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Piloo Mody, a Parliamentarian Who Left a Mark With His Wit and Humour
Piloo Mody, a Parliamentarian Who Left a Mark With His Wit and Humour

The Wire

time26-06-2025

  • Politics
  • The Wire

Piloo Mody, a Parliamentarian Who Left a Mark With His Wit and Humour

This article is part of a series by The Wire titled ' The Early Parliamentarians ', exploring the lives and work of post-independence MPs who have largely been forgotten. The series looks at the institutions they helped create, the enduring ideas they left behind and the contributions they made to nation building. Piloo Mody was an architect, politician, one of the founding members of the Swatantra Party and a veteran parliamentarian. He was elected to the 4th and 5th Lok Sabhas and served in the Rajya Sabha from 1978 until his death in 1983. As a parliamentarian he left his imprint, complete with humour. Born into an affluent Parsi family on November 14, 1926, Mody was one of the sons of Sir Homi Mody. He had two brothers, Kali Mody, a pioneer of credit card operations in India and Russi Mody, a former chairman of TISCO Limited. Piloo studied at the Doon School, Dehradun. After that, he studied architecture at Sir J.J. College of Architecture, Bombay (now Mumbai), and completed his Bachelor of Architecture. To pursue his master's degree in architecture, Mody attended the University of California, Berkeley, US. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who went on to become prime minister of Pakistan in the 1970s, was his college roommate as well as a close friend. After completing his studies, he married Lavina (Vina) Colgan, a Swiss-born-American and his classmate at Berkeley, on January 3, 1953. After his stint at Berkeley he returned to India. He worked for two years on the Chandigarh Capital Project with Le Corbusier. Another significant building that Mody designed in collaboration with Durga Bajpai is the Oberoi Hotel in New Delhi. He also designed the Chennai headquarters of Engineering Construction Corporation, a former subsidiary of Larsen & Toubro Ltd. It won the Federation Internationale de la Precontrainte prize for excellence in pre-stressed concrete from India. The couple set up an architecture firm, Mody and Colgan, in 1953 at Stadium House, Churchgate. Their first project was a residential apartment at Marine Lines for senior officials of TISCO. They also designed the front casing of one model of the Voltas Air conditioner. Mody's other projects include residential project Olympus, three TELCO offices, the headquarters of Bharat Bijlee, Mukand Iron and Steel, Sandoz, Voltas and Diners Club and Business Service centres. In political life, Mody was an advocate of liberalism and freedom. He was associated with the Swatantra Party as its founding member and was executive vice-president of the party. As parliamentarian In the 1967 general election, Mody was elected to the 4th Lok Sabha, representing the Godhra constituency in Gujarat. In 1971 he was re-elected and served in the 5th Lok Sabha until March 1977 but lost with a narrow margin in 1977. Mody merged his Swatantra Party with Charan Singh's Bhartiya Kranti Dal in 1974, which eventually merged with Janata Party in 1977. After an absence of a year from parliament, on April 10, 1978 Mody joined the Rajya Sabha and served there until his death in 1983. Besides his professional pursuits, Mody was known for his constant use of wit and humour in his parliamentary speeches. Due to his conservative and pro-US views, Mody was often accused by the members of the ruling Congress party of being a 'Washington parrot'. To counter that, once he came to the House wearing a placard reading, 'I am a CIA agent.' The chairman ordered him to remove it. He did so, remarking, 'I am no longer a CIA agent.' Once, during a debate, J.C. Jain, a member of the ruling party, started needling Mody. He lost his temper and shouted at Jain, 'Stop barking.' Jain was up, yelling and pleading with the chair, 'Sir, he is calling me a dog. It is an unparliamentary language.' Chairman Hidayatullah agreed and ordered, 'This will not go on record.' Not to be outdone, Mody corrected himself by saying, 'All right then, stop braying.' Jain did not know what the word implied, and it stayed on record. Once, a minister, during a heated argument, said, 'I am not supposed to respond to every barking dog.' Then Mody rose to speak and said, 'Speaker, Sir, on the treasury benches, we have great people sitting, pillars of the government, pillars of democracy. And, we are dogs, and everyone knows how a dog treats a pillar.' The House burst out in laughter. Illustration: Pariplab Chakraborty When Giani Zail Singh, as Home Minister, was piloting a bill in the Rajya Sabha, Mody participated in the debate. While replying to the debate, Gianiji, referring to Mody's comments on the Bill, stated in Hindi, ' Piloo Mody to bade seasonal member hain.' The whole House started laughing. Another minister, sitting next to Gianiji, whispered to him to say that the word is 'seasoned'. Thereupon Gianiji again said, ' Mujhe to angrezi thodi aati hai. Inko to inki biwi ne angrezi padhai hai.' Mody thumped his desk and raised a point of order. The whole House was looking at Mody. The Deputy Chairman asked, 'What is your point of order?' Mody stated, 'Gianiji is grossly misinformed. My wife did not teach me English. I taught her English.' The whole House burst into laughter again. Mody's wife was Swiss. Similarly, once, there was a debate in Parliament about the import of railway tracks and wagons for quick replacement. Indradeep Sinha, an opposition member, believed these should be manufactured locally instead of importing because it caused delays. Mody interrupted to say that the delay was caused not by importing it but by manufacturing it. Sinha replied to Mody, 'You are not the sole importing agent. There are so many others.' The Chairman corrected Sinha, 'No, he is not an importing agent. He is an exporting agent.' Mody added, 'I export ideas in a barren market.' When Shyam Lal Yadav was elected as the Deputy Chairman of Rajya Sabha, members of various political parties in the House started extending their congratulations to him. Mody congratulated and warned the newly appointed Deputy Chairman, 'I beg to move a vote of congratulations to my friend, Shri Shyam Lal Yadav. I have no doubt in my mind that my good friend will continue to be as partisan as he was in the past. I want to assure my friend, neighbour, and colleague that I wish him very happy times in the Chair with the least amount of acrimony and warn him that if he does not behave when he returns to this Chair, I will sit on him.' The Deputy Chairman, when not presiding, sits next to the Leader of the Opposition. Mody's sense of humour was not only in his speeches but in his writings too. He was known to address Indira Gandhi as IG in his letters and sign off as PM (Piloo Mody). He often told Indira Gandhi, 'I am the permanent PM; you are temporary.' In 1975, at the time of the Emergency in India, Mody was arrested on the orders of the Indira Gandhi government, using the controversial powers granted by the MISA and was in Delhi's Tihar Jail and Rohtak Jail for 16 long months. Apart from being a humorous parliamentarian and brilliant architect, Mody was a renowned author, having two books to his credit. His first book, Zulfi, My Friend (1973), was penned on the life and times of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. Mody's second book was Democracy Means BREAD AND FREEDOM (1979), which he wrote during his 16 months in jail. The book was an attempt to trace the genesis of democracy and search for the origins of the attitudes and institutions that sustain it. Mody also served as editor of an English weekly, March of the Nation, published from Bombay, and wrote numerous articles for the national and international newspapers and magazines. A few days before he died in his sleep, Piloo Mody, the irrepressibly buoyant MP who for over a decade brought to Indian politics a special flavour of wit, wacky humour and wisdom, told India Today that "The world revolves around an idea. Every problem has its solution, given a clean heart, good intention and determination." He also explained his plans to start a new political party. But he passed away on January 29, 1983. He was 57. Qurban Ali is a trilingual journalist who has covered some of modern India's major political, social and economic developments. He has a keen interest in India's freedom struggle and is now documenting the history of the socialist movement in the country.

Joachim and Violet Alva: A Parliamentarian Couple Who Made History
Joachim and Violet Alva: A Parliamentarian Couple Who Made History

The Wire

time12-06-2025

  • Politics
  • The Wire

Joachim and Violet Alva: A Parliamentarian Couple Who Made History

This article is part of a series by The Wire titled 'The Early Parliamentarians', exploring the lives and work of post-independence MPs who have largely been forgotten. The series looks at the institutions they helped create, the enduring ideas they left behind and the contributions they made to nation building. Joachim Ignatius Sebastian Alva and Violet Hari Alva were the first Parliamentarian couple in history. Violet and Joachim were elected to the Rajya Sabha and the Lok Sabha respectively in 1952. Together, the Alvas fought for independence, played a key role as lawyers, edited journals and proved themselves to be great parliamentarians. Joachim, born in Udupi in the then South Canara district of the erstwhile Madras Presidency on January 21, 1907, was a lawyer, journalist and politician from Mangalore. He was a prominent Mangalorean Catholic figure involved in the Indian independence movement. Illustration: Pariplab Chakraborty. Violet was born in Ahmedabad on April 24, 1908. The two met at Bombay's Government Law College and married on November 20, 1932. Their partnership ended only in 1969, when Violet passed away. After independence, Joachim was appointed the sheriff of Bombay in 1949. In 1950, he entered the Provisional Parliament of India. He was elected to the Lok Sabha in 1952, 1957 and 1962 from North Canara. He was nominated to the Rajya Sabha in 1968 and retired in 1974. Joachim belonged to the Alva-Bhat, a Mangalorean Catholic clan from Belle in Udupi district. He was educated at the Jesuit St. Aloysius College, Mangalore, Elphinstone College, Government Law College, Mumbai and the Jesuit St. Xavier's College, Mumbai. In 1928, Joachim became the first Christian to be elected as secretary of the fifty-year-old Bombay Students' Brotherhood. Along with Khurshed Nariman, H.D. Raja, Yusuf Meherally and Soli Batliwala, he was a pioneer of the Bombay Youth League. In 1930, Joachim founded the Nationalist Christian Party with the goal of drawing the Christian community into the freedom struggle. He borrowed and earned money to pay his way through college, but was later expelled for moving a resolution at the Catholic Students Union, urging it to throw open its doors to non-Catholic students. In 1937, Joachim presided over a large meeting of Christians in Bombay addressed by Jawaharlal Nehru. As a young intellectual, he was the other brilliant orator in that meeting. Joachim after all was the best speaker in St Xavier's College in the year year 1927. He also won the gold medal at All-India Inter-Collegiate Oratorical Competitions, Banaras University, 1934. Joachim was actively involved in organising the 'No-Tax' campaign at the Bardoli Satyagraha, the boycotting of the Simon Commission and appointed President of the Bombay Congress 'War Council'. Imprisoned twice by British Indian authorities on charges of sedition for a total of three years, Joachim Alva was jail companion to Vallabhbhai Patel, Jayaprakash Narayan, Morarji Desai and J. C. Kumarappa. In 1934, Mahatma Gandhi wrote a letter to Joachim to inform him that he had missed him at Yerwada Jail because of his early release. He played an important role in the freedom struggle In 1941, in Nasik prison, Joachim wrote two books: Men and Supermen of Hindustan and Indian Christians and Nationalism. Although the manuscripts of both were confiscated by prison authorities, Men and Supermen of Hindustan was subsequently re-drafted and published in 1943. An early advocate of planning, the public sector, nationalised banking and state control over major industries, he condemned France's napalm bombing of Indo-China and staunchly supported the Vietnamese cause. In 1962, Joachim led India's attempts for closer ties with China, meeting Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai in passed away on June 28, 1979 at the age of 72. In 1937, Joachim Alva married Violet, a Gujarati Protestant from Ahmedabad and professor of English at St. Xavier's Indian Women's University College. Violet would also go on to become active in national politics. In 1943, she was arrested by British Indian authorities. She carried her five-month-old baby son, Chittaranjan, into Arthur Road Jail where she was imprisoned. Violet was born Violet Hari on April 24, 1908 in Ahmedabad. She was the eighth of nine children. Violet's father, Reverend Laxman Hari, was an Indian pastor of the Church of England. She graduated from St. Xavier's College, Bombay and Government Law College. For a while thereafter, she was a professor of English at the Indian Women's University, Bombay. Illustration: Pariplab Chakraborty On August 9, 1943, the first anniversary of Quit India Day, Joachim and Violet founded and debuted Forum , a weekly news magazine which became known for championing the cause of independence. The magazine became a platform for patriotic Indians to write without fear and put across the Indian point of view in times of British rule. Forum blazed a trail in Indian journalism, marking the beginning of a trend of political weekly news magazines. Joachim's office was often raided for seditious material. In spite of the sweeping powers of the British Raj, he penned a historic editorial, 'Halt This March To the Gallows'. In 1944, Violet also started a women's magazine, The Begum , later renamed Indian Women . From 1945 to 1953 she was the secretary of the Agripara Rehawasi Sevamandal in Mumbai. In 1946–47 she was the deputy chairperson of the Bombay Municipal Corporation. In 1944, she was the first woman advocate in India to argue a case before a full high court. In 1947, Alva served as an honorary magistrate in Mumbai; and from 1948 to 1954, she served as the president of the juvenile court. She was actively involved with numerous social organisations such as the Young Women's Christian Association, the Business and Professional Women's Association and the International Federation of Women Lawyers. She was also the first woman to be elected to the Standing Committee of the All India Newspaper Editors Conference in 1952. In 1952, Violet was elected to the Rajya Sabha, where she made significant contributions to family planning, rights of animals subjected to research and defence strategy, especially the naval sector. She cautioned the government to be careful when dealing with foreign capital and supported linguistic states. She was Union deputy minister for home affairs from 1957 to 1962 when Jawaharlal Nehru was prime minister. In 1962, Violet became the deputy chairperson of the Rajya Sabha, thereby becoming the first female to preside over the Rajya Sabha in its history. She served two consecutive terms in Rajya Sabha as deputy chairperson. Her first term commenced on April 19, 1962 and continued until April 2, 1966. Her second term began with her election to the office of deputy chairperson on April 7, 1966 and she held the position until November 16, 1969. In 1969, Violet resigned after Indira Gandhi declined to back her as vice-president of India. Five days after she resigned as the deputy chairperson of the Rajya Sabha, on November 20, 1969, she died from cerebral haemorrhage at her residence in New Delhi. Following Violet's death, both Houses of the Parliament were adjourned for a short interval that day as a mark of respect to her. The couple were close associates of Khin Kyi, Burma's ambassador to India from 1960, widow of Burmese nationalist General Aung San. A portrait of Joachim and Violet Alva the first parliamentarian couple was unveiled in Parliament in 2007. A commemorative stamp of late Joachim and Violet Alva was released by President Pratibha Patil in New Delhi in November 2008, coinciding with the birth centenary year of Violet Alva. Joachim and Violet Alva had two sons, Niranjan and Chittaranjan, and a daughter, Maya. Niranjan is married to Margaret Alva, née Margaret Nazareth, former general secretary of the All India Congress Committee, former Union minister and governor of Uttarakhand and Rajasthan. Qurban Ali is a trilingual journalist who has covered some of modern India's major political, social and economic developments. He has a keen interest in India's freedom struggle and is now documenting the history of the socialist movement in the country. The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments.

George Fernandes: A Man of Many Contradictions
George Fernandes: A Man of Many Contradictions

The Wire

time03-06-2025

  • Politics
  • The Wire

George Fernandes: A Man of Many Contradictions

This article is part of a series by The Wire titled 'The Early Parliamentarians', exploring the lives and work of post-independence MPs who have largely been forgotten. The series looks at the institutions they helped create, the enduring ideas they left behind and the contributions they made to nation building. George Mathew Fernandes is known as a firebrand socialist leader of his time. He was a priest for a short period, a trade unionist, agriculturist, political activist, human rights activist, parliamentarian and journalist, all rolled into one. He led the famous railway strike involving 1.5 million rail workers in 1974, when the entire nation was brought to a halt. As the chairman of the Socialist Party of India, minister of communications, minister of industry, minister of railways and minister of defence, Fernandes was full of surprises and contradictions. When he was a Union minister in the Morarji Desai government, he defended the no-confidence motion against his government in July 1979 for two and a half hours, and then resigned the same day. In 1979, an India Today article described Fernandes as 'novice priest to socialist firebrand, trade union leader to the most wanted man on the run(during emergency), and now, a reluctant senior cabinet minister'. Illustration: Pariplab Chakraborty. Fernandes was born on June 3, 1930 in Mangalore to a Mangalorean Catholic family. He did his early schooling at a government school called 'Board school', a municipal and a church school. He studied from fifth grade at the school attached to St. Aloysius College, Mangalore, where he completed his Secondary School Leaving Certificate. He went to St Peter's Seminary in Bangalore at the age of 16, to be trained as a Roman Catholic priest, studying philosophy for two and a half years from 1946 to 1948. Fernandes began work at the age of 19, organising exploited workers in the road transport industry and in the hotels and restaurants in Mangalore. He gathered hotel workers and other menial labourers in the city. Fernandes and a few other union workers led Mangalore's earliest labour strikes on behalf of the workers of Canara Public Conveyance in 1949. The police cracked down on the strike, even resorting to a lathi charge. After the strike, Fernandes came in contact with renowned Bombay-based Trade Union leader Placid D'Mello (1919-1958). Fernandes later left for Bombay in 1950 and faced tremendous hardships. His life was tough in the metropolis and he had to sleep on the streets until he got a job as a proofreader for a newspaper. In his own words, 'When I came to Bombay, I used to sleep on the benches of the Chowpatty Sands. In the middle of the night, policemen would come and wake me up and ask me to move.' Here he came in contact with socialist leader Rammanohar Lohia, who was also one of the greatest influences on his life. Later, he joined the party and its trade union movement under the veteran trade union leader Placid D' Mello and became his disciple. After D'Mello's death in 1958, Fernandes succeeded him in managing the dock workers' unions and other major labour force unions in the city that included the taximen unions, textile mills and mazdoor unions. He rose to prominence as a trade unionist and fought for the rights of labourers in small-scale industries such as hotels and restaurants. Emerging as a key figure in the Bombay labour movement in the early 1950s, Fernandes was pivotal in the unionisation of sections of Bombay labour. As a fiery trade union leader, Fernandes organised many strikes and bandhs in Bombay in the 50s and 60s and soon came to be known as 'Bumbai Bandh Ka Hero'. He served as a member of the Bombay Municipal Corporation from 1961 to 1967 and continuously raised the problems of the exploited workers in the representative body of the city. As a parliamentarian Fernandes was a member of the Lok Sabha for over 30 years, starting from Bombay (present-day Mumbai) in 1967 till 2009, mostly representing constituencies from Bihar. He lost the 1971 elections but contested from Muzaffarpur, Bihar in 1977 while still in jail as a Janata Party candidate, and won. He was made minister in the first non-Congress government in India. In 1979, he resigned from Janata Party, joined Charan Singh's breakaway Janata Party (S), and won again from Muzaffarpur in 1980. In 1984 he fought from Bangalore on Janata Party's ticket but lost to Jaffar Sharif of Congress. He lost a bye-poll from Banka in 1985 and again in 1986. In 1989 and 1991, he shifted back to Bihar and won both times from Muzaffarpur as Janata Dal candidate. In 1994, he left Janata Dal after differences with Lalu Prasad Yadav and formed Samata Party which allied with the BJP. In the 1996 and 1998 elections, he won from Nalanda as a Samata Party candidate. Samata Party merged with Janata Dal (United) and he won again from Nalanda in 1999. In 2004 he won from Muzaffarpur. In 2009 he was denied a ticket by his party, but contested from Muzaffarpur as an independent and lost. Later he was elected to Rajya Sabha in 2009 as a JD(U) candidate. The pivotal moment that thrust Fernandes into the limelight was his decision to contest the 1967 general elections. He was offered a party ticket for the Bombay South constituency by the Samyukta Socialist Party (SSP) against the politically more popular S.K. Patil of the Indian National Congress. S.K. Patil was a seasoned politician, with many decades of experience behind him. He was also a powerful minister in the Indira Gandhi cabinet and an unrivalled fundraiser for the undivided Congress party. Nevertheless, Fernandes won against Patil by garnering 48.5% of the votes, thus earning his nickname, 'George, the Giant Killer'. In the early 1970s, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was riding the crest of unprecedented popularity after the liberation of Bangladesh. But soon after, with notorious corruption cases against her, primarily because of the public awareness created by movements like Navnirman agitation in Gujarat and Bihar, her popularity started waning. Illustration: Pariplab Chakraborty George, as president of the All India Railwaymen's Federation, organised one of the most notable agitations the country has seen, the railway strike of 1974. This was also the time when Indira Gandhi ordered the well-known Pokhran nuclear explosion in the deserts of Rajasthan. There are political analysts who believe till today that the controversial step was taken by her out of sheer despair, and with the sole intention of breaking the railway strike. The idea was to divert the nation's attention and drum up support for herself. (It is a historical irony that while Pokhran I was prompted by Fernandes's strike, Pokharan II was executed with him as the defence minister in the Atal Bihari Vajpayee government). A politician who long campaigned against the atom bomb was also one of the champions of India's nuclear power. But Fernandes also has a stained and murky past. He will be remembered as the one who justified the Gujarat riots in 2002 and the murder of Australian missionary Graham Staines and his sons in Odisha in 1999. Once upon a time, he was a proponent of Mahatma Gandhi's politics of non-violence, but later turned to believe in politics of violence and organised the 'Baroda Dynamite conspiracy' – a plan to blow up government establishments to protest against the Emergency. When the Emergency was lifted in 1977, Madhu Limaye was offered ministership in Morarji Desai's cabinet but he insisted on making Fernandese a minister to end his trial in the 'Baroda Dynamite Case' so that Fernandes could come out of jail. Fernandes will also be remembered for establishing the organisation 'Friend of Israel' to support Israel against the Palestine movement. His was a life riddled with controversies and accomplishments alike. A towering figure in modern Indian politics, Fernandes was compelled to leave the public eye at the fag end of his political career when his name figured prominently in a corruption case. The scandal caused an uproar and Fernandes had to resign from his post as defence minister in the Vajpayee government. Any chances of returning to political life were quashed with the onset of Alzheimer's and Parkinson's disease. In his last days, Fernandes was living with her once-estranged wife Leila Kabir. He passed away on January 29, 2019, at 88. Qurban Ali is a trilingual journalist who has covered some of modern India's major political, social and economic developments. He has a keen interest in India's freedom struggle and is now documenting the history of the socialist movement in the country. The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments.

Madhu Limaye's Pivotal Role in Modern India Must Be Remembered
Madhu Limaye's Pivotal Role in Modern India Must Be Remembered

The Wire

time01-05-2025

  • Politics
  • The Wire

Madhu Limaye's Pivotal Role in Modern India Must Be Remembered

This article is part of a series by The Wire titled 'The Early Parliamentarians', exploring the lives and work of post-independence MPs who have largely been forgotten. The series looks at the institutions they helped create, the enduring ideas they left behind and the contributions they made to nation building. Madhu Limaye was one of the key personalities of modern India. He played a pivotal role in the freedom movement and later in the liberation of Goa from Portuguese rule. He was a committed socialist, a distinguished parliamentarian, a champion of civil liberties, a prolific writer and dedicated to the cause of the common people of the country. He was a dynamic leader of the democratic socialist movement and always stood by his ideology throughout his life. The virtues of simplicity, austerity, a high moral attitude, and Gandhian philosophy of peace and non-violence had a profound impact on him, which he followed and practised. As a result, he earned a place of distinction among the galaxy of leaders. As a socialist stalwart, he guided the socialist movement in the country through various phases. As parliamentarian Limaye was elected to the Lok Sabha four times from 1964 to 1979. He was an encyclopedia of the Indian Constitution, and his speeches in parliament on constitutional matters were milestones. They reflected not only erudition, maturity and understanding but also demonstrated his concern and commitment to the cause of the common man. As a member of the Lok Sabha, Limaye left an imprint as an articulate and responsible parliamentarian. Whenever he rose to speak, members across party lines listened to him with rapt attention. During his privilege motion in the Sixth Lok Sabha, former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's membership was terminated when she was found guilty and sent to jail. According to former Lok Sabha Speaker Somnath Chatterjee, 'Through his exemplary parliamentary work, he proved that the best way to make a mark in the House was by scrupulously following the prescribed rules of procedure and by meaningfully making use of the various parliamentary devices available to the members. As one of his junior-most colleagues in the Fifth Lok Sabha, I had the great and rare opportunity to watch him closely and witness many of his brilliant interventions in the Lok Sabha, with awe and admiration. I shall always cherish his kind guidance and affection, which I had the rare privilege of enjoying.' In Limaye's words own words, 'Parliament was not a substitute for mass and popular movements, but an additional instrument of public service and a platform for airing public grievances. It should be used as an instrument for reflecting the hopes and inspirations of the common man.' He raised important issues before the house by effectively deploying his vast knowledge. He will be remembered as an outstanding parliamentarian who enriched the debates and proceedings of the House in his inimitable style. Limaye was born on May 1, 1922 in Poona, Maharashtra, into a Chitpawan Brahmin family. After completing his school education, Limaye enrolled for higher education at Fergusson College, Poona, in 1937. It was during this period that Limaye became attracted to socialist ideas. He began participating in student movements and became an active member of the All India Students Federation. From then on, Limaye's journey to free humanity from the bondage of colonialism, deprivation and injustice began. Limaye entered politics at a very young age when he joined a May Day procession on his 15th birthday in Poona in 1937. This procession was violently attacked by Hindutvavadi and RSS volunteers. Leaders of this procession, Senapati Bapat and S.M. Joshi, were injured in the attack. This was Limaye's first encounter with the politics of struggle and resistance. After this experience, he came into close contact with Joshi, N.G. Goray and others, becoming deeply involved in the national movement and socialist ideology. In 1939, when the Second World War broke out, he saw this as an opportunity to free the country from colonial rule. In October 1940, Limaye started campaigning against the war and was arrested for his anti-war speeches. He was imprisoned in Dhule jail in Khandesh for nearly one year. He was released in September 1941 and then took up the task of organising the Rashtra Seva Dal and youth camps across Maharashtra. In August 1942, the AICC held its conference in Bombay, where M.K. Gandhi gave the call for 'Quit India'. This was the first time Limaye saw Gandhi up close. Many senior leaders of the Congress party, including Gandhi, were arrested. Limaye went underground with some of his colleagues and played a key role in the underground resistance movement, alongside Achyut Patwardhan and Aruna Asif Ali. He established a printing press and launched Krantikari , a Marathi journal edited by Patwardhan and Joshi. In September 1943, Limaye was arrested along with Joshi. He was detained under the Defence of India Rules (DIR) and held without trial in the jails of Worli, Yerwada and Visapur until July 1945. During his detention, the British government tried its best to extract the secrets of the underground movement from him, but Limaye remained tight-lipped, despite the severe atrocities inflicted on him by the police. Limaye was associated with the Indian National Congress and the Congress Socialist Party for almost a decade, from 1938 to 1948. He attended the CSP's Kanpur Conference in February 1947, where the prefix 'Congress' was removed from the Socialist Party. Limaye was at the forefront of reorganising the Socialist Party. He successfully mobilised trade union workers and brought peasants and youth into the socialist fold. In 1947, he attended the Socialist International's Antwerp (Belgium) conference as the sole delegate of the Indian Socialist Movement. He was elected to the National Executive of the Socialist Party at the Nasik Conference in 1948 and became the Joint Secretary of the Socialist Party at its Patna Conference in 1949. He was the Secretary of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Socialist Party and the Asian Socialist Bureau in Rangoon, 1953. Limaye was also elected Joint Secretary of the Praja Socialist Party at its first Conference held in Allahabad, 1953-54. Limaye also participated in the Goa Liberation Movement, launched in 1946 by his mentor, Rammanohar Lohia. A staunch critic of colonialism, Limaye led a mass Satyagraha in 1955 and entered Goa. At Pedne, the Portuguese police violently attacked the satyagrahis, resulting in deaths and widespread injuries. Limaye was severely beaten and kept in police custody for five months. In December 1955, the Portuguese Military Tribunal sentenced him to 12 years in prison, but he neither offered a defence nor appealed the heavy sentence. He later wrote, 'It was in Goa that I realised how profoundly Gandhiji had transformed my life, how deeply he had shaped my personality and will.' During the Goa Liberation Movement, Limaye spent over 19 months in Portuguese captivity. While in prison, he wrote a book titled Goa Liberation Movement and Madhu Limaye as a prison diary. The book was published in 1996 on the occasion of the golden jubilee of the launch of the Goa movement in 1946. After his release from Portuguese custody in 1957, he continued to mobilise the masses and sought support from various sections of society, urging the Government of India to take firm steps toward the liberation of Goa. Following the mass Satyagraha, the Government of India was compelled to take military action, and Goa was liberated from Portuguese rule in December 1961, becoming an integral part of India. As one of the most dynamic leaders of the Socialist Movement, Limaye worked tirelessly to translate socialist ideals into the national ethos. His contribution to shaping the destiny of modern India was truly immense. Limaye was elected chairman of the Socialist Party at its National Conference held at Sherghati (Gaya) in April 1958. During his chairmanship, great efforts were made to strengthen the organidation through specific policies and concrete action plans. His belief in socialism was not dogmatic or doctrinaire; it was a way of life. To him, unless the hierarchical social order was destroyed, social justice would remain a distant dream for a large section of society. Limaye played a vital role at the Benaras Conference in 1959, where, under his chairmanship, the Socialist Party adopted a resolution on providing special opportunities for the backward sections of society. After the merger of the SP-PSP in 1964, he became the Chairman of the newly formed Samyukta Socialist Party's Parliamentary Board in 1967 and was the Leader of the Samyukta Socialist Party in the Fourth Lok Sabha in 1967. Democratic values With a firm belief in democracy and democratic values, Limaye fought relentlessly to protect parliamentary sovereignty. Through his writings, speeches and actions, he sought to preserve democratic heritage in numerous ways. Firmly committed to healthy democratic ethos and conventions, he always stood by his principles and never compromised his values, even during turbulent political times. His protest from jail against the extension of the term of the Fifth Lok Sabha bears testimony to this. For his commendable contribution to the freedom movement, Limaye was conferred with honours and offered a pension by the Government of India. However, he did not accept the pension, nor had he accepted the pension scheme provided to members of parliament. As a committed socialist, Limaye demonstrated the spirit of selfless sacrifice. Limaye was a prolific writer. He wrote more than 100 books in English, Hindi and Marathi and contributed over 1,000 articles in various periodicals, journals, and newspapers. Limaye married Professor Champa Gupte on May 15, 1952. She proved to be a great source of inspiration and support to him, both in his personal and public life. He passed away on 8th January 1995 in New Delhi at the age of 72, after a brief illness. Qurban Ali is a trilingual journalist who has covered some of modern India's major political, social and economic developments. He has keenly followed India's freedom struggle and is now documenting the history of the socialist movement in the country. He can be contacted at qurban100@

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