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Asahi Shimbun
9 hours ago
- Politics
- Asahi Shimbun
U.S. Forces Japan chief calls new command ‘historic' shift
The commander of U.S. Forces Japan said the recent decision by the Self-Defense Forces to establish a joint operations command was a 'historic development' that would be matched by greater coordination on the part of the U.S. military. Lt. Gen. Stephen Jost submitted an opinion piece to The Asahi Shimbun in which he explained the aim of the recently initiated Japan Self-Defense Force Joint Operations Command Cooperation Team, or JCT. During his late March visit to Japan, U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth announced that the first steps had been taken to give U.S. Forces Japan operational command authority to eventually better coordinate with the SDF Joint Operations Command. Jost explained that the role of the JCT would be 'to further strengthen our bilateral ability to respond to crises or contingencies.' The team would serve as the 'primary interlocutor and liaison' between the SDF and U.S. Forces Japan, he said. He added that the team, 'marks the first tangible step we're taking to enhance our operational synergy with Japan.' Based in Tokyo, the JCT is 'a small team today, but it will continue to grow as USFJ expands its capabilities and authorities,' Jost said. He added that the primary mission of U.S. Forces Japan would result in a switch from 'alliance management' to integrating and synchronizing 'operations that span the spectrum ... from humanitarian assistance, disaster relief and armed conflict.' U.S. Forces Japan currently comes under the U.S. Indo-Pacific Command, based in Hawaii, but will gradually increase its command authority over the next few years, Jost said. Touching on recent moves by Tokyo to possess the capability to strike at enemy bases preparing to launch missiles against Japan as well as sharply increase defense spending, Jost said they illustrate 'Japan's determination to serve in a leading role' in regional security. In the context of China's continuing military buildup, Jost said the decision to integrate the command-and-control structures would lead to 'deeper security cooperation while signaling a clear-eyed resolve to uphold stability, deter aggression and ensure a prosperous future' in the region. *** The following op-ed piece by Lt. Gen. Stephen Jost appeared in The Asahi Shimbun on June 28 under the headline, Advancing the Alliance: USFJ, JSDF transform future of Indo-Pacific Security The U.S.-Japan security alliance has entered a transformative era, most recently marked by Japan's establishment of the Japan Self-Defense Forces Joint Operations Command and the ongoing evolution of our U.S. Forces, Japan headquarters. The security, freedom and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific face increasing challenges from adversarial nations, primarily the People's Republic of China, and I can tell you firsthand that these threats are only intensifying. The security developments now in motion underscore a growing urgency to prioritize combat credible forces and reinforce our readiness to protect peace in the Indo-Pacific, and I welcome this new phase of our enduring alliance. During the recent Defense Ministerial meeting in Tokyo, Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth and Defense Minister Gen Nakatani reaffirmed the necessity of our collective transformation efforts, highlighting the increasingly severe security environment. 'We have a robust alliance agenda that will strengthen our deterrence posture, keep the enemy guessing, creating dilemmas for them, and ensure that we achieve peace through strength,' said Hegseth. I join both defense officials in celebrating the establishment of the Japan Self-Defense Force Joint Operations Command; a historic development reflecting Japan's commitment to a more integrated and agile security posture. But what is the Japan Self-Defense Force Joint Operations Command and why does it matter to USFJ and the broader alliance? The answer is an organization with increased functionality and requisite authorities. In other words, the new joint operations command will operate much like a Joint Force Headquarters to unify operational commands across the Japan Self-Defense Force. Japan's ability to provide a more comprehensive and timely response to emerging threats and natural disasters will significantly increase. This crucial step forward represents a key structural evolution and is being done in tandem with a growing defense budget marked by fundamental reinforcements in Japan's defense capabilities, including the acquisition of counterstrike capabilities. The combination of these measures signifies Japan's determination to serve in a leading role in providing regional security. Parallel to these changes, USFJ is transforming to better protect peace and security in the region. As we transition to a Joint Force Headquarters in the years ahead, we will integrate new capabilities across the joint warfighting functions, signaling an important shift to a more distributed and resilient force posture. Moving from a headquarters primarily charged with an alliance management mission to one that, in time, will integrate and synchronize operations that span the spectrum of operations from humanitarian assistance, disaster relief and armed conflict is a monumental task. Our aim is to field a capability that significantly enhances the depth of connectivity and warfighting effectiveness with our Japanese partners to strengthen the Alliance's deterrence. Growing USFJ in parallel with the Japan Self-Defense Force Joint Operations Command requires a collective vision and shared commitment, and I could not be more encouraged by the opportunities ahead. The most recent and visible commitment to the transformation is USFJ's launch of the Japan Self-Defense Force Joint Operations Command Cooperation Team, or JCT. This team is now serving as the primary interlocutor and liaison between our two independent command structures. It's a small team today, but it will continue to grow as USFJ expands its capabilities and authorities as part of our deliberate headquarters transformation efforts. The cooperation team's primary purpose is to further strengthen our bi-lateral ability to respond to crises or contingencies. This team marks the first tangible step we're taking to enhance our operational synergy with Japan. The team is operating from Tokyo and focused on daily, in-person collaboration opportunities across both parallel command structures. Additional organizational and structural changes to USFJ are also being developed in close consultation with U.S. Indo-Pacific Command. These shifts in command and control are occurring against the backdrop of intensifying regional concerns, including a rise in coercive and unprofessional military maneuvers in all domains of operations. These activities emphasize the necessity for a more robust U.S.-Japan security alliance. By modernizing our collective command and control structures, we are achieving deeper security cooperation while signaling a clear-eyed resolve to uphold stability, deter aggression, and ensure a prosperous future for the peace-loving people of Japan and the Indo-Pacific region. It is an honor to be a part of this alliance at such a pivotal moment, and I am confident that together we will rise to meet the challenges ahead.
Asahi Shimbun
12 hours ago
- Politics
- Asahi Shimbun
VOX POPULI: Trump's crude law of might remark takes my breath away
The Atomic Bomb Dome in Hiroshima's Naka Ward. Photo taken on Oct. 12, 2024 (Asahi Shimbun file photo) Fleet Adm. William Leahy (1875-1959) served as U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt's chief of staff during World War II. In his postwar memoirs published in 1950, he condemned the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, noting that 'the use of this barbarous weapon was of no material assistance in our war against Japan.' Many Americans believe the bombings hastened the end of the war and saved countless lives. But Leahy obviously had other thoughts. The interpretation of historical facts is never simple. Leahy pointed out, 'The Japanese were already defeated (by a naval blockade and conventional bombs) and ready to surrender.' Now, how about this comment by U.S. President Donald Trump? Gloating over the recent bombing of Iran's nuclear facilities, he declared, 'I don't want to use an example of Hiroshima. I don't want to use an example of Nagasaki. But that was essentially the same thing. That ended the war.' I took this to understand that Trump justifies the use of those heinous weapons. The sheer crudeness of his 'law of might,' which is without even the slightest trace of sensitivity to history, takes my breath away. The Japanese government has responded with the chief Cabinet secretary's comment to the effect, 'We are aware of (Trump's) remark.' Tokyo's surreal 'consideration' for Washington is beyond ridiculous. The U.S. attack against Iran was in clear violation of international law. It went ahead without a shred of evidence of an imminent threat posed by Iran's nuclear development, not to mention that the matter was never referred to the United Nations. The rule of law is fundamental to peace. When that collapses, the very foundations of our society suffer massive damage. Referring to the huge civilian toll in the atomic bombings, Leahy observed, 'In being the first to use it, we had adopted an ethical standard common to the barbarians of the Dark Ages.' Who are the barbarians of our present era? --The Asahi Shimbun, June 28 * * * Vox Populi, Vox Dei is a popular daily column that takes up a wide range of topics, including culture, arts and social trends and developments. Written by veteran Asahi Shimbun writers, the column provides useful perspectives on and insights into contemporary Japan and its culture.
Asahi Shimbun
2 days ago
- Business
- Asahi Shimbun
Pacific Islands delay security plan that could open door to China
A grocery store run by a Chinese man in Honiara, Solomon Islands, displays flags of China and the Solomon Islands on the wall on May 29, 2020. (The Asahi Shimbun) SYDNEY--Leaders of the four biggest Pacific Islands nations have delayed adopting a joint security strategy that could provide an opening for Beijing, against a backdrop of increasing rivalry between China, Australia and the United States in the Pacific Ocean. The Melanesian Spearhead Group, which includes Solomon Islands, Papua New Guinea, Vanuatu and Fiji, had been negotiating its first joint security framework, focused on maritime security. A meeting of the group's leaders on Monday in Fiji delayed a decision, with Papua New Guinea's Foreign Minister Justin Tkatchenko telling Reuters the security strategy was yet to be agreed on. Discussions over Taiwan, among other matters, and how to accommodate the different positions of members was challenging, he said on Thursday. The inter-government group, courted by Beijing which funded its headquarters in Vanuatu, has previously said it would consider China as a security partner. The Pacific's bigger diplomatic bloc, the 18-member Pacific Islands Forum, has rejected China security ties and said instead the Pacific should provide its own security. Among the Melanesian Spearhead Group nations, Solomon Islands and Vanuatu are seen as the closest to Beijing with policing ties, while Papua New Guinea has security deals with the United States and Australia, and Fiji has a defense partnership with Australia. Australia said on Thursday it would assist the Pacific Islands to counter illegal fishing by doubling funding to A$477 million ($312 million) for aerial maritime surveillance across millions of km (miles) of the Pacific, using civilian planes and drones. China, which operates the biggest fishing fleets, demonstrated its coast guard capabilities to 10 Pacific Islands ministers last month, prompting concern from some regional officials it may start patrolling the South Pacific, where the United States Coast Guard has increased activity. LARGEST TRADING PARTNER Australia's Pacific Minister Pat Conroy attended the Melanesian Spearhead Group meeting for the first time, sitting across the room from China's ambassador Zhou Jian at the Fiji discussions. China's embassy in Fiji said in a statement that the group was a 'crucial platform for promoting regional peace and stability.' In the meeting, Conroy highlighted that Australia is the largest trading partner of every member of the group. Solomon Islands Prime Minister Jeremiah Manele said in a statement that progress was made on the security strategy, with 'a firm commitment to collaborate with member countries and associate partners to enhance stability and peace throughout the region'. He did not specific which partners. In the Solomon Islands on Thursday, Conroy said Australia will provide 60 police vehicles, cyber security support and road upgrades for Honiara to host the Pacific Islands Forum leaders meeting in September. 'The Pacific is best served by Pacific-led institutions and processes,' he said in a statement. Solomon Islands is yet to formally respond to Australia's offer in December of A$100 million to expand its police force, Conroy said in a television interview. 'I made it clear that I don't think that China should be involved in policing in the Pacific,' he told the Australian Broadcasting Corporation. Solomon Islands said it would fill any security gaps by seeking assistance from Melanesian countries, he added.
Asahi Shimbun
2 days ago
- Politics
- Asahi Shimbun
VOX POPULI: Propaganda research shows Japan skews more susceptible
Hong Kong natives living in Japan rally in a pro-democracy protest on June 9, 2024, in Tokyo's Shinjuku Ward, marking the fifth anniversary of the massive protest in Hong Kong. (Emi Iwata) Let me be clear. Every person has their own story to live out. If the story is of your choice and also to your liking, good for you. But you aren't always so lucky. Sometimes, the story is forced on you by the powers that be. And even more menacing is a story you are unknowingly duped into accepting. I visited Tetsuro Kobayashi, 47, a Waseda University professor researching the effects of propaganda on public opinion by authoritarian regimes. What interested me was that Kobayashi's focus is on the parties being manipulated, not the manipulators. According to Kobayashi, a survey taken in nine countries and regions showed the Japanese people to be outstandingly 'demo-phobic.' In Japan, there apparently is a tendency to loathe people who engage in political activism. The freedom to hold demonstrations is fundamental to democracy. And yet, to do so is seen as disrupting harmony. How irrational. This sort of social climate is said to explain Japan's 'vulnerability' to Chinese and Russian propaganda. For instance, during the Hong Kong democracy movement, China propagated the 'narrative' that the CIA was behind the uprising, which was believed more readily by Japan's demonstration haters, regardless of whether they were pro-Beijing or anti-Beijing. Other research results also indicate the overall gullibility of Japanese public opinion when exposed to propaganda. Usually, we watch the news and learn, before we come across 'nonfactual' information consisting essentially of rumors and conspiracy theories. But because the latter are new and sensational in nature, they tend to grab our attention and 'overwrite' what we've learned. 'This is hard to deal with, but the important thing is for us to be aware that it happens,' said Kobayashi. Nodding deeply in agreement, I wondered: 'Isn't there anything we can do to change people's demo-phobia?' —The Asahi Shimbun, June 26 * * * Vox Populi, Vox Dei is a popular daily column that takes up a wide range of topics, including culture, arts and social trends and developments. Written by veteran Asahi Shimbun writers, the column provides useful perspectives on and insights into contemporary Japan and its culture.
Asahi Shimbun
5 days ago
- Business
- Asahi Shimbun
Poll: Japan favors security over economy in S. Korean ties
A new joint public opinion survey conducted in Japan and South Korea reveals differing priorities between the two nations regarding areas where future cooperation would be most beneficial. When asked to select the field bilateral cooperation should focus on, 34 percent of Japanese respondents chose security, while the most common response among South Koreans was the economy, at 37 percent. The poll was carried out by The Asahi Shimbun and South Korea's Dong-A Ilbo, marking the 60th anniversary of the normalization of diplomatic relations between the two Asian neighbors. In Japan, security was followed by the economy at 28 percent, historical issues at 24 percent and responses to the aging population and declining birthrates at 8 percent. Next to economic cooperation, South Korean respondents ranked historical reconciliation at 28 percent, followed by national defense at 20 percent and demographic challenges at 12 percent. The survey was conducted via telephone in both countries and follows up a similar joint poll from 2015. Although the previous Japanese poll was conducted via mail and is not directly comparable, this year's results show a notable improvement in perceptions of bilateral relations. The percentage of Japanese respondents who believe relations are 'going well' rose by 22 points to 29 percent. In South Korea, it increased by 23 points to 26 percent. Meanwhile, the percentage of those who disagreed with that view dropped significantly in both countries, falling by 36 points to 50 percent in Japan and by 31 points to 59 percent in South Korea. Concerns about North Korea's nuclear program remains high in both countries, though the intensity differs. Eighty-two percent of Japanese respondents said they feel 'very' or 'somewhat' concerned compared to 52 percent in South Korea. Meanwhile, 17 percent of Japanese and 48 percent of South Koreans said they feel 'limited' or 'no' concern. The idea of strengthening defense cooperation between Japan and South Korea received majority support in both nations, with 56 percent in Japan and 60 percent in South Korea in favor. Opposition stood at 30 percent and 37 percent, respectively. Although Japan and South Korea are not in a formal security alliance, they are increasingly participating in joint military drills within multilateral frameworks. These are typically led by the United States, which is the primary ally of both countries. On the economic front, both populations expressed a strong preference for ties with the United States over China. In Japan, 80 percent said relations with the United States are more important while 77 percent of South Koreans agreed. Only 11 percent of Japanese and 14 percent of South Koreans prioritized relations with China.
