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Bangkok Post
12-07-2025
- Politics
- Bangkok Post
The art of forming alliances
The art of forming alliances Two new parties have been formed, which are thought will shore up the political fortunes of the ruling Pheu Thai Party in the next polls. Large parties tend to forge alliances ahead of elections to optimise their leverage in working to establish a potential coalition government. Observers compare Pheu Thai to well-oiled machinery adept at building alliances to serve its government formation bids. However, getting an ally sometimes involves parties being fragmented, as the Palang Pracharath Party (PPRP) learned the hard way and the United Thai National (UTN) Party may do soon. Both parties belong to the ultra-conservative camp. The PPRP was booted out of the Pheu Thai-led coalition at the end of Srettha Thavisin's administration late last year. The PPRP leadership felt the party had been double-crossed by a faction controlled by its former secretary-general Capt Thamanat Prompow, who, along with more than 20 MPs, broke away over a conflict with party leader Gen Prawit Wongsuwon. The Thamanat group's departure split the PPRP down the middle, leaving it with just 20 MPs. Capt Thamanat's group later defected to the Klatham Party, which Pheu Thai subsequently picked as a coalition partner while purging the PPRP. It was widely reported Klatham, led by Education Minister Narumon Pinyosinwat, turned its back on the PPRP after the latter's leadership denied the Thamanat-led faction its "rightful" share of cabinet posts in the current Paetongtarn Shinawatra administration. According to the observers, Pheu Thai got to keep the PPRP half it trusted, given Capt Thamanat's longstanding loyalty to former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, who is also regarded as Pheu Thai's de facto leader. Klatham, despite having a little more than 20 seats to its name, was rewarded with the budget-intensive, A-grade agriculture portfolio and now the education portfolio too. The party has, since its entry into the government, been viewed to be on a quest to expand. It won local elections, solidifying its ground-level support base which will come in handy in general elections. Klatham also went on to win a by-election in Nakhon Si Thammarat, rated as a tough race, where it ran against a strong candidate from the Bhumjaithai Party. Bhumjaithai, too, was geared to spread its wings in several constituencies in the South where the Democrat Party has long asserted dominance. In Chon Buri, Klatham also wooed a former MP away from the main opposition People's Party which captured the lion's share of MPs in the province that stands as one of the East's economic powerhouses. Ms Narumon said earlier that it had come to her attention that at least 20 more MPs from other parties were looking to defect to Klatham. It was around this time that the UTN was reportedly suffering a split similar to that in the PPRP. The UTN was beset by rumours it had fallen out of favour with Pheu Thai which reportedly contemplated dropping it from the cabinet. It was also reported that Suchart Chomklin, a UTN stalwart, had attended a dinner with noted party politicians at a posh Italian restaurant in Bangkok some weeks ago. He later spoke of his deep-seated desire to leave the UTN, a party he said where he did not feel he truly belonged. However, he indicated several party MPs would defect with him if and when he decides to quit the 36-MP UTN. It was initially speculated the defectors would number at least 20, a figure that mirrors what Ms Narumon had cited. But some UTN MPs and prominent politicians thought to be joining the Suchart exodus denied the defection reports. According to unconfirmed reports, Mr Suchart was leaving the UTN and heading to the New Opportunity Party (NOP). Mr Suchart declined to say if he and the group of MPs were approached by Klatham to become its members, although he admitted he retained ties with Capt Thamanat. If the UTN expels Mr Suchart and his group, they will be able to move to the NOP. The NOP is likely to be accepted into the coalition and granted a cabinet seat or two, while the UTN could be purged. That was the speculation circulating prior to the latest cabinet reshuffle in which ministers in the UTN's quota mostly stayed put. The observers noted that had the UTN been driven out of the coalition, the party's circumstances and those of the PPRP would have been almost identical. Klatham, meanwhile, could assume the role of a versatile, sister party emphatically allied to Pheu Thai. The extent of their closeness may play out in situations in which Klatham would contest constituencies where Pheu Thai has not done well traditionally and send in candidates to compete against Bhumjaithai, which is now with the opposition. Klatham has been known to invest heavily in contesting polls, which has often resulted in victory. By defeating Bhumjaithai, the party could do Pheu Thai a massive favour in stemming it's rival's rise in power that threatens to rival that of Pheu Thai. Not a decent proposal With Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra's fate likely to be decided around the middle of next month, the People's Party (PP) and Bhumjaithai are reportedly exploring the possibility of forming a new coalition government to rival Pheu Thai should the suspended premier be removed from office. The PP has floated a proposal in which a new government it supports must agree to dissolve parliament by the end of the year and commit to charter reforms by holding a referendum on setting up a Constitution Drafting Assembly (CDA) to amend the charter. According to the main opposition party, it will not accept any ministerial positions and will remain in the opposition until fresh elections are held. Following the proposal, speculation is rife that Bhumjaithai leader Anutin Charnvirakul is being eyed for the interim prime minister post. However, many observers doubt the feasibility of such a proposal, particularly given the Bhumjaithai Party's earlier objection to charter changes. Some even note that the PP's proposal is not meant to succeed but to make headlines and keep the party in the media's focus. Olarn Thinbangtieo, deputy dean of Burapha University's Faculty of Political Science and Law, doubted the former coalition partner would agree to the proposal if it does not fit in with its own political agenda. This includes the prospect of Bhumjaithai trying to remove Pheu Thai from power and regain control of the Ministry of Interior, a key mechanism in making preparations for national elections. Bhumjaithai may promise former coalition partners more influential cabinet positions, hoping to entice them away from Pheu Thai. These parties may consider switching sides if Bhumjaithai's offer is worth it, according to Mr Olarn. The analyst criticised the PP for failing to do its job as the main opposition party fully and effectively, despite its promise to differ and engage in politics constructively. The party has remained noticeably quiet on several issues involving Ms Paetongtarn, including allegations of land encroachment and her controversial use of promissory notes (PNs) in a 4.43-billion-baht share acquisition. "The PP is trying to make itself look good after assessing that Pheu Thai is unlikely to survive. They come up with a feel-good proposal when they are supposed to hold the government and Ms Paetongtarn to account. "That kind of proposal makes the criticism that they are not getting anything done stronger," he said. He also expressed scepticism over the PP's readiness to form a new government with Bhumjaithai, pointing to the "Hong Kong deal" between Thaksin Shinawatra and Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit, alleged de facto leaders of Pheu Thai and the PP respectively. As long as both of them keep quiet on their relationship, public trust could erode further, Mr Olarn said. The relationship between Thaksin and Mr Thanathorn reminds the public of the ties between the Shinawatra family and Cambodian strongman Hun Sen. The "Hong Kong deal" is said to involve a meeting that supposedly took place in Hong Kong between powerful political actors labelled as the real movers behind Pheu Thai and the PP. It was reported that the Hong Kong meeting brought up the possibility of the PP one day replacing the conservative bloc in the Pheu Thai-led coalition if and when it was was to be ditched. Most people are convinced that after the next general election, Pheu Thai and the PP will join forces and form a coalition government. "And the party losing in this proposal is the PP whose move is so naive," Mr Olarn said. Reacting to a possible hand-shake between Bhumjaithai and the PP, Pheu Thai heavyweights accused the PP of political opportunism. Leading Pheu Thai figure Phumtham Wechayachai, who is also acting prime minister, urged the PP to think twice before cosying up to Bhumjaithai. He said Bhumjaithai has consistently blocked efforts to amend the constitution, implying that the party is an unreliable partner. According to Mr Olarn, Pheu Thai is getting nervous as it fears that both parties will form a partnership with the PP possibly looking for something in return. Some 44 PP lawmakers are under investigation by the National Anti Corruption Commission (NACC) for their role in supporting controversial amendments to the lese majeste law. "What Pheu Thai really fears is that Bhumjaithai will 'fish in its pond'," he said, referring to the attempt by Bhumjaithai to lure MPs from Pheu Thai in light of the leaked audio conversation between Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra and Cambodian Senate President Hun Sen. According to observers, should the Constitutional Court rule against Ms Paetongtarn in the audio leak case, Pheu Thai has one remaining prime ministerial candidate left to put up for a parliament vote -- former attorney-general Chaikasem Nitisiri -- to replace her. Mr Chaikasem recently attempted to dispel concerns about his ailing health by appearing at a golf course in Nakhon Nayok where he told reporters that the blood clot found in the back of his neck, which subsequently caused a stroke, has since dissolved, and there were no other health problems he needed to worry about.
Bangkok Post
11-07-2025
- Politics
- Bangkok Post
Srettha outlines 'soft power' vision for Thai athletes
Former prime minister Srettha Thavisin has reaffirmed the Pheu Thai Party's commitment to harnessing sports as a major driver of Thailand's soft power, citing its cultural, commercial, and diplomatic potential. Speaking on the topic of "Splash Soft Power Stage" under the theme "Rethinking Thai Sports in a Disruptive Era" yesterday, Mr Srettha outlined a strategic vision for elevating Thai sports globally. He was joined by national icons Buakaw Banchamek, a Muay Thai legend, and Panipak "Tennis" Wongpattanakit, a two-time Olympic gold medallist in taekwondo. During his speech, Mr Srettha highlighted the government's "One Sport, One State Enterprise Plus" initiative, launched in 2023 with a four-year budget of 1.3–1.5 billion baht. The programme aims to strengthen Thailand's sports ecosystem, commercialise local talent and attract investment from the private sector, he said. "This is a golden era for sports commerce," Mr Srettha said. "Muay Thai, as a symbol of Thai identity, must be promoted further with support for scientific training and professional development backed by private investment." He also stressed the importance of sports science -- particularly in nutrition and athlete development -- and called for fair treatment and income protection for Thais competing abroad. He also urged transparent government funding and proposed that top-performing athletes be recognised as National Artists. Buakaw, who recently appeared on stage with a pop group at an international event, noted the changing landscape of Muay Thai. "We used to worry about lacking proper facilities. Now, foreigners come here to learn from us," he said, calling for Muay Thai institutions to meet international standards. Panipak, who clinched her second Olympic gold in Paris last year, spoke of her struggles with weight management and study stress, and the vital role of mental health and nutrition support. She now hopes to inspire the next generation.
CNA
02-07-2025
- Business
- CNA
Commentary: Thai PM's suspension threatens more than the Shinawatra legacy
SINGAPORE: There was a potent sense of deja vu in Bangkok on Tuesday (Jul 1). Thai Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra, daughter of former leader Thaksin, was suspended from duty by the Constitutional Court, after a petition by 36 senators over her controversial leaked phone conversation with Cambodian Senate President Hun Sen. Her predecessor Srettha Thavisin had similarly come under the Constitutional Court's scrutiny, after 40 senators submitted a petition alleging he breached ethical standards by appointing Shinawatra family lawyer Pichit Chuenban to the Cabinet. In August 2024, he was found guilty and dismissed after less than a year in office. Mr Srettha was the fourth prime minister in 16 years to be removed after a Constitutional Court ruling. In Ms Paetongtarn's case, the senators allege that she had breached the constitution and ethical standards for negative remarks about Thailand's 2nd Army Region commander and for being overly deferential to Mr Hun Sen over an ongoing border dispute. Ms Paetongtarn now faces the real risk of following in Mr Srettha's footsteps in the coming months, and with it, possibly the end of the Shinawatra clan's grip on power. But her family's political legacy is hardly the only thing being threatened. FROM IDYLLIC TO IDLE? Although Bangkok is no stranger to political volatility, the latest round of machinations could not have come at a worse time for the country's economy. In mid-June, the World Bank cut its growth forecast for Thailand's economy from 2.9 per cent to 1.8 per cent in 2025. Three key growth engines are stuttering. First, tourism. Long the darling of successive administrations, the sector is showing signs of weakness as Thailand faces increased competition from regional neighbours, such as Malaysia and Vietnam. Chinese visitors, who comprise the single most important subset of international tourists, appear hesitant to flock to Thailand due to safety concerns stemming from scam operations, as well as the October 2023 shooting in Bangkok's Siam Paragon mall. Border tensions with Cambodia do not pose direct security risks for travellers in Bangkok, Phuket and other familiar tourist hotspots, but they could add to the sense of unease. The Middle East conflict has also disrupted flights to Southeast Asia and threatens to cast a long shadow over tourism inflows to Thailand in the coming months. The recent discovery of bombs in Phuket and Krabi have raised concerns about a potential geographical expansion of the separatist insurgency in the far south, though there is little to suggest that this is likely. The nuance may also be lost on tourists less familiar with the insurgency's track record of containing their attacks within the southern border provinces. TIGHTER WALLETS AND TARIFF WOES Second, consumption is being held back by Thailand's chronically high household debt level, which stood at 87.4 per cent of gross domestic product in the first quarter of 2025. This remains the highest ratio in Southeast Asia. Commercial banks in 2024 tightened lending criteria for auto and other consumer loans to mitigate risks, which further weakened domestic car sales. Ms Paetongtarn's ruling Pheu Thai party has also had to postpone the next phase of its vaunted digital wallet scheme to deal with external economic headwinds, including the threat of the US tariffs. Pheu Thai ministers had earlier promoted the scheme as vital to stimulating domestic consumption, even amid institutional concerns about its viability. Finally, Thailand's export-dependent economy is also bracing for the potential impact of US President Donald Trump's tariffs come Jul 9, when the current window for bilateral trade negotiations expires. Without a deal, Thailand is set to face a staggering 36 per cent tariff rate for exports to the US. Although Thailand's Finance Minister Pichai Chunhavajira will kick off formal negotiations with US Trade Representative Jamieson Greer in Washington DC on Jul 3, Thailand was not on a priority list of countries for US talks reported by the Wall Street Journal in April. Indonesia, Malaysia, Vietnam and even Cambodia are reportedly on that list, though it is not clear on what basis they were prioritised. Thailand therefore risks failing to pin down a favourable deal by Jul 9. While US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent has indicated that talks could be extended for certain countries, it remains to be seen if the US is sufficiently convinced that Thailand is 'negotiating in good faith' through its pledges to address outstanding concerns, such as the transshipment of Chinese goods and non-tariff barriers to trade. If Mr Pichai is successful in his endeavour, then the 10 per cent baseline could hold until a deal is struck. If not, and if the US thinks Thailand needs less of a push and more of a shove to prove its sincerity, the higher tariff rate could be used as leverage against Thailand to force more concessions. CAVEAT EMPTOR Foreign investors will want to see strong economic management by the government in order to keep their faith in Thailand. This is where political stability is crucial. An administration teetering on the precipice is unlikely to have the bandwidth to think strategically and long-term about fixing the economy. Pheu Thai's flagship initiatives to stimulate foreign investment have also been drawn into the political storm, and they look likely to be put on the backburner for the sake of political survival. Plans to legalise casinos have been delayed, with the Bhumjaithai party firmly in opposition after it withdrew from the ruling coalition. The casino legalisation bill and the proposed Land Bridge megaproject in southern Thailand, both backed by Pheu Thai, were both mentioned at the anti-government protest at Bangkok's Victory Monument on Jun 28. NO EASY FIX In short, Thailand needs to fix its politics to fix its policies. Unfortunately, there is no silver bullet on the horizon. It will take restraint and understanding among coalition partners – and the powers that be who are behind them – to prioritise government stability and policy continuity over narrow political interests. This is especially so when the cost of disunity could be catastrophic, not just for the political elites, but for the nation. It would also require novel policy ideas over tried-and-tested populist pitches. Yet there is little to suggest that Ms Paetongtarn's government is ready for either. One should note that what sparked the latest round of brinksmanship was Mr Thaksin's coveting of the interior portfolio – the interior minister position being seen as one of the most powerful roles in government – which so infuriated Bhumjaithai that the latter abandoned the coalition. Mr Thaksin cannot help but overreach; Ms Paetongtarn cannot help but defer; things are falling apart and it appears that the centre cannot hold.
BBC News
02-07-2025
- Politics
- BBC News
Thai prime minister suspended over leaked phone call
The Constitutional Court voted 7-2 to suspend her while they consider the case for her dismissal and she has 15 days to present her defence. In the meantime the deputy PM will serve as the country's acting leader. Paetongtarn, however, will remain in the cabinet as culture minister, a new appointment following a cabinet reshuffle that was endorsed hours before she was suspended. On Tuesday, Paetongtarn apologised again, adding that the purpose of her phone call with Hun Sen was "more than 100%... for the country". The call was about the border dispute between the two countries - although it's decades old, tensions have risen again since late May when a Cambodian soldier was killed. The leaked audio especially angered conservative lawmakers who accused her of appeasing Hun Sen and undermining Thailand's military. But she defended herself on Tuesday, saying, "I had no intent to do it for my own interest. I only thought about how to avoid chaos, avoid fighting and to avoid loss of lives. "If you listened to it carefully, you'd understand that I didn't have ill intentions. This is what I'll focus and spend time on explaining thoroughly." If she is eventually dismissed, Paetongtarn will be the second prime minister from the Pheu Thai party to be removed from premiership since August last year. At that time, her predecessor Srettha Thavisin was dismissed, also by the constitutional court, for appointing to his cabinet a former lawyer who was once jailed. Days later, Paetongtarn - whose father is Thailand's deposed leader Thaksin Shinawatra - was sworn in as prime minister. Tuesday's decision once again underscores the constitutional court's power to unmake governments, which critics say can be weaponised to target political opponents. This court has dissolved 34 parties since 2006, including the reformist Move Forward, which won the most seats and votes in the 2023 election but was blocked from forming the government. "This has become a pattern in Thai politics... a part of the Thai political culture, which is not what a true political process is supposed to be," said Titipol Phakdeewanich, a political science lecturer at Ubon Ratchathani University. "The suspension by court order shouldn't have happened but most people could see its legitimacy because the leaked conversation really made people question if the PM was genuinely defending the interest of the country." Paetongtarn, 38, remains the country's youngest leader and only the second woman to be PM after her aunt, Yingluck Shinawatra. Already struggling to revive a weak economy, Paetongtarn saw her approval rating fall to 9.2% last weekend, down from 30.9% in March. The court's decision comes on the same day as Paetongtarn's father, who was seen as the driving force behind her government, battles his own political troubles. Thaksin is fighting charges of insulting the monarchy over an interview he gave to a South Korean newspaper nine years ago. His trial started on Tuesday. The controversial political leader, who returned to Thailand in 2023 after 15 years in exile, is the most high-profile figure to face charges under the country's notorious lese majeste law. Thaksin's return was part of a grand compromise between Pheu Thai and its former conservative foes. They include the military, which deposed two Shinawatra governments in coups, and groups close to the monarchy.
Economic Times
19-06-2025
- Politics
- Economic Times
What is the Emerald Triangle that may lead to a war between two neighbors and bring down a prime minister
A quiet border turns into a tense military flashpoint—how one dispute could spark a war and shake political power in Thailand. This rising crisis in Southeast Asia is far from over, and every move now carries massive consequences. Synopsis The Emerald Triangle dispute is quickly turning into a serious crisis between Thailand and Cambodia. What started as a small trench-digging issue has now become a tense military standoff, risking war and political fallout. With troops on both sides, rising border clashes, and growing calls to take the issue to the International Court of Justice, the Emerald Triangle could shake the stability of Southeast Asia. Thailand's Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin is under mounting pressure, and any wrong move could cost him his position. This developing story holds major geopolitical weight—and it's not over yet. The Emerald Triangle dispute: Could this border clash bring war and topple a prime minister? Tensions are rising fast around the Emerald Triangle, a remote but highly sensitive area where Thailand, Cambodia, and Laos meet. It may look like a quiet border zone on the map, but recent clashes and military moves have made it a flashpoint that's now threatening to spark a regional conflict—and possibly bring down Thailand's Prime Minister. ADVERTISEMENT The Emerald Triangle came into global headlines when Cambodian and Thai troops exchanged fire near the disputed border in late May 2025. Since then, both countries have fortified positions, villagers have been caught in fear, and political pressure is mounting. At the heart of the issue: a long-standing disagreement over where exactly the border lies in this mountainous zone. But now, it's not just a cartography issue—it's a test of leadership, diplomacy, and peace in Southeast Asia. The Emerald Triangle border dispute isn't new. Thailand and Cambodia have had overlapping claims in this forested, rugged area for years. But things turned dangerous on May 28, when both sides confirmed that troops had exchanged gunfire, leading to injuries and panic among border communities. According to Thailand's military, Cambodian soldiers had started digging trenches in the disputed zone. Cambodia later said this was to protect its border post. In response, Thailand deployed reinforcements, closed local checkpoints, and put residents on alert. Some families began digging bunkers, fearing the worst. By early June, Cambodia agreed to stop the trench digging and restore the land, but not before the conflict stirred up political debate at home and across the region. Former Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, now President of the Senate, claimed the land was rightfully Cambodian, based on internationally recognized maps. He also urged both countries to take the issue to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) to settle it phone call, reportedly shared by Hun Sen with 80 politicians before being leaked, featured Paetongtarn speaking candidly about a sensitive border dispute. She addressed Hun Sen — a long-time friend of her family — as 'uncle' and criticized a Thai army officer involved in managing the flare-up at the Thai-Cambodian border. ADVERTISEMENT 'He just wanted to look cool and said things that are not useful,' she said of the Thai military commander, sparking a backlash over perceived disrespect to the powerful Thai Paetongtarn later defended her comments as a 'negotiation technique,' critics say the call showed weakness in leadership and compromised Thailand's stance on a long-standing territorial dispute. ADVERTISEMENT On Wednesday, the Bhumjaithai Party, Thailand's second-largest political party and a key member of the ruling coalition, officially withdrew support for Paetongtarn's government. With its departure, the Peu Thai-led coalition now holds a razor-thin majority in more coalition parties are scheduled to meet later today to decide their stance — meaning a complete collapse of the ruling alliance is a real possibility. ADVERTISEMENT Paetongtarn apologized on Thursday, stating, 'I would like to apologise for the leaked audio… which has caused public resentment,' but the damage might already be Emerald Triangle conflict has become a serious test for Thailand's Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin, who is already under pressure from coalition struggles and growing economic challenges. With the military on alert and the public nervous, any misstep could cost him his job—or worse, risk dragging the country into a deeper conflict. ADVERTISEMENT Srettha's government is still new and doesn't have full control over the military, which has a history of acting independently. The Thai armed forces are monitoring the border closely and may push for more aggressive moves if tensions flare up again. If the military loses faith in Srettha's handling of national security, it could spark calls for a change in leadership. Political analysts in Bangkok have warned that the Emerald Triangle issue could become a "trigger event"—something that starts as a local skirmish but ends up breaking apart the government. And in Thailand's history, military pressure has often led to either reshuffling the Cabinet or full-blown coups. There's still hope that diplomacy will win. On June 12, both Cambodia and Thailand agreed to de-escalate after a high-level meeting. Cambodia promised to fill the trenches, and both countries said they'd avoid further moves in disputed areas. But the story isn't over. Hun Sen continues to press the ICJ route, saying only the international court can fairly settle the boundary issue. Thailand, on the other hand, hasn't yet confirmed if it will agree to ICJ arbitration. Both sides claim to have official documents and maps backing their claims, and neither wants to back down publicly. That means the peace is fragile. While both governments may want to avoid war, border tensions can escalate quickly, especially if local commanders or military units act on their own. That's why experts are calling for immediate talks, a ceasefire agreement, and third-party observers—possibly from ASEAN or the UN. The leak added fuel to a simmering border row between the two nations. In May, a deadly clash at a contested border zone led to the death of a Cambodian soldier. Since then, tensions have escalated. In response to Thai restrictions, Cambodia banned the import of Thai fruits and vegetables, halted Thai dramas on TV and in cinemas, and reduced Thai internet and power usage. Meanwhile, Thailand also imposed tighter border controls and entry restrictions on Cambodian citizens. In a diplomatic letter, Thailand's foreign ministry called the leak 'deeply disappointing,' adding it 'will severely affect ongoing efforts… to resolve the problem in good faith.' The Thailand-Cambodia border dispute stretches back more than a century, linked to a 1907 map drawn under French colonial rule. Cambodia has cited that map to support its territorial claims, while Thailand rejects it as inaccurate. Disputed areas include sites like Mom Bei (Chong Bok) — where the May clash happened — and three ancient temples, including the Preah Vihear Temple, which was awarded to Cambodia in a 1962 ruling by the International Court of Justice (ICJ). Thailand accepted that ruling, but disputes about land surrounding the temple have continued to spark violence. Most recently, Cambodia submitted a new case to the ICJ over four disputed border points. Thailand, however, does not accept the court's jurisdiction and prefers bilateral negotiations. The pressure on Paetongtarn, the youngest and only the second female prime minister in Thailand's history, is growing. She took office in August 2024 after her predecessor Srettha Thavisin was removed by the Constitutional Court for violating appointment rules. Opposition leaders and even some of her own coalition members have called for her to step down. Paetongtarn, daughter of exiled and now-returned former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, also faces scrutiny over her family's close ties with the Cambodian Hun political dynasty. Hun Sen, Cambodia's former leader, has said he will no longer engage in private phone calls with Paetongtarn. He also admitted sharing the leaked audio and later posted the full 17-minute conversation on his official Facebook page. The fallout from the leaked call could shift regional dynamics. Cambodia has asked the ICJ to intervene, while Thailand remains firm in preferring bilateral talks. Both countries have shortened visa stays for each other's citizens, and economic retaliation continues on both sides. Tensions remain high, with mass rallies in Phnom Penh on Wednesday drawing tens of thousands of Cambodians in support of their government's firm stance. Hun Manet, Cambodia's new Prime Minister and son of Hun Sen, addressed the crowds, saying, 'When the country faces a threat… we will stand up in united spirit.' With national pride and political futures at stake in both nations, observers say the situation could deteriorate further unless cooler heads prevail. Q1: Why is Thai PM Paetongtarn Shinawatra under pressure to resign? Because of a leaked phone call with Hun Sen that upset the public and political allies. Q2: What triggered the latest Thailand-Cambodia border tensions? A fatal border clash in May and fallout from the leaked call escalated the dispute. (You can now subscribe to our Economic Times WhatsApp channel) (Catch all the US News, UK News, Canada News, International Breaking News Events, and Latest News Updates on The Economic Times.) Download The Economic Times News App to get Daily International News Updates. NEXT STORY
