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India.com
11 hours ago
- Politics
- India.com
BJP's ‘Nari Shakti' Rhetoric Faces Leadership Test Within Party
New Delhi: In Indian politics, slogans often do the heavy lifting. 'Nari Shakti', the BJP's rallying cry for women's empowerment, has been a consistent part of its electoral pitch, development agenda, and cultural messaging. From schemes like Ujjwala Yojana to the push for the Women's Reservation Bill, the party has repeatedly projected itself as a champion of women's rights. However, despite years of promoting 'Nari Shakti' as a key electoral plank and cultural identity, the Bharatiya Janata Party today finds itself in an uncomfortable position, lacking a strong, popular pan-India woman face in its top leadership or newly formed cabinet. While the Modi cabinet has seven women ministers, none of them enjoys pan-India popularity like Sushma Swaraj or other former women leaders of the party. This apparent disconnect between rhetoric and representation hasn't gone unnoticed. This gap has raised eyebrows among political observers, and as the 3.0 Modi-led government takes shape, a critical question arises: Where are the women? A cabinet without prominent women "Nari Shakti" is a powerful slogan, but slogans don't substitute for representation. The absence of prominent female leadership highlights how women are still perceived more as support systems than leaders within the party. This is not a new pattern. The BJP fielded around 16% women candidates in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, a modest improvement, but still far short of the 33% goal it has publicly endorsed. Despite a strong base of women MPs (31 out of the BJP's 240 in the 18th Lok Sabha) and growing female participation in election campaigns and grassroots politics, few women are elevated to positions of national political visibility or decision-making authority. As per several analysts, parties field women candidates in either safe or hopeless constituencies, rarely in the crucial battleground seats. Women are mobilized during elections, but not groomed for leadership. Experts feel the BJP's Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam Act was a mere eyewash, promising 33% reservation for women in Lok Sabha and state assemblies, but delivering a paltry 31 women MPs in 2024, a stark decline from 42 in 2019. Experts say this is a part of a broader pattern where women are mobilized as voters and campaigners, especially in welfare schemes and outreach initiatives, but are not empowered as political decision-makers. This paradox, between women's increasing political visibility and their absence from actual leadership, has drawn criticism. Political Analyst Sandeep Choudhary said, "Making Droupadi Murmu the President of India, a tribal woman from a humble background, certainly sent a message to the world. But let's not mistake representation for empowerment. Women do not become empowered merely by holding symbolic positions. Real empowerment demands structural change; women must be given real power in legislative assemblies, in ministries, in administrative authority, and in decision-making bodies where their voice is not just present, but heard and acted upon." "Women's participation in politics should not be conditional upon the will or generosity of men. As long as male leaders continue to decide which woman should get a ticket, whose voice should rise, and who should be sidelined, empowerment will remain a distant dream. Women must be allowed to rise through their merit, their strength, and their vision, not based on what role the male leadership assigns them. Until then, this will not be true empowerment, but controlled representation," he further added. "Look at Smriti Irani, she is articulate, bold, and deeply connected to the ground realities. Yet after her defeat, she vanished from political prominence. In contrast, men like Pushkar Singh Dhami and Keshav Prasad Maurya were made Chief Minister and Deputy Chief Minister despite losing. This inconsistency shows that women are still viewed as exceptions, not equals," Choudhary further highlighted, adding, "Today, the BJP governs many states across India, yet how many women do we see as Chief Ministers? Just one, and that too, a recent appointment of Rekha Gupta in Delhi, after the fall of the AAP government. If women truly matter in politics, why are they missing from the top posts across the country? You cannot talk about Nari Shakti while structurally excluding women from leadership roles." Experts feel that when capable women are ignored, it sends a message to the next generation of women that their rise will always depend on factors beyond competence. "Slogans like 'Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao' and 'Nari Shaktikaran' are powerful, but they must translate into policies, opportunities, and representation. Until a woman can rise from the Panchayat to Parliament without systemic bias, until her ticket isn't decided by the male high command, and until her defeat isn't treated as final while men are resurrected, true women's empowerment will remain a distant ideal," he concluded. Ground-level mobilization, but no elevation To be fair, the BJP has effectively mobilized women at the grassroots, using self-help groups, local welfare schemes, and women-specific subsidies to cultivate strong female voter bases. In states like Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh, women played a decisive role in the BJP victories. Initiatives like the Ladli Behna Yojana and targeted welfare programs have built immense goodwill among women voters, especially in rural India. BJP has mastered the art of symbolism when it comes to women, but that mobilization has not translated to genuine political inclusion. Women are present on the ground, not in the room where decisions are made. This dissonance, women as voters versus women as leaders, is now becoming too stark to ignore. Reports also say that women's representation is far lower than in many other democracies. The few women who do make it are typically from politically privileged families. Senior Journalist Rahul Lal slammed the BJP, saying, "The BJP's actions suggest that women's empowerment is not a priority for the party, and that the Nari Shakti slogan is merely a publicity gimmick." Making his views stronger, Rahul Lal added, "Women have been marginalized in every matter in terms of representation, and it's not an exaggeration to say that the BJP's Nari Shakti slogan has been a mere facade. The BJP could have given more tickets to women, but they didn't, and as a result, women's representation in the party has taken a hit. The Saffron party's promises of women's empowerment have turned out to be empty promises, with no substance or action to back them up." Regional contrast and missed opportunities Regional parties have offered a different model. In contrast, parties like the TMC, BSP, and even Congress have put women front and center. Mamata Banerjee, Mayawati, and Priyanka Gandhi Vadra are household names. Meanwhile, the BJP, a party with a national presence and deep organizational machinery, lacks any woman who occupies a similar national leadership space today. What must change Experts feel that for the BJP to credibly claim the mantle of 'Nari Shakti,' it must: Elevate women into the party's highest decision-making bodies, including cabinet committees and national executive posts. Field women candidates in winnable constituencies and train them for long-term leadership roles. Move beyond symbolism, giving women policy authority, not just campaign responsibilities, and promote internal mentorship and leadership pipelines, especially from grassroots to national politics. Time for structural empowerment The BJP's messaging around "Nari Shakti" has undeniably reshaped how women voters see politics, as something accessible and participatory. But turning that participation into real representation requires more than slogans. Until women are given real power, not just portfolios but policy-shaping authority, the gap between narrative and reality will continue to grow. In an era where optics matter, substance matters more. The question is no longer whether the BJP can mobilize women. It's whether it is ready to be led by them.
Hindustan Times
19-06-2025
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
Nalanda University eyes major academic push by adding host of Master's programmes, fellowships & global MoUs
With four more Master's programmes being launched this year apart from the two introduced last year, Nalanda University has now six of them within a year to take the total number of such programmes offered at the famed institution to 12. Besides, the University has introduced Post-Doctoral Fellowships, expanding its academic scope and reinforcing its ole as a premier centre of research and higher learning, said a university statement. The Master's programme being offered are MA in Historical Studies, Buddhist Studies, Philosophy, and Comparative Religions, Hindu Studies (Sanātana Dharma), World Literature, Archaeology, International Relations and Peace Studies, Economics, Philosophy and Hindi. Also read: In a first, more girls passed Class 12 with science stream than arts in 2024: MoE analysis Besides, the university is also offering in Ecology and Environment Studies and MBA in Sustainable Development and Management. On September 1, 2014, the university had started its academic session from the makeshift venue at the International Convention Centre at the Buddhist pilgrim town of Rajgir, barely 10 kms from the ancient seat of learning. On September 19, minister for external affairs Sushma Swaraj had formally inaugurated it. However, it was on June 19, 2024 that Prime Minister Narendra Modi inaugurated its sprawling state-of-the-art campus net zero blending traditional flavour of the ancient seat of learning with modernity and inspired by the original monasteries. Since then, momentum has picked up. Also read: QS Rankings: DU secures 30th spot globally in employment outcomes, retains overall rank at 328 After a long wait, Nalanda University in May, 2025 got a regular vice chancellor with the appointment of Professor Sachin Chaturvedi, Director General of the Research and Information System for Developing Countries (RIS), a New Delhi-based think tank. Since May 2023, after the end of an extended six-year tenure of Prof Sunaina Singh as VC, Prof Abhay Kumar Singh, professor & dean, School of Historical Studies, was the interim VC of NU. Incidentally, Sunaina singh had also taken over the charge of the institution in May 2017 from an interim VC amid complete change of its governing board. The university has had a fair share of problems over the years and it is yet to gather desired momentum. In its 11th year, it now has over 400 students, including 224 foreign students from 21 countries, enrolled with Master's Programme for academic year 2024-2025 in eight Masters and PhD programmes. It has also started admitting students through the Common University Entrance Test (CUET) for the first time to boost intake. Also read: IGNOU launches Post Graduate Diploma in Tribal Studies (PGDTRBS) With new programmes from this year, the numbers are expected to increase. Each Master's programme is expected to have 40 students. A senior officer of the university said that total intake in the university has reached over 1200, including 800 for various short-term courses. 'The spirit of Nalanda has evolved as a vibrant expression of continuous engagement with eternal values and the civilisational ethos of the East. It embodies a rich intellectual tradition, marked by openness, inclusivity, and a globally oriented outlook. Building upon this legacy, our vision for the new Nalanda is rooted in integrative wisdom,' said the VC. He said the institution 'draws inspiration from an Eastern worldview in which faith, intellectual inquiry, and material well-being are not regarded in isolation, but as deeply interwoven dimensions of holistic human existence'. The communication office said that the university has deepened its outreach by signing approximately 20 new Memoranda of Understanding (MoUs, including nine in the last one year, with global and national institutions.
News18
19-05-2025
- Business
- News18
Time To Hold Pakistan Responsible For Proliferation Of Global Terrorism
Last Updated: Pakistan is on a self-destructive path as one looks at the shifting geopolitical landscape wherein nations prioritise stability, economic cooperation, and counter-terrorism Over the past couple of decades, Pakistan has steadily lost favours it once enjoyed with key allies, including the US, for its incessant instrumentalisation of terrorism as state policy. As the post 9/11 world increasingly adopted global norms on no tolerance for terrorism, Pakistan remained stuck in its tactics of viewing militant networks as strategic assets, particularly deployed against India. Embarrassingly exposed time and again, the country currently finds itself amid multiple crises at once, from a precarious economic state to existentially threatening insurgencies, all exacerbated by a severely weakened global standing. This was laid bare during its recent hostilities with India, following the blood-curdling Pahalgam attack of April 22, as countries that have traditionally aligned with Pakistan refused to come to its aid. Pakistan's role in the proliferation of global terrorism began with its alliance with the United States' Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in arming the Afghan Mujahideen against the erstwhile USSR in the 1980s. However, this policy of using militant proxies for geopolitical ends was soon institutionalized by the Pakistani establishment which then deployed the same tactics to undermine India, and specifically stir up Islamist militancy in Kashmir. Even as it projected itself as a US ally in the global war on terror, it continued to shelter and support radical elements, reflected in its infamous distinction between 'good Taliban' and 'bad Taliban'. The primary reason why it covertly backed the Afghan Taliban was again to secure an allied Islamist regime in Afghanistan as a counter to India. This could not be concealed for long and the US, frustrated by Pakistan's duplicitous designs, significantly cut down on its economic and military aid to the country, in addition to distancing itself diplomatically. On the other hand, the continuous terrorist attacks in India, evidentially linked to Pakistan, such as the 2001 Parliament attack, 2008 Mumbai attacks, 2019 Pulwama attack, among others, tarnished the latter's global reputation as the epicentre of terrorism. In recent years, even Muslim majority nations such as the Persian Gulf countries, particularly Saudi Arabia and UAE, have shifted their foreign policy rationale from religion and ideology-based alignment with Pakistan to a more forward-looking cooperation based on the imperatives of economic pragmatism, regional stability and security, and the emerging new world order, with India. Similarly, the Organization of Islamic Countries (OIC) has, in the past few years, demonstrated its respect and willingness to engage with India, much to the distaste of Pakistan. The first and quite heavy blow came when the forum invited India's then Foreign Minister Sushma Swaraj as a 'guest of honour' in its 2019 meeting in Abu Dhabi, despite Pakistan's objections. The next year, in a departure from its usual stance, the OIC declined to have Kashmir on its agenda, reflecting Pakistan's deteriorating standing in the forum and India's increasing global clout. Although amid the recent military escalations between the two neighbours in the wake of the Pahalgam terror attack, the OIC appears to have favoured Pakistan's narrative on Kashmir, inciting censure from India, it remains questionable how long it is going to last, given Pakistan's free-falling economic, security and diplomatic situation as well as the organisation's history of snubbing the country's requests more often than not. Destabilising Pakistan's strategic calculus and exacerbating its internal crisis is its once intimate ally- the Afghan Taliban. Since returning to power in August 2021, an event that was looked at with much optimism and triumph in Islamabad, the Afghan Taliban have turned sour with their neighbour that accuses them of supporting the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) or the Pakistani Taliban. The TTP has recently emerged as the most potent insurgent group within the country, in addition to the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA), launching relentless attacks on security forces and civilians, and increasingly establishing proto-state pockets in Pakistani territory. The loss of the Afghan Taliban as a reliable ally against India despite years of covert and risk-laden backing certainly constitutes an existential setback for Pakistan, made worse by the growing engagement between the Afghan Taliban and India. The decades of Pakistan's instrumentalisation of terror have left it in a position that it itself finds difficult to get out of. Not only has the sponsorship of terrorism backfired on its own people as it ranks second in the Global Terrorism Index 2025, but the years of neglect of its internal issues has bred insurgencies that have attacked even Chinese workers and projects, jeopardising its most strategic partnership. As Pakistan suffers from alarming inflation, dropping currency and foreign exchange reserves, and dependence on IMF bailouts and bilateral loans, its internal security crises have not only weakened it politically but also economically by staving off any potential investment. Pakistan is on a self-destructive path as one looks at the shifting geopolitical landscape wherein nations prioritise stability, economic cooperation, and counter-terrorism over religious or ideological affiliations. Its continued backing of terror has already cost it irreparably, both internally and externally. Unless it radically recalibrates its geopolitical strategy, one that has no space for terror proxies, the future seems grim for the country. The writer is an author and a columnist. His X handle is @ArunAnandLive. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views. tags : Afghan Taliban pakistan economic crisis Pakistan terrorism Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: May 19, 2025, 17:50 IST News opinion Right Word | Time To Hold Pakistan Responsible For Proliferation Of Global Terrorism
