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IOL News
19 hours ago
- Health
- IOL News
Ignoring sexual health costs South Africa $34bn, and counting
South Africa's failure to adequately invest in sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) for young people is costing the nation a staggering $33.7 billion. Image: Lebohang Mashiloane/Supplied A DAMNING new report by UNAIDS revealed that South Africa's failure to adequately invest in sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) for young people was costing the nation a staggering $33.7 billion (about R599bn) over a cohort's lifetime, equivalent to 10.1% of the country's annual gross domestic product (GDP). The report, titled The Cost of Inaction and funded by the Swedish government, painted a grim picture of how policy failures in adolescent health were creating long-term economic consequences that far outweigh the costs of intervention. The numbers told a devastating story. South Africa's cost of inaction on youth SRHR exceeded the country's entire annual education budget and was more than double its health budget. 'For every R100 spent in the country over a year, the cost of inaction on youth SRHR is equivalent to R8 in financial outlays paying for the effects of the lack of SRHR services, or opportunity costs of future value and income foregone,' the report stated with alarming clarity. This economic burden manifested across three critical areas: early pregnancy, HIV transmission, and gender-based violence (GBV) — each creating ripple effects that extended across generations. The report revealed that one in three South African girls who would fall pregnant during adolescence dropped out of school, with catastrophic consequences for their earning potential. A girl who completed secondary school would earn 3.1 times more annually than one who dropped out, creating a lifetime earnings gap of about $150 198 per individual at present value. The situation was particularly dire because adolescent mothers faced multiple disadvantages. 'They are less likely to complete secondary school and more likely to have a higher fertility rate, with more negative health outcomes,' the report stated. The children of teenage mothers also suffer, being more likely to experience poor health, educational challenges, and economic hardship, perpetuating intergenerational cycles of poverty. The Health Department confirmed receipt of questions from the Sunday Independent, but did not respond by the time of compiling this report. The Department of Social Development also did not respond to questions by the time of compiling this report. While the UNAIDS report highlights significant gaps and costs associated with inaction, it is important to note that the South African government has, in recent years, made substantial new investments in health and social development, particularly since the 2025/26 national budget. In May this year, Finance Minister Enoch Godongwana announced that the total health budget would rise from R277bn in 2024/25 to R296bn in 2025/26, with a projected increase to R329bn by 2027/28. This expanded allocation is specifically aimed at strengthening public health infrastructure, improving access to chronic medications, and addressing critical staffing shortages. Notably, an additional R20.8 billion over three years is being used to employ 800 post-community service doctors and 9 300 healthcare professionals in public hospitals and clinics, a move intended to address the chronic shortage of medical staff and improve service delivery in underserved areas. Further, more than R6 billion has been allocated for strategic health infrastructure projects, including the construction and refurbishment of hospitals and allied health facilities, with the aim of reducing disparities in access to tertiary care. The government is also maintaining and increasing funding for the central chronic medication dispensing and distribution programme, which now benefits an estimated 40% of antiretroviral treatment (ARV) clients by improving access to chronic medications through alternative pick-up points. In addition, R9.9bn has been earmarked for the rollout of National Health Insurance (NHI), reinforcing the government's commitment to universal health coverage and improved access to essential health services. While South Africa had made progress in HIV treatment, the disease continued to take a heavy toll on young people, particularly adolescent girls and young women who accounted for a disproportionate share of new infections. The lifetime cost of HIV for young South Africans aged 15-24 totalled $11bn, with young women bearing the brunt at $8.2bn compared to $2.7bn for young men. 'A delayed HIV diagnosis results in the delayed start of antiretroviral therapy, with negative impacts on a person's health and higher long-term treatment costs,' the report cautioned. The economic impact extended beyond healthcare, as people living with HIV faced reduced productivity and earning potential. Perhaps most shocking were the figures on GBV, which cost South Africa $12.4bn per cohort of young women aged 15-24. This includes direct costs to survivors ($11bn), government expenses ($224 million), civil society costs ($387m), and business impacts ($796m). 'GBV has serious consequences for women's physical health, as well as their sexual and reproductive health and mental health,' the report found. 'It is also a fundamental violation of women's human rights and has adverse economic and social consequences for men, women, their children, families and communities.' The report highlighted how GBV intersected with other issues — survivors were at higher risk of HIV infection, and women with less education faced greater vulnerability to violence. 'The prevalence of physical violence was greater among less educated women than those with secondary education or higher,' the report noted, drawing on 2016 Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) data. Health sector experts, including researchers from the South African Medical Research Council (SAMRC), have acknowledged that the 2025 budget boost signals a government that is responding to dire public health needs, particularly for the more than 80% of the population reliant on public health services. They highlight the increased investment in human resources for health, early childhood development, and social grants as positive steps. However, they also stress the need for strong accountability measures and efficient translation of these funds into improved health outcomes. Despite these substantial investments, experts and civil society organisations continue to call for further improvements, including enhanced accountability, more robust monitoring and evaluation, and greater focus on addressing the root causes of health disparities. The government itself has acknowledged these challenges and has committed to ongoing reforms and targeted spending to address them. The report identified several critical areas where government action (or inaction) was exacerbating these problems: The Education-Health Divide: A persistent lack of coordination between the health and education sectors undermined efforts to provide comprehensive sexuality education (CSE). 'This divide needs to be overcome so high-quality, evidence-based, comprehensive sexuality education can be provided both in and out of school to young people,' the report stated. A persistent lack of coordination between the health and education sectors undermined efforts to provide comprehensive sexuality education (CSE). 'This divide needs to be overcome so high-quality, evidence-based, comprehensive sexuality education can be provided both in and out of school to young people,' the report stated. Inaccessible Youth-Friendly Services: Despite legal provisions allowing adolescents to access contraception, many faced judgmental healthcare providers. 'Health care providers believe that young women should not be having sex before marriage,' the report found, leading to limited contraceptive options and missed opportunities for prevention. Despite legal provisions allowing adolescents to access contraception, many faced judgmental healthcare providers. 'Health care providers believe that young women should not be having sex before marriage,' the report found, leading to limited contraceptive options and missed opportunities for prevention. School Retention Failures: While policies existed to allow pregnant learners to remain in school, implementation was inconsistent. 'Only a few schools have formal or effective mechanisms in place to offer opportunities for girls to catch up on missed work,' the report noted, with 33% of pregnant girls not returning to school. The report outlined clear, actionable solutions that would more than pay for themselves through economic benefits: Integrated SRHR Services: Combining HIV prevention, contraception, and GBV services in youth-friendly spaces could dramatically reduce costs. The report highlighted successful models such as the O3 Programme that linked schools with health services. Combining HIV prevention, contraception, and GBV services in youth-friendly spaces could dramatically reduce costs. The report highlighted successful models such as the O3 Programme that linked schools with health services. Comprehensive Sexuality Education: 'School-based CSE, when delivered effectively using engaging and interactive game-based methods, empowers young people to make informed decisions about relationships,' the report stated. This required proper training for educators and collaboration with health providers. 'School-based CSE, when delivered effectively using engaging and interactive game-based methods, empowers young people to make informed decisions about relationships,' the report stated. This required proper training for educators and collaboration with health providers. Economic Support for Young Parents: Programmes that helped adolescent parents complete their education, including childcare support and flexible schooling, could recover millions in lost earnings potential. The report cites Nacosa's successful peer education and remedial teaching initiatives. Programmes that helped adolescent parents complete their education, including childcare support and flexible schooling, could recover millions in lost earnings potential. The report cites Nacosa's successful peer education and remedial teaching initiatives. GBV Prevention Investments: Community-based programmes such as Stepping Stones and Sonke Gender Justice's One Man Can campaign have proven effective at changing harmful gender norms. The report called for scaling these interventions alongside clinical services for survivors. The report's conclusion was unequivocal: 'Business as usual is not going to work. Different approaches are needed to generate change.' It challenged policymakers to view SRHR not as an expense, but as an investment with measurable economic returns. 'Understanding the cost of inaction helps to re-evaluate current approaches,' the report stated. 'Costing activities, including the cost of inaction in the cost-benefit analysis, will enable appropriate investment decisions for activities that provide real change, both now and also in the health and economic livelihoods of the next generations.' For South Africa, the choice is clear: continue paying the astronomical costs of inaction, or invest strategically in the health and rights of young people to unlock their full economic potential. The numbers show there's only one fiscally responsible option. Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.
Irish Independent
3 days ago
- Irish Independent
Mediahuis journalists win top honours at the Justice Media Awards
Almost 140 journalists gathered at the Law Society of Ireland for the announcement of the awards' winners. Mark Tighe of the Sunday Independent and Marie Crowe of RTÉ won the inaugural award in the Print-Online Journalism Feature category for their joint investigation on 'Field of Broken Dreams'. The judges described it as a 'superb two-and-a-half-year investigation highlighting the mistreatment and wrongs made against women footballers who suffered in silence', adding it was a 'standout entry' and a 'deserving winner'. Mr Tighe and Ms Crowe along with RTÉ Investigates director Frank Shouldice also scooped the merit certificate in the Human Rights and Social Justice Reporting Broadcast category for their 'Girls in Green' investigation. The Irish Independent special correspondent Catherine Fegan was awarded three merit certificates. In the Print and Online Journalism Daily category, she was awarded for her reporting 'Taking Back the Power' – in which three survivors of rape tell of their tough decision to waive their right to anonymity so the perpetrators could be named. Ms Fegan was awarded in the Human Rights and Social Justice Reporting in Print and Online for 'School abuse victims demand justice: I didn't talk to anyone about it. I just carried it all inside', and also won in the Court Reporting Print and Online category for her piece 'Nikita Hand v Conor McGregor: The Moment the Mask Slipped'. The Irish Independent legal affairs editor Shane Phelan was awarded a merit certificate for his 'Key factors that may have swayed the jury in Nikita Hand case against Conor McGregor' in the Court Reporting Print and Online category. In the Print and Online Journalism Sunday category, Sunday Independent journalist Ali Bracken claimed a merit certificate for her reporting 'Conviction of James Kilroy for murdering his wife Valerie French is not the end of the legal road for the French family'. There were also two merit certificates won by the Irish Independent podcasts in the Broadcast Journalism Podcast category. The Indo Daily team, including Garrett Mulhall, Fionnán Sheahan, Robin Schiller, Carlo Salizzo, Ian Doyle, Hugh Keenan, and Rory Bowens, were awarded for the episode titled 'Wanted: Gardaí release images of 99 Dublin riot suspects, is it a worrying precedent?' Meanwhile, Mr Tighe and Joe Molloy of the Indo Sport were awarded for the Indo Sport's episode called 'Nikita Hand wins David and Goliath case against Conor McGregor'. Former Irish Independent journalist Ellen Coyne also won a merit certificate for her reporting on 'Domestic violence victims forced into homelessness by lack of refuge spaces' in the Human Rights and Social Justice Reporting in Print and Online category. President of the Law Society Eamon Harrington said: 'The record-breaking number of entries this year shows that the standard of Irish legal journalism remains incredibly high. 'As journalists across the world continue to face threats, it is more important than ever to recognise and support responsible journalism, and those who produce it.'
IOL News
3 days ago
- Business
- IOL News
Why the Gini coefficient remains crucial for understanding inequality
The Gini coefficient is not the full story of inequality in South Africa, but it remains an important chapter. Image: Ron AI THE rubric of robust statistical measures is essential for evaluating policies and plans within the context of democratic governance. A RECENT Sunday Independent article questions the relevance of the Gini coefficient as a measure of inequality in South Africa, describing it as outdated, narrow, and even politically manipulative. It argues that the Gini fails to account for social grants, informal economies, and the growing black middle class, concluding that we must retire it and replace it with a new, locally informed metric. The critique is welcome and necessary. As Statistician-General, I support public scrutiny of the tools we use to measure our society. But I caution against discarding useful instruments because they are imperfect. The Gini coefficient is not the full story of inequality in South Africa, but it remains an important chapter. Developed in the early 20th century, the Gini coefficient is a single statistic that indicates how evenly (or unevenly) income or wealth is distributed. It is widely used by national and international bodies, especially in relation to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), particularly Goal 10, which focuses on reducing inequalities. This commitment is reflected in Agenda 2063, the African Union's (AU's) socio-economic transformation plan. It is embedded in South Africa's National Development Plan (NDP), which aims to reduce our Gini from 0.69 to 0.60 by 2030. The article makes a valid point: inequality is complex, and no single measure can capture it all. The Gini does not reflect the value of the 'social wage' — free education, healthcare, grants, housing subsidies — and may undercount informal economic activity. But it is not meant to measure everything. It is one tool among many, and it tells us something important: South Africa remains one of the most unequal societies in the world, even if we have made real progress in reducing poverty. As a statistician, I use it as part of my statistical toolkit. Statistical measures are essential for data analysis and informed decision-making, revealing patterns and trends. In his 2005 paper, Aziz Othman emphasises that effective policies rely on quality data. There is a growing shift among governments and organisations from opinion-based to evidence-based policy, underscoring the need for credible statistical analysis in policy formulation. National statistical agencies in the United Kingdom and Australia also produce Gini coefficient statistics relevant to their contexts. This highlights the importance of continuous monitoring of income inequality and the integration of statistical methods into policymaking, as discussed in Othman's paper. With more than 30 years of experience in producing official statistics at both national and continental levels, I have come to understand that poverty and inequality are complex issues that span social, economic, and political dimensions. This complexity shows that a single measure cannot fully capture these challenges. Thus, using various statistical methods is essential. Statistics SA (Stats SA) employs three main approaches to assess poverty: traditional money-metric measures based on national poverty lines, multidimensional methods like the SA Multidimensional Poverty Index (Sampi) and Child Multiple Overlapping Deprivation Analysis (Moda), along with subjective assessments that reflect personal views of poverty. Similarly, in analysing inequality, the Gini coefficient is but one of several metrics used by Stats SA to quantify economic disparities. Additional indicators include inequality experts Henri Theil's indices, Anthony Atkinson's indices, and Alex Sumner's Palma ratio. Each of these measures possesses distinct strengths and weaknesses, yet all are widely recognised and used by National Statistical Offices (NSOs) and scholars globally to elucidate the structure and magnitude of inequality within a nation. It is important to note that the Gini coefficient facilitates understanding income and expenditure distributions across households rather than functioning as an all-encompassing indicator of inequality, contrary to what the article may imply. Furthermore, additional measures based on asset data, service delivery data, and labour market information produced by Stats SA are also useful for understanding the broader issue of inequality beyond economic indicators such as the Gini coefficient. The simplest approach to measuring income inequality involves segmenting the population or households into quintiles, ranging from the poorest to the richest, and analysing the distribution of income or expenditure across these segments. Recent Income and Expenditure Survey (IES) results indicate that about 75% of white-headed households are within the upper income quintile. Conversely, nearly half (45.1%) of black African-headed households fall within the lowest two quintiles in terms of income. Similar trends are observed in expenditure, where about 45.3% of black African-headed households are also categorised within the bottom two expenditure quintiles. This data underscores the significant disparities in economic status between these demographic groups. The findings illustrate a significant disparity in income and expenditure per capita, clearly highlighting the entrenched income inequality in South Africa, particularly affecting black African-headed households. Notably, nearly 57% of households within the lowest income quintile are female-headed. However, this proportion diminishes across the quintiles, with 49.5% of the second quintile, 42.9% in the third, 34.5% in the fourth, and only 33.5% in the upper quintile. This decreasing representation of female-headed households in higher quintiles underscores the persistent issue of gender inequality within the socio-economic landscape. South Africa has extensive survey data on individual and household welfare from Stats SA, which offers various indicators of poverty and inequality.
Irish Daily Mirror
3 days ago
- Sport
- Irish Daily Mirror
Davy Fitz explains emotions after winning battle for clarification over reports
Davy Fitzgerald says he is happy to be vindicated after a clarification was published in a Sunday newspaper over reports from 2021 over his time as Clare manager and the hurling supporters' club. Fitzgerald's legal team posted on X (formerly Twitter) on Sunday, 'Pleased to secure this important clarification on behalf of our client Davy Fitzgerald. Integrity is critical in sporting and public life and Mr Fitzgerald is satisfied that his good name and reputation stands vindicated'.The post also included a statement from the Sunday Independent that read: 'In March 2021 a series of articles were published in the Sunday Independent concerning Clare hurling, two of which included references to David Fitzgerald, former Clare manager, and his 2018 biography, At All Costs.'Those articles reported on potential divisions in Clare hurling, and the separation between Clare County Board and the hurling supporters' club active between 2012 and 2016, including extracts from Mr Fitzgerald's biography.'Medahuis, publisher of the Sunday Independent, is happy to clarify that, in discussing those subjects, the articles did not contain, not were they intended to contain, a suggestion of dishonesty on Mr Fitzgerald's part'.Speaking about the clarification yesterday, the current Antrim boss admitted it was a "big thing personally" after a four year ordeal for himself and his family. Fitzgerald explained: "To have to wake up on a number of Sunday mornings and read stuff that affects you and your family, and for there to be insinuated certain things against you, is hard to take. "But I made a decision there and then that I wasn't going to let that go. Some of my friends have said to me, 'We know what the story is, don't bother'."I couldn't let that go and I'd like to thank my legal team, who were absolutely unreal for the last three or four years. I'm happy with the vindication. I'm happy it's done."Did it hurt? There are probably two things that hurt me in the last number of years. That was one of them. When some people would actually think that that might be true, some of the stuff that was insinuated, that was terrible. "But I'm glad that it's out there. It was tough not to deal with it at the time, to come out roaring and screaming, but I wanted more than that."My legal team knew everything and they were very happy to go as long as it took to do it. I'm delighted for the family as well that people get to see that side and it means a lot to me."Fitzgerald's father, Pat, stepped down as Clare secretary in 2022, a year after taking a civil case against a social media website. Davy revealed that his father had intended to step down in 2018 to pursue another opportunity but had to stay in his role because of the case. "I would have actually loved to see him gone then and he probably would have himself, but he's happy," said Fitzgerald. "I think he kind of said on Sunday that, 'Do you know what now, that's that'." And the former All-Ireland winning goalkeeper agrees with that sentiment. "It's just nice for people to know what the story is because when stuff is put out there and you wake up on a Sunday morning and you and your family are reading stuff, that's not right," Fitzgerald said. "I think you can see it with me, I'm not actually bitter or anything like that anymore. I'm just glad it's done. It's over now. And that small little group of people, some of the things that were done, not good."Fitzgerald also mentioned the hurt he felt when, while in charge of Wexford in 2020 against Clare, he says he "got absolutely abused personally" by a member of the Clare backroom team."That's not right," he said. "No one should have to put up with that. And it was during Covid, some of my friends said to me afterwards that you could hear it on the television."I suppose the only thing on that day was nearly every single member of the Clare team came up to me afterwards and shook my hand, which meant the world to me."The one thing I said to myself afterwards about these two things is that it's only a very small minority, a few powerful people, that were probably behind this campaign."I look at the supporters in Clare, the Clare players, they're absolutely top class. The clubs in Clare, top class. I've benefited from the clubs in Clare, I won an All-Ireland because the clubs in Clare did their job and I'm so proud."But that did hurt. That campaign hurt. That clarification meant the world because you don't get them too easily, I can tell you that."But you know what? It's done. It's closed. I want to forget about it now. I'm happy with that. But it's over now and it's move on. But I'm delighted to have persisted with it, to have got that." *Davy Fitzgerald was speaking at the launch of the 24th annual Circet All-Ireland GAA Golf Challenge in aid of GAA-related charities at Michael Lyng Motors (Ford) in Kilkenny
Irish Examiner
3 days ago
- Sport
- Irish Examiner
Davy Fitzgerald: 'I'm happy with the vindication. I'm happy it's done'
Davy Fitzgerald said he had to fight to protect his good name in a recent legal case. A clarification appeared in the 'Sunday Independent' this past weekend relating to articles in the newspaper about him in March 2021 about his time as Clare boss and the hurling supporters's club. It pointed out the piece 'did not contain, nor were they intended to contain, a suggestion of dishonesty on Mr Fitzgerald's part.' For the current Antrim manager, it brought to a close a four-year ordeal, which had caused him and his family distress. 'To have to wake up on a number of Sunday mornings and read stuff that affects you and your family, and for there to be insinuated certain things against you is hard to take. 'But I made a decision there and then that I wasn't going to let that go. Some things and some of my friends have said to me, 'We know what the story is, don't bother.' I couldn't. I couldn't let that go and I'd like to thank my legal team, who were absolutely unreal for the last three or four years. 'I'm happy with the vindication. I'm happy it's done. Did it hurt? There are probably two things that hurt me in the last number of years. That was one of them. When some people would actually think that that might be true, some of the stuff that was insinuated, that was terrible.' Fitzgerald cited the 2020 All-Ireland qualifier in Portlaoise when as Wexford manager at a game that couldn't be attended by supporters due to the pandemic he was heckled throughout the game by a member of the Clare backroom game. 'I spent a whole game in 2020 on the sideline where I got absolutely abused personally by a member of a backroom team, my own county, which hurt me. Clare. That's not right. No one should have to put up with that. And it was during covid. 'Some of my friends said to me afterwards that you could hear it on the television. I suppose the only thing on that day was nearly every single member of the Clare team came up to me afterwards and shook my hand, which meant the world to me. 'I suppose the one thing I said to myself afterwards about these two things is that it's only a very small minority, a few powerful people, a very small minority that were probably behind this campaign. 'I look at the supporters in Clare, the Clare players, they're absolutely top-class. The clubs in Clare, top-class. I've benefited from the clubs in Clare. I won an All-Ireland because the clubs in Clare did their job and I'm so proud. But that did hurt. That campaign hurt. That clarification meant the world because you don't get them too easily, I can tell you that.' For Fitzgerald's father Pat, former Clare secretary, who stepped down in 2022 a year after pursuing a civil case against a social media website, the weekend's development was also important. 'I suppose the only regret Pat has is that Pat was actually going finishing up (as county secretary) in 2018, believe it or not. 'He had another opportunity got and people probably don't know, he actually wanted to go then. But because the case with the social media had gone with the guards, there was an investigation, he had to stay employed in order for that to happen. 'But I would have actually loved to see him gone then and he probably would have himself. But he's happy. He goes to matches. The Munster Council are incredible to him and a few other counties are unbelievable to him. I think he kind of said on Sunday that, 'Do you know what now? That's that.''
