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Al-Ahram Weekly
3 days ago
- Politics
- Al-Ahram Weekly
US' intentions for Sudan - World - Al-Ahram Weekly
Trump has proclaimed his intention to push for a solution to the conflict in Sudan, writes Asmaa Al-Husseini As the Sudanese Civil War persists in its relentless rampage of death, destruction, and immiseration, the Sudanese public are praying for an end to the unrelenting nightmare. 'We're facilitating peace also in places like Sudan, where they have a lot of problems,' US President Donald Trump said during a meeting with several visiting African leaders last week, indicating that Washington might be going to intervene in the Sudanese crisis. But can Washington succeed where others have failed? What form might a US-brokered solution take, and would it endure and deliver peace? These and many other questions are the subject of urgent debate and conjecture in Sudanese political circles. Washington is also determined to elbow out its rivals, especially Russia and China, which have made considerable political and economic inroads in Africa. This is not the first time that the US has announced its intention to resolve the Sudan crisis. Some weeks ago, US Middle East Envoy and Senior Adviser on African Affairs Massad Boulos described the Sudanese situation as 'the largest global humanitarian disaster currently' and that resolving the conflict was a 'top priority' for the US. Earlier, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio surprised attendees at the peace agreement signing between Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo by saying that the US foreign policy's next destination would be Sudan. In terms of practical steps, it was noticeable that sometime earlier this year Egypt silently replaced the UK on the Sudan Quartet, which also includes the US, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE. In their recent meeting in Washington, these countries' foreign ministers agreed to intensify efforts to compel the belligerents in Sudan to conclude a humanitarian ceasefire and to work towards a political settlement. Some weeks ago, the US also re-imposed sanctions on Sudan on the grounds that the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) had used chemical weapons – a claim Khartoum has vehemently denied. The sanctions halt a large range of US exports, arms sales, and government financing to Sudan. The step has been seen as a purely political move, especially since the US authorities offered no dates, locations, or other concrete proof to substantiate the allegations. While Trump's statement has so far elicited no official comment from either the Sudanese government or the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) fighting it, it met with diverse reactions from other quarters of Sudanese society. The Sudanese civilian democratic coalition Sumud led by former prime minister Abdallah Hamdok welcomed US plans to facilitate a peaceful settlement in Sudan and praised the positive role the US had played in resolving African crises. Sumud expressed its hope that Washington's intervention would promote diplomatic efforts and help pave the way towards peace and the return to the democratic transformation process, in line with the aspirations of the majority of Sudanese people. In like manner, the National Umma Party (NUP) described Trump's statements as positive, noting that they came at a highly critical moment for Sudan amid the ongoing humanitarian suffering. The party stressed that the perpetuation of the conflict not only cast a dark shadow over the Sudanese economy but also threatened the stability and security of the entire region. The NUP urged the international community to listen to the voices of the Sudanese people and to support their free choices for reaching a comprehensive and lasting political solution that treats the roots of the crisis, ends the cycle of violence and coups, and opens the path to comprehensive national recovery and sustainable development. Any initiative to resolve the crisis must be based on the Sudanese national will backed by international support if it is to reflect Sudanese aspirations for a just and inclusive peace grounded on the principles of justice and accountability and pave the way to a democratic civil state, the NUP said in a statement. Sudanese writer and politician Mahdi Dawoud Al-Khalifa noted how vaguely worded Trump's commitment to peace in Sudan and Libya was. It came with no explicit vision, timeframe, or concrete steps, which led Al-Khalifa to question how serious and sustained Washington's renewed involvement would be. Would Trump be a reliable partner in a genuine Sudanese peace process or would he simply repeat past US mistakes by supporting the military at the expense of civilian forces? Al-Khalifa suspects that the Trump administration's interest in Sudan is less about promoting peace than about geopolitical calculations. 'It reflects a determination to reclaim a footing in the Horn of Africa amid Russian expansion in the Red Sea and Iranian influence in eastern Sudan. Apart from that, Sudan remains effectively absent from Washington's strategic agenda. There are no indications of a serious diplomatic drive along the lines of those involving Niger, Ukraine, or Taiwan,' he said. In Al-Khalifa's view, if Trump's vow to bring peace to Sudan is to have any credibility, Washington must develop a full package of solutions. They would include a security track leading to a ceasefire supported by regional powers and pressure on the external backers of both sides to cease military support for their proxies. The solutions would also include a political track, fully engaging Sudanese civilian forces and not just military forces, and there would be an economic track with its sights set on a concrete comprehensive reconstruction plan. Al-Khalifa is sceptical about the prospects for such solutions. 'Trump tends to support strongmen,' he said. In Sudan's case, where two military forces are butting heads, the Trump administration might find it hard to select just one of the two leaders as the strongman to back. Instead, it might turn to civilian or tribal alternatives as counterweights, he said. Al-Khalifa also noted Trump's image of himself as a deal-maker. This might combine with another well-known Trump trait, leading him to 'push for a peace deal in Sudan if it gives him concrete rewards like a lot of media attention and, maybe, a Nobel Prize,' he added. Babiker Faisal, head of the Sudanese Federalist Unionist Gathering, sees three possible scenarios for a US-led diplomatic drive to end the war in Sudan, which the US would present in a forthcoming ministerial meeting in Washington between the US, Saudi, Egyptian, and Emirati foreign ministers. The first scenario would be face-to-face talks between the leaders of the SAF and RSF aimed at reaching a ceasefire agreement and forming a national unity government. Faisal compared this to the South Sudan experience, in which the belligerents first reached a temporary political settlement. Some international actors believe this model is replicable in Sudan. The second scenario would see a ceasefire without a comprehensive political settlement on the Libyan model. Each side would remain in power over the areas under its control, resulting in the emergence of two separate government administrations within a single state. Faisal warned that this scenario would entrench a de facto division and undermine prospects for a sustainable peace. The third scenario, or the 'comprehensive' scenario, as Faisal termed it, would lead to a complete ceasefire followed by a political process involving civilian forces and aiming to address the root causes of the crisis and prevent a backsliding into conflict. Such a scenario would require a broad civilian consensus, effective pressure on both sides and their outside backers, and a formula that balances the interests of all Sudanese stakeholders within a framework that promotes and safeguards the higher national interest. In Faisal's opinion, the US has come to realise that a military solution is unfeasible and that a peaceful political settlement is the only realistic option. The Sudanese actors must come to this realisation. Moreover, they must race to formulate solutions and reach settlements that promote the welfare of the Sudanese people and their country first. If they do not do so, they may find themselves forced to accept external solutions that do not necessarily serve their interests. * A version of this article appears in print in the 17 July, 2025 edition of Al-Ahram Weekly Follow us on: Facebook Instagram Whatsapp Short link:
Al Taghyeer
29-06-2025
- Politics
- Al Taghyeer
Sudan main civil alliance welcomes humanutarian truce in al-Fashir
The Civil Democratic Alliance of the Forces of the Revolution 'Sumud' welcomed the UN Secretary-General initiative to declare a one week humanitarian truce in al-Fashir, capital of North Darfur state. Khartoum: Altaghyeer The Civil Democratic Alliance of the Forces of the Revolution 'Sumud' has welcomed the initiative of the UN Secretary-General to declare a weeklong humanitarian truce in al-Fashir, capital of North Darfur state, aimed to help deliver humanitarian aid to besieged citizens. The alliance, led by former prime minister Abdalla Hamdok, expressed hope that the other party to the conflict in Sudan, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), would follow the case of the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) which accepted the proposal. The RSF has been beseiging al-Fashir, the only major city in Darfur still under SAF, for more than a year. Sumud urged for the implementation of this truce and expanding it to cover the whole country where people are negatively impacted by the ongoing conflict. The alliance also called for ensuring the delivery of humanitarian assistance to those in need, opening all crossings for the delivery of aid and protecting humanitarian workers. The alliance affirmed that the proposed truce clearly shows that peaceful, negotiated solutions are the shortest path to alleviating the suffering of the Sudanese people. Sumud stressed that it is the people who are paying the high price of this ongoing war with their lives, security, and livelihoods emphasizing that there is no military solution to the conflict.
Mada
16-06-2025
- Politics
- Mada
Sumud caravan to Gaza suspends operations after Cairo, LNA block movement
After days of intimidation by eastern Libyan authorities and the arrest of at least 13 participants, the Sumud caravan, which had set off from Tunisia last week in an attempt to break the siege in Gaza, announced Monday that it would forego the remainder of its journey, organizers told Mada Masr. 'We were supposed to reach the Rafah border crossing today, but that didn't happen because the authorities in eastern Libya refused to allow us to pass. They made it conditional on getting official approval from the Egyptian authorities — approval that Egypt never gave. The Libyan side told us: If you don't get a permit from Egypt, we can't allow you to proceed toward the border,' an organizer of the caravan said. An eastern Libyan government official, an Egyptian official and an Egyptian researcher close to sovereign bodies in Cairo said that Cairo requested authorities in eastern Libya block the delegation from continuing through Libya. Egypt, the eastern Libyan government official told Mada Masr, was keen to avoid potential embarrassment amid growing pressure to allow the activists to reach Rafah and push for aid delivery and an end to the siege on food and medicine in Gaza. The caravan, dubbed the Sumud Delegation, left Tunisia last week with around 14 buses and 100 vehicles. Even though the 1,500 people — whose numbers would swell as more people from Tunisia, Libya, Algeria and Sudan joined their ranks — were not carrying aid, organizers presented the delegation as a 'symbolic act.' Their departure from Tunisia into western Libya at the beginning of last week went smoothly at first, a member of the caravan told Mada Masr. 'As we moved from city to city, people went out to greet us in the streets, waving Palestinian flags, sprinkling rose water on our vehicles, ululating with joy. It was a spontaneous, genuine scene. In every city we stopped, there was food waiting, sweets, invitations to stay the night and offers to help,' the member said. But all of that came to a halt on Thursday evening, when the caravan reached the outskirts of the city of Sirte, the effective dividing line between east and west Libya, which is governed respectively by the Libyan National Army under Khalifa Haftar and the Tripoli-based Government of National Unity. 'It felt like we had fallen into a void,' a second member of the caravan told Mada Masr, describing arriving at the entrance to the city. 'We thought we were simply moving between Libyan cities, but, at that moment, it felt like we had crossed into a different country.' Over the next several days, the caravan faced intimidation from eastern authorities under the sway of Libyan National Army commander Khalifa Haftar. Plainclothes security officers infiltrated the caravan, one participant said, 'sitting near our tents, watching our movement, asking questions about everything.' Eastern authorities split the group into three separate convoys. They then imposed a total communications blackout and prevented movement and access to supplies, confining participants in a state of both security isolation and humanitarian chaos. Those who left were not allowed to rejoin the main group, which remained stranded for three days awaiting permission to continue east toward the Egyptian border. 'At night, in the thick darkness, there was no electricity, no toilets, barely enough water — only the dim light of phone screens,' the first participant said. 'Even aid deliveries were barred until the second night, only allowed in after interventions by the Red Crescent and donors from Misrata. The aid was meticulously searched by the same men in plain clothes, scattered among us.' In the ensuing days, a number of participants were arrested, including activist and blogger Abdel Razzaq Hammad. The Libyan National Human Rights Commission called on eastern authorities to release those detained, holding relevant authorities fully responsible for their safety and fate. The two participants described personal belongings being stolen, participants being searched or detained without legal warrants, and the assault on the convoy's spokesperson, who was beaten and dragged away wrapped in a blanket, only to be released after an officer intervened. By Saturday morning, the caravan decided to retreat from Sirte, heading back to the west, 200 kilometers outside Misrata. There, organizers tried to negotiate with eastern authorities and find alternatives. 'Our hearts are broken. We can no longer bear the images coming out of Gaza. If no one else will move, then let us. Don't stop us from trying to stop the genocide of women and children, to stop lives being taken away while we stand helpless,' the first participant said at the time. The situation escalated after pro-eastern Libya figures and media outlets circulated video clips of a supposed participant saying that 'Sirte was part of the organization' and began smearing the convoy as co-opted by the Muslim Brotherhood. According to an eastern government official, however, the decision to block the convoy's progress was not down to any offense or suspicion of Islamist activity. Instead, Egyptian officials had communicated with authorities in eastern Libya, urging them not to permit the convoy through due to lack of permits and approvals, and to spare Egypt embarrassment, according to the Libyan source. A source at a research center affiliated with sovereign bodies in Egypt and an Egyptian official acknowledged the pressure from Cairo. 'When the caravan was coming closer to the Egyptian western borders, the state requested the Libyan authorities intervene to avoid a border situation,' the Egyptian official said. Egypt has in recent days arrested and intimidated international activists who converged in Cairo to partake in the Global March to Gaza. The march organizers directed all participants to leave Egypt on Monday and suspended plans to head to Rafah. In its announcement of the end of the convoy, the organizers of the Sumud Delegation said that 13 participants continued to be held in custody and called for their immediate release.
Middle East Eye
16-06-2025
- Politics
- Middle East Eye
North African convoy for Gaza reports mistreatment in eastern Libya by Haftar forces
A North African aid convoy that departed from Tunisia to break the Israeli siege of Gaza has reported that its activists were mistreated and arrested in eastern Libya during the weekend. The "Sumud" Convoy, which means "steadfastness" in Arabic, departed from Tunis on 9 June, consisting of about 10 buses, a hundred cars, and thousands of volunteers from Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria and Mauritania, among others. Participants include trade union and political figures, as well as human rights activists, athletes, lawyers, doctors, journalists and members of youth organisations. It aims to raise international awareness about the humanitarian crisis caused by Israel's war on the Palestinian enclave and deliver aid. Stopped in eastern Libya The convoy was greeted by an enthusiastic crowd in Tripoli on Wednesday when, according to local media, residents offered food, accommodation and fuel. New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters But organisers said on Sunday that while en route to Egypt, the caravan was blocked in Sirte by authorities from eastern Libya. Since 2014, Libya has been divided into two rival administrations in the east and west of the country. The Government of National Unity, backed by the UN, is based in Tripoli and led by Prime Minister Abdul Hamid Dbeibeh; its rival, the House of Representatives, is based in Tobruk and dominated by General Khalifa Haftar. The caravan retreated to near Misrata in western Libya after it encountered Haftar officials in Sirte, which is under his control. North African 'resilience convoy' heads to Gaza, aiming to break Israel's siege Read More » In a statement on Saturday, the Joint Action Coordination Committee for Palestine, the organiser of the convoy, said they had been facing a "military blockade" and "a methodical siege' at the entrance to Sirte since Friday. The statement accused Haftar's authorities of not only blocking the convoy's advance but also isolating it by cutting off communication and the internet. Haftar's forces are also accused of preventing the delivery of food, water and medical supplies to the approximately 1,500 participants. A support caravan, organised by Libyan citizens in solidarity, was forcibly stopped from entering Sirte. The organisers also denounced the arrest of participants, including at least three bloggers documenting the caravan's journey since its departure. The trhee arrested participants have been identified as Tunisian Ala Ben Amara and Algerians Bilal Ourtani and Zidane Nezar. They have been accused of posting "offensive videos" and reportedly denied contact with lawyers or family. Wael Nawar, the spokesperson for the caravan, said on Facebook on Saturday that he had been kidnapped, violently assaulted and robbed of his money by Haftar-allied authorities. In another statement on Sunday, the organisers demanded the immediate release of 13 participants still detained by the eastern Libyan authorities. According to the statement, one officer even threatened participants at gunpoint during one of the arrests. Egypt and UAE, allies of Haftar Some Libyan news websites have suggested that the convoy was stopped at the entrance to Sirte after pressure from Egypt. Cairo said on Wednesday that any form of pro-Palestinian action by "foreign delegations" on its territory required "prior authorisation". That same day, Israel urged Egyptian authorities to ban any "act of provocation' by pro-Palestinian activists on their territory and any 'attempted entry into Gaza'. Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi has previously been a key backer of Haftar, although they are on opposite sides of the war in Sudan, which is raging on both countries' southern borders. Egypt detains nearly 200 foreigners who flew in to join Gaza march Read More » But the two men are nevertheless allied to the UAE, which has backed them financially before and is a key Arab ally of Israel. The Sumud convoy is part of the larger Global March to Gaza movement, which includes around 4,000 activists from around 80 countries. Both movements were expected to coordinate in Egypt before marching to the Rafah crossing. The Global March was blocked on Friday by Egyptian authorities as it tried to reach Ismailia, 45km east of Cairo. AFP reported that on Friday, during police operations at various checkpoints, dozens of activists were intercepted, sometimes assaulted, and their passports confiscated, before being forcibly put on buses. Several dozen activists were later freed in Cairo, while others remain in custody, according to organisers. French-Palestinian participant Sami, who came with his father and a friend from Paris, expressed his anger to RFI radio. "It makes me feel ashamed for this Egyptian government to be stuck here while a genocide is taking place. We're all here peacefully to break this blockade and bring in humanitarian aid, and now we see how we're being welcomed. It's a disgrace. It's disgusting complicity."
Daily Maverick
13-06-2025
- Politics
- Daily Maverick
Human rights for all: Why I am in Egypt to join the Global March to Gaza
Gaza, right now, is the largest concentration camp the world has ever seen, dwarfing in size the camps set up by the British in South Africa or by the Germans in Namibia and Poland. In Gaza, two million people are incarcerated by Israel's powerful military, backed by US bombs. They live without homes (which have all been bombed), without hospitals (which have also all been bombed) and without safe drinking water (Israel has bombed that too). The people of Gaza are also starving. They have no access to food. This is by design. Thousands of trucks packed with food and medical supplies have been waiting at the border for more than two months. Israel has refused to let them in. Instead of opening the border it is setting up militarised distribution points, and then shooting the starving civilians who gather, desperate for food. Israel is purposely starving Gazans to force them to give up their struggle for freedom and accept their removal out of the strip. This is the definition of ethnic cleansing. I do not merely give my opinion here. This is actually the stated policy of the Israeli government, which has boasted that the 'Trump Plan' to remove Palestinians from Gaza is one of their central war aims. Even a former Israeli prime minister, who has been defending the war for 20 months, now concedes that Israel is committing war crimes. But this isn't just a war crime. According to Holocaust experts like Raz Segal as well as independent human rights organisations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, this is a textbook case of genocide. We are looking at what is arguably the worst atrocity of the 21st Century. If not that, certainly the most documented. The Global March to Gaza is a humanitarian protest that seeks to pressure the Israeli government to stop the blockade and end its genocidal war in the Gaza Strip. Along with more than 50 other South Africans, we have flown to Cairo. From there we will take a bus into the Sinai Peninsula and march for two days (50 kilometres) all the way to the Rafah Crossing. The march will also be joined by the Sumud humanitarian convoy of 7,000 people that began in Tunisia and will also reach Rafah on 15 June. Despite the obvious danger, we have decided to join this first-of-its-kind global march to the doorstep of genocide. For over 20 months, we have been protesting against the genocide in our own countries. (Some of us have been protesting Israeli apartheid for decades.) We have been publishing articles, writing books, painting murals, hanging banners, speaking at Jewish, Christian and Muslim faith events. We have also been lobbying our governments to act against and sanction the Israeli regime. Yet the genocide has continued. Where is the backbone of those governments who claim to support the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinians? We feel we have no other choice but to try something new. Never before have thousands of civilians travelled thousands of kilometres to converge on the site of an ongoing genocide to try to stop it. We are doing this because we are desperate for real change rather than platitudes. When we see photos of starving children, when we watch videos of a man pushing a wheelbarrow of dismembered body parts through the ruins of Khan Yunis, when we hear the last words of little Hind Rajab before being shot by surrounding tanks, we see what could so easily be ourselves. And we see the necessity of our intervention. What if this were happening to us? What would we want the world to do about it? This is why we chant we are all Palestinians. This is why we call for freedom from the river to the sea. When Jews have asserted 'never again' after the Nazi Holocaust killed tens of millions of Roma, Slavs, homosexuals, disabled people and people of the Jewish faith, we know that its real meaning was not 'never again' just for Jews. For those of us who believe in the equality of all human beings, we recognise that this means that we should stand against the persecution of all people. We mean that we must fight all structures of colonialism, racism, sexism, queerphobia and of all other forms of oppression — wherever we encounter it. Since never again must mean never again for anyone; we march to make this a reality. As we head to Rafah, you can support our call to end the siege and end the genocide by following our journey, by amplifying it on social media, and by calling on your government to sanction the Israeli regime. DM
