critical vulnerabilities in this hegemonic posture. This article examines the implications of the conflict on India's regional dominance, highlighting the growing parity between India and Pakistan in diplomatic and military affairs and the increasing strategic autonomy of smaller South Asian nations. It argues that the traditional notion of Indian hegemony is being challenged by an emerging more multipolar and assertive regional order India's involvement in regional organizations like the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) and the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) also illustrates its ambitions to play a leadership role in South Asia. Yet, this perceived hegemony has often been met with resistance from neighboring countries. Indian leadership's role in South Asia has been underpinned by a combination of soft power, economic leverage and strategic dominance. New Delhi has frequently acted as a security guarantor, development partner, and political influencer in countries like Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal, Sri Lanka, and the Maldives. However, these relationships have often been marked by tensions, with smaller states resisting perceived Indian overreach. Pakistan, influenced by historic parity between the two carved out countries, remained out of the orbit of India's hegemony. Countries like Bangladesh, Nepal, and Sri Lanka have increasingly asserted their sovereignty and economic independence. Bangladesh has pursued extensive economic partnerships with China and Japan and lately with Pakistan, while Nepal has defied Indian pressure on constitutional and territorial matters. Sri Lanka, Bhutan and the Maldives have oscillated between pro-India and pro-China alignments, reflecting a desire for strategic balance rather than dependence. Nevertheless, this hegemonic stance has increasingly come under scrutiny, particularly in the wake of the recent India-Pakistan conflict, which has revealed significant constraints on India's ability to unilaterally influence regional and global outcomes. India's relative military and economic superiority did not translate into strategic dominance in this conflict. The parity in tactical outcomes has dented the myth of India's invincibility in conventional military terms. Pakistan's nuclear deterrence, improved air defence, and effective diplomacy neutralized India's attempts to impose strategic costs, creating a deterrent equilibrium. The conflict illustrated that conventional superiority does not guarantee dominance in modern asymmetric and nuclear-influenced warfare. The rapid military responses on both sides underscored the limits of escalation without mutual destruction. The conflict has affirmed Pakistan's continued relevance in global diplomacy. Despite India's growing alignment with the West, especially the US, , France and Russia, these powers refrained from taking a partisan stance. Instead, international diplomacy focused on de-escalation and parity-based dialogue. This reinforces the notion that, in matters of regional security and peace, India is not the sole interlocutor, and Pakistan remains a necessary counterpart. Diplomatically, both countries engaged with major global powers to narrate their versions of the conflict. Crucially, the international community treated both states as equally responsible actors, calling for restraint and dialogue. The ceasefire agreement, reportedly influenced by external mediation from actors like the US and the United Arab Emirates, further undermined India's insistence on bilateralism and highlighted its vulnerability to international pressure. Moreover, internationally, both India and Pakistan engaged in parallel diplomatic offensives, apprising the world capitals of their narratives. Significantly, none of these powers outrightly condemned either side. Instead, global calls for restraint and dialogue placed both nations on an equal diplomatic footing. India's inability to dictate the terms of the conflict's resolution represents a broader erosion of its regional and global influence. This shift is not only due to Pakistan's strategic resilience but also because of the changing dynamics among other South Asian nations, many of whom are actively diversifying their diplomatic and economic engagements. The cumulative effect of these developments is a region that is moving away from a unipolar Indian-led order toward a more multi-polar framework. South Asian states are no longer content with passive roles in a hierarchy led by India; instead, they are engaging in multilateral diplomacy, leveraging international partnerships, and resisting hegemonic pressures. The recent India-Pakistan conflict serves as a critical inflection point in South Asia's geopolitical trajectory. It challenges the long-standing assumption of Indian hegemony and underscores the emergence of a more balanced regional order. India's strategic and diplomatic parity with Pakistan in the conflict, coupled with the assertiveness of smaller neighboring states, signals the decline of unilateral Indian dominance. Moving forward, India's future role in South Asia will depend not on its ability to dominate, but on its willingness to engage as a partner among equals. In a region characterized by rising nationalism, economic competition, and strategic realignments, hegemonic posturing may prove not only unsustainable but counter-productive. The way forward lies in fostering regional integration, resolving bilateral issues through dialogue, and embracing a pluralistic vision of South Asian solidarity. India can play a significant role in making this happen. Copyright Business Recorder, 2025
Hindustan Times
28-05-2025
- Business
- Hindustan Times
Benefits of economic integration between India and Sri Lanka
This brief examines the importance of economic integration between India and Sri Lanka in fostering both nations' growth as well as regional stability. Their deep cultural, historical, and geographic ties support an evolving economic relationship driven by trade, investment, and connectivity. As Sri Lanka's largest trading partner and investor, India plays a pivotal role in its economic recovery, particularly following Sri Lanka's recent economic crisis. The brief highlights the mutual benefits of integration: Sri Lanka can access India's large and expanding market, attract Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), and leverage India's cost-effective energy solutions. India, for its part, can enhance its regional security, counter rival influences, and strengthen its strategic presence in the Indian Ocean region. Key opportunities include expanding trade agreements, investing in infrastructure and renewable energy ventures, and enhancing maritime connectivity. India and Sri Lanka, neighbouring countries in South Asia, share a unique economic relationship rooted in culture, geography, and history, and which has evolved over the decades. Their economic integration is crucial for both mutual growth and fostering regional cooperation within frameworks like the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) and Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC). This paper can be accessed here. This paper is authored by Talal Rafi, ORF, New Delhi.
