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The Star
25-06-2025
- Business
- The Star
Myanmar re-enters list of world's most corrupt nations, raising alarm: Comment
YANGON: Following the political changes, Myanmar has re-entered the list of the world's most corrupt countries in the Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) within four years, raising concerns among political analysts. According to annual reports by Transparency International, which investigates corruption worldwide, Myanmar has once again been listed as one of the most corrupt countries in the four years since the 2021 political changes. Transparency International's report shows that in 2021, the year of Myanmar's political shift, the country ranked 140th out of 180 nations. By 2022, Myanmar fell further to 157th out of 180 countries. In 2023, it dropped even lower to 162nd place out of 180. In the latest 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index released by Transparency International, Myanmar has now reached 168th place. The report indicates that over the four years since the political changes, Myanmar's corruption index has worsened year after year. From 140th in 2021, the country fell 17 places to 157th in 2022—a sharp decline in just one year. Additionally, in 2023, it dropped another five places to 162nd compared to the previous year. In the latest 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) released by Transparency International, Myanmar has fallen to 168th place, marking a six-place drop compared to its 2023 ranking. When comparing its 2021 ranking (140th) to its 2024 position (168th), the country has declined by 28 places over just four years, reflecting a sharp deterioration in governance and transparency. Germany-based Transparency International determines country rankings by evaluating multiple factors including: corruption levels in government offices, assessments by experts and business communities, and data from World Bank and World Economic Forum reports. The CPI scoring system ranges from 0 to 100, where 100 represents "very clean" (least corrupt) and 0 indicates "highly corrupt." Transparency International is an organisation dedicated to monitoring systems and networks that enable global corruption while working to drive meaningful reforms. According to Transparency International's reports, Myanmar was ranked as most corrupt in 2011, the year when President Thein Sein's government took office following the 2010 elections. In the 2011 Corruption Perceptions Index covering 183 countries, Myanmar was ranked 180th - among the worst performers globally. Subsequently, Myanmar became the 165th country to ratify the UN Convention Against Corruption on December 20, 2012. The government passed an anti-corruption law in 2013, and President Thein Sein established the Anti-Corruption Commission in 2014. After joining the anti-corruption convention, Myanmar's CPI ranking gradually improved. In the 2012 Corruption Perceptions Index covering 176 countries, Myanmar was ranked 172nd. In the 2013 index of 177 countries, Myanmar improved to 157th position. The 2014 assessment of 175 nations placed Myanmar at 156th, while the 2015 evaluation of 167 countries saw Myanmar rise further to 147th place. Although President Thein Sein's administration began with Myanmar's worst corruption ranking in 2011, his government successfully improved the country's standing in the Corruption Perceptions Index over the subsequent four years. Similarly, during the NLD government's tenure, observable improvements were made in Myanmar's corruption rankings as reported by Transparency International. When the NLD administration took office in 2016, Myanmar was ranked 136th out of 176 countries. The 2017 index of 180 countries placed Myanmar at 130th, followed by 132nd in 2018 (out of 180), 130th in 2019 (out of 180), and 137th in 2020 (out of 179 nations). The data clearly demonstrates that both the Thein Sein administration and the subsequent NLD government achieved measurable progress in improving Myanmar's position in Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index during their respective terms of office. However, as mentioned earlier, following the political changes in Myanmar in 2021, Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index shows the country's rankings have progressively worsened year after year. Although the Anti-Corruption Commission has been implementing measures to combat corruption – including prevention and awareness programmes, risk assessments, legal investigations, confiscation of illicit assets and protection of state funds through collaboration with union ministries, regional governments and civil society organisations (CSOs) – the country's corruption rankings have continued declining for four consecutive years since the political transition. In the latest 2024 index released by Transparency International covering 180 countries, Myanmar ranked 168th and was identified as the most corrupt nation in Asean. In the 2024 rankings, the only countries performing worse than Myanmar were North Korea, Libya, Yemen, Syria, Somalia and South Sudan. During this period of political change, as Myanmar's ranking on Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index has risen year after year over the past four years, state-run newspapers this month featured an article titled "The Anti-Corruption Commission's Activities in 2024." The Anti-Corruption Commission announced that over 5,000 complaints have been filed with them in the four years since the political transition. According to the commission's report, in 2021—the year of the political change—1,334 complaints were filed. In 2022, there were 1,426 complaints; in 2023, 1,217 complaints; and in 2024, 1,225 complaints. This brings the total number of complaints over the four years to 5,202. In 2024, a total of 1,225 complaints were submitted: 1,166 to the commission's headquarters in Nay Pyi Taw, 26 to the Yangon branch office, 16 to the Mandalay branch office, 11 to the Taunggyi branch office, and six to the Mawlamyine branch office. The Anti-Corruption Commission stated that out of the 1,225 complaints received in 2024, action was taken on 813. Among the 813 complaints addressed, the commission directly investigated ten complaints, 534 complaints were transferred to relevant Union ministries and state/regional governments for further action, and 269 complaints were responded to with recommendations and advice to the individual complainants on necessary steps related to their reports. Of the remaining 422 complaints, 44 are still under review, while 368 could not be acted upon as they did not comply with the Anti-Corruption Law, according to the Anti-Corruption Commission. It has been reported that there were ten complaints forwarded by the State Administration Council (SAC), Union Ministers, and State/Regional Governments, along with 1,052 complaints directly submitted to the commission, 150 duplicate complaints, and 13 anonymous letters. In 2024, the commission investigated ten complaints referred by the SAC, Union Ministers, and State/Regional Governments, leading to legal action against 42 individuals. These cases included 27 major criminal offences and six general offences, prosecuted under the Anti-Corruption Law in the respective regional high courts. Additionally, 21 civil servants were referred to their respective departments for disciplinary action under Section 30(b) of the Anti-Corruption Law, the commission announced. Furthermore, in 2024, based on complaints transferred to Union Ministries and State/Regional Governments under Section 16(d) of the Anti-Corruption Law, 287 civil servants were subjected to disciplinary actions by their respective departments, the commission stated. Additionally, the Anti-Corruption Commission reported that among the complaints it received, action was taken against 67 individuals holding political positions, 23 high-ranking officials, 101 senior civil servants, 86 junior staff members, 18 public servants and 53 other individuals, in accordance with the Anti-Corruption Law. Furthermore, 3,030 civil servants were disciplined under the Civil Service Law. In terms of recovery and protection of public funds, the commission seized and returned over 27.33 billion kyats (US$13.014 million), while more than 156 billion kyats were safeguarded from potential misuse. When comparing the number of complaints filed with the Anti-Corruption Commission over the past four years of political transition to the pre-transition period, a decline in reported cases has been observed. According to the commission's data, over 28,000 complaints were submitted during the five-year term of the NLD-led government, significantly higher than the current figures. When examined by year, the number of complaints received was 710 complaints in 2016, 2,014 complaints in 2017, 10,543 complaints in 2018, 9,394 complaints in 2019 and 5,963 complaints in 2020. Comparing the NLD administration period with the four years following the political transition, there has been a significant decrease in the number of complaints submitted to the Anti-Corruption Commission. During the five-year NLD administration, over 28,000 complaints were filed with the Anti-Corruption Commission, averaging about 6,000 complaints per year. In contrast, during the four years following the political transition, only slightly over 5,000 complaints were submitted, averaging just over 1,000 complaints annually. While the exact reasons for this substantial decline in complaints to the Anti-Corruption Commission remain unclear, there has been widespread criticism and questioning regarding Myanmar's improving rankings year after year on Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index. "If the Anti-Corruption Commission could be more transparent in disclosing their they could provide more visible and clearer public reports, these issues would likely be somewhat resolved. commented a political analyst. The recent rise in Myanmar's ranking on the global Corruption Perceptions Index can be primarily attributed to several key factors, according to analysts: the weakening rule of law, ongoing internal armed conflicts and rising inflation rates within the country. Political observers also note that this deterioration reflects the Anti-Corruption Commission's lack of transparency and ineffective enforcement measures. Furthermore, analysts emphasise that combating corruption requires more than just politically motivated actions—it demands comprehensive, grassroots-level efforts to truly make an impact. "If we're discussing how to effectively reduce corruption, we should note that relevant government departments already have established anti-corruption committees. These ministerial-level committees need to become significantly more proactive in their work," said a political observer. "On another front, we must conduct deeper research into the root causes of corruption. There are multiple approaches - not just punitive measures, but also preventive solutions. If we can create systemic conditions that naturally reduce opportunities for corruption, we'll see better results. Failing that, we need law enforcement bodies to take more decisive and effective action," the observer added. "Another crucial element is the role of CSOs. Could local organisations establish corruption monitoring mechanisms? Should there be more direct engagement between the public and the Anti-Corruption Commission beyond conventional channels? There are numerous potential approaches." Currently, bribery and corruption are widespread. Corruption has worsened significantly, and if the Anti-Corruption Commission intends to reverse these alarming trends, it must act swiftly and decisively to restore positive outcomes. Particularly, the commission's efforts must be effective, far-reaching, and inclusive to have a meaningful impact. In combating corruption, there should be no favouritism—no distinction between allies and opponents. Unlike previous eras, the fight cannot be politically motivated. Political analysts emphasise that the Anti-Corruption Commission must take strict and precise measures to address the rampant corruption occurring today. '"The situation has reached a critical point. A rapid response is crucial. To restore the country's previous standing, immediate action is necessary," remarked a political observer." - Eleven Media/ANN
The Independent
31-03-2025
- Politics
- The Independent
How the Myanmar earthquake could hasten the release of Aung San Suu Kyi
Aung San Suu Kyi, the elected leader of Myanmar, is reported to have survived last week's devastating earthquake unharmed in the prison cell where she is serving long terms in solitary confinement. But could the disaster prove the prelude for her return to power? If it did, it would be only the latest of the stunning reversals of fortune that have dotted her career. The former Oxford housewife – who, with her National League for Democracy (NLD), has won the only three fair general elections held in Myanmar in the past 65 years – was jailed on trumped-up charges in 2021. Now aged 79, it is feared she could die in prison. Suu Kyi's return to official favour is not on anyone's list of probable outcomes of the disaster. Her present situation is substantially worse than any she has endured in more than 20 years of official persecution. Her long years of house arrest after 1990 were punctuated by occasional peace overtures from the ruling generals, but this time around there has been nothing of the sort. She is not locked up in the modest comfort of her home, but a squalid jungle jail, and if there have been any approaches by the military, they have not been publicised. Everything possible has been done to turn her into an unperson. Two factors, however, make her dramatic rehabilitation possible. One is her legitimacy in power. Despite the generals' baseless claims to the contrary, Suu Kyi won the elections of 1990, 2015 and 2020 by landslide margins, results recognised by foreign monitors as fair. The other factor is the suddenly increased vulnerability of the ruling generals in the aftermath of the disaster. Legitimacy is the philosopher's stone for Myanmar's generals, the goal which eluded them for so many years after the great uprising of 1988. One military leader, Senior General Thein Sein, crafted a route for his country back into the company of nations. He set up a sort of Potemkin democracy in which the army's dominance was guaranteed but which permitted a token role for democracy and civilian politicians. The result was Suu Kyi's release from house arrest in 2010, her election to parliament the following year, the lifting of sanctions and Myanmar's return to some degree of respectability. All that was junked in February 2021 when Thein Sein's successor, Min Aung Hlaing, seized power. Today, Myanmar has never been more painfully isolated. China gives grudging support to the regime as the alternative to outright anarchy on its border; Russia's support seems more sincere. But otherwise Myanmar is as much of an international pariah as it was in the dark days after the suppression of the Buddhist monks revolt in 2007. There is no doubt that the army craves a return to international respectability. Military sources wax lyrical about the good old days of the 2010s when the economy was relatively buoyant and the army savaged the Rohingya minority in Rakhine state but, thanks to its democratic fig-leaf, was able to shrug off international criticism. Today, everything about the regime stinks – and there seems no way out of the mess. More than half the country is beyond the army's control. The civil war which started in 2021 rages unabated, prompting new air strikes in recent days on rebel-held areas, even those such as Sagaing, west of Mandalay, which were crippled in the earthquake. Why should Min Aung Hlaing care? On account of a little factor called karma. Myanmar is the most devoutly Buddhist nation on earth; the generals' regular attendance at temples and monasteries is their way of attempting to buy off the forces of divine disfavour. The earthquake, in which at least 10,000 have died, is the latest sign that it's not working. In 2007, the army waded in to crush the mass revolt of monks, killing many of them – an onslaught rapidly followed by Cyclone Nargis, which killed more than 130,000 in the south of the country. To western scientists, the cyclone's cause was meteorological; to superstitious Myanmar Buddhists, it was caused by the army's reckless killing of monks. It was karmic payback. And it's happened again. The earthquake struck only hours after the pomp and ceremony of the 80th Armed Forces Day. Many in Myanmar will have seen it as unmistakable sign that the regime is doomed. Desperate measures, the generals may decide, will now be required to cling to power.
