Latest news with #SreeradhaDatta
Indian Express
03-06-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
With charges against Sheikh Hasina, ICT in Bangladesh has come full circle
Written by Sreeradha Datta It is an ironic twist of fate to see the International Criminal Tribunal (ICT), formed in 1973 and revived by Sheikh Hasina herself to try those who had committed crimes during the Liberation War of 1971, now poised to indict her. Hasina, the longest-serving prime minister of Bangladesh, is being held accountable for the alleged crimes committed during her last tenure, specifically during the students' anti-quota uprising that led to her overthrow. Earlier this May, investigators submitted their report on the July–August 2024 killings, naming her as the one who issued the orders for the security forces to open fire on the protesters. To recall briefly, Sheikh Hasina took office in January 2009 with a huge mandate. To consolidate power, she ushered in amendments, including the abolition of the caretaker government (CTG) system in 2011 — a system unique to Bangladesh, which had served well in assisting the Election Commission to hold free and fair elections. Ironically, it was Hasina who had insisted on legally introducing the CTG in 1996. While she believed Bangladesh was ready to hold elections without a CTG, the opposition disagreed. Hasina then went on to use the Digital Security Act to silence any dissenting voices. The government's impunity was exemplified by elections marred by allegations of rigging, and the use of state apparatus to undermine the autonomy and independence of institutions, enabling a coterie that wielded disproportionate influence over policymaking. During the July–August uprising, security forces initiated a brutal crackdown on protesters. In the face of growing public anger and the Army's inability to guarantee her safety, she fled to India, where she continues to reside, reassuring her supporters of her return in glory to her homeland. Within days of Hasina's escape, the Interim Government headed by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus took over, promising to bring the accused to justice. The ICT, which has previously executed four Jamaat leaders and a Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) leader, will now hear the five charges filed against Hasina. A three-judge tribunal — comprising Golam Mortuza Mozumder, Md Shofiul Alam Mahmood, and Mohammad Mohitul Haque Anam Chawdhury — will be hearing the charges. Two others charged are former Home Minister Asaduzzaman Khan and the then IGP Chowdhury Abdullah Al-Mamun. The latter is in police custody, while Hasina and Khan remain outside the country. This is the first time Hasina has been formally charged by the ICT in connection with the crackdown that took place during the July-August protests. She has also been accused of running secret detention centres. The Interim Government has further alleged that she orchestrated the disappearance of more than 3,500 people. A report by the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights highlighted the excesses that occurred under her watch. The report also reiterated that up to 13 per cent of those killed during the uprising were children. Hasina will be tried on five specific charges, including the killing of unarmed protester Abu Sayed at close range, shot in the chest without provocation. The next hearing is scheduled for June 16. Whether physically in Bangladesh or tried in absentia, Hasina will be prosecuted under the ICT Act of 1973. Bangladesh has already requested India to extradite Sheikh Hasina. There will now be a renewed attempt at a higher diplomatic level. However, the likelihood of India agreeing to extradite Hasina is low. Although a bilateral extradition treaty exists, the caveats are significant. From the Indian perspective, Hasina's trial, given the prevailing political atmosphere in Bangladesh, is unlikely to be free and fair. Apart from the ICT, requesting the involvement of the International Criminal Court is also an option for Dhaka. The writer is Professor at the Jindal School of International Affairs, O P Jindal Global University, and a Non-Resident Senior Fellow at the Institute of South Asian Studies, National University of Singapore
South China Morning Post
28-05-2025
- Business
- South China Morning Post
Yunus' resignation threat throws Bangladesh election timing into turmoil
Muhammad Yunus' threat to resign as Bangladesh 's leader unless critical reforms gain traction has cast doubt on the timing of a fresh election, further complicating the nation's struggle to regain stability following the chaotic fall of the Sheikh Hasina regime. Yunus, who took charge of an interim government in August last year, had pledged sweeping reforms, and free and fair elections. But frustration over the lack of political consensus has reportedly pushed the 84-year-old to the brink. Competing demands from the army and political parties have stalled his reform agenda, analysts say. Efforts to shore up Bangladesh's battered economy, including plans to overhaul the beleaguered banking system, have been slow to materialise. Most of these reforms will take months to implement, according to Sreeradha Datta, an international-relations professor at the Jindal Global University – time an interim government does not have. Elections in Bangladesh in the past have been very violent Sreeradha Datta, academic Despite the delays, Yunus remains committed to electoral reforms, which Datta described as a 'need of the hour' to ensure free and fair elections.
Indian Express
15-05-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
Awami League ban: An inflexion point in Bangladesh's politics
Written by Sreeradha Datta The decision of the Bangladeshi government to ban the activities of the country's oldest, and one of the largest, political parties, the Awami League (AL), has added another loop in its already complicated political mosaic. As it stands, all activities of the AL are banned under the Anti-Terrorism Act until the trial of the party and its leaders is completed by the International Criminal Tribunal (ICT). Ever since the fall of the Sheikh Hasina government in August 2024, the students, who were at the frontlines of the July uprising, have been clamouring for a ban. For them, it's a logical sequence of events, as without any tangible measure taken against the AL and its leaders, their sacrifices would be in vain. The anger against everything that the AL stood for has led to student leaders advocating for a 'second republic' in Bangladesh. This republic is envisaged as one that will hold the previous regime and its leaders accountable for their sustained transgressions. This is a critical juncture in Bangladesh's politics. The country may soon go to polls without one of its most prominent parties. The legal procedures for ICT trials are time-consuming, and thus, Bangladesh is likely to hold democratic elections without a full democracy in place — not too different from its previous experience under the Hasina government. After the Hasina government was overthrown, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) had called for early elections with the participation of the AL. It was looking well poised to capture the majority of the votes even without the ban. The ban essentially means that the Opposition space now remains wide open for the entry of right-wing parties. The other centrist party, the Jatiya Party, does not enjoy a nationwide presence. In the absence of the AL, there is also the likelihood of a coalition of centrist and right-wing parties, including the newly formed National Citizen Party and the Jamaat. The religion genie, once out, cannot be bottled back in. Bans on political parties, as seen elsewhere around the world, have limited efficacy. At some point, either through the completion of a judicial process or a political development, the AL will re-emerge. But by then, the AL might find it difficult to fight the wave of majoritarianism that would have taken over. Hasina's previous flirtations with Hefazat-e-Islam were rooted in these concerns. Bangladesh's voters usually go for parties that are not extremist, like the AL and the BNP. The appeal for religious parties till now had been rather limited. That could change now. The interim government, with the support of the radical groups it seems to be pandering to, could defer the upcoming elections. The NCP and the Jamaat have much ground to cover and so there is little incentive to hold early elections. While Army Chief Waker-Uz-Zaman has, on a few occasions, spoken about having elections within 18 months of Hasina's ouster, there has been no such commitment by the interim government. The interim government will attempt to usher in reform on the lines of the reports of the various reform committees. There are discussions underway for constitutional reform too, as well as a popular demand to limit a prime minister's tenure to two terms. The previous International Crimes Tribunal of Bangladesh under the Hasina government, formed to prosecute Bangladeshis, mostly of the Jamaat, for alleged crimes during 1971 while supporting the Pakistan military, was accused of not being neutral. This time around, under an unelected government, it may not be any different for the AL (now on the receiving end). While political uncertainties continue to exist, Bangladesh has steadied its economy compared to last year. That people have reposed faith in this government can be insinuated from the fact that Bangladesh received a record-high $3.29 billion in remittances in March this year, marking the highest monthly inflow in the country's history. The country's famous ready-made garment industry has overcome challenges and resumed production for international orders once again. With the exception of India, the ban has elicited no response from external powers. Chief Advisor to the Interim Government Muhammad Yunus seems to be enjoying support domestically and internationally. Dhaka is hurting without Delhi's support but it seems to be holding up well. But the costs of not cooperating with India are higher for Bangladesh. It doesn't seem to realise that yet. The writer is Professor at the Jindal School of International Affairs, O P Jindal Global University, and a Non-Resident Senior Fellow at the Institute of South Asian Studies, National University of Singapore
