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India is not an enemy: A rebuttal to Tom Sharpe's misinformed critique
India is not an enemy: A rebuttal to Tom Sharpe's misinformed critique

First Post

time09-07-2025

  • Business
  • First Post

India is not an enemy: A rebuttal to Tom Sharpe's misinformed critique

India has strategic compulsions, historical contexts, and regional realities that the West—especially its media and commentators—routinely ignore read more In a recent opinion piece titled 'India is an enemy, not a friend or a neutral,' published in The Telegraph on July 1, 2025, former Royal Navy officer Tom Sharpe launched a scathing and provocative attack on India, accusing it of duplicity in its relationship with Russia and questioning its global role. He went so far as to label India 'an enemy,' alleging that its continued trade with Russia—particularly in oil—directly supports President Vladimir Putin's war effort in Ukraine. He did not even spare the Indian Prime Minister, Narendra Modi. Sharpe wrote: 'Modi is quite willing to finance Putin if it means cheaper oil: in this, he is an enemy of the West, not a friend and not a neutral.' STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Such accusations reflect a deep misunderstanding of India's geopolitical compulsions, strategic autonomy, and complex regional dynamics. The West's criticism reeks of the very duplicity it accuses India of. Europe's Double Standards on Energy and Morality First, let's be clear: Europe continues to buy oil and natural gas from Russia—directly and indirectly—often through third-party countries, including India. In fact, European imports of Russian LNG reached a record 17.8 million tonnes in 2024 , despite public claims of reducing dependence on Russian energy. Meanwhile, India's purchase of discounted Russian crude helped stabilise global energy markets. As Union Minister Hardeep Singh Puri rightly noted , without India's intervention, 'oil prices could have surged to $200 per barrel, triggering global inflation that would have hurt even the very countries now criticising India'. Europe thus maintains moral superiority while quietly benefiting from India's strategic choices. Moreover, India is home to the world's largest population. As a developing country, it has a moral responsibility to prioritise the well-being of its citizens. Purchasing oil at inflated prices would have risked pushing millions into poverty and deepened socioeconomic distress. Ensuring affordable energy is not a luxury for India—it is a necessity tied to livelihoods, food security, and social stability. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Furthermore, India has consistently called for diplomacy and dialogue in resolving the Ukraine conflict. Prime Minister Modi's statement that ' this is not an era of war' was welcomed globally—including by the United Nations and the G20. If the West wants to prolong the war for geopolitical reasons, what more can India do? Selective Outrage While quick to judge India's ties with Russia, Western nations have been conspicuously silent on Pakistan-sponsored cross-border terrorism in India. How often has Europe unequivocally condemned Pakistan for attacks like the recent Pahalgam massacre, which killed 26 innocent civilians? When it comes to Kashmir, Western media often adopts a tone that echoes Pakistan's narrative , ignoring decades of terrorism India has endured. Instead of supporting India's right to defend itself, they question how many fighter jets India lost or how its weapon platforms performed during retaliatory operations like Operation Bandar or Operation Sindoor. Even in direct interviews with senior Indian military officials, Western media often highlight selective elements to fit a predetermined narrative. For instance, in an interview with Bloomberg at the Shangri-La Dialogue, Chief of Defence Staff General Anil Chauhan discussed a broad range of strategic issues, including India's evolving military posture and response mechanisms. Yet Bloomberg's headline chose to focus narrowly on a single point: ' India Confirms It Lost Fighter Jets in Recent Pakistan Conflict.' This type of reporting reflects an undue obsession with losses rather than an objective analysis of the broader strategic picture. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD This selective focus shows a lack of sensitivity to India's security concerns and a deliberate strategy to downplay the capabilities of India's defence infrastructure—especially when those platforms are of Russian origin. India's Defence Legacy, Strategic Constraints and Eurasian Context India's defence relationship with Russia dates back to the 1960s. Over 60 per cent of India's military hardware is of Russian origin. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) , Russia accounted for 36 per cent of India's total arms imports between 2019 and 2023, making it India's largest defence supplier. These are not just purchases; they represent decades of strategic integration, maintenance protocols, joint development, and training. Defense ties aren't replaced overnight. India shares a live, hostile border with China—unlike Europe, which is geographically removed but still obsessed with containing China. From the 1962 war to the deadly Galwan clashes in 2020, China poses a real and ongoing threat to Indian sovereignty. The West must understand that India needs to engage with Russia to prevent an unholy Russia-China axis. Ironically, it is the West's sanctions that have pushed Moscow closer to Beijing. India's Russia engagement offers Moscow an alternative to becoming fully dependent on China—an outcome neither India nor the West desires. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD India's relationship with Russia also has a Eurasian dimension. In Central Asia, India plays a balancing role that even Russia appreciates. Moscow doesn't want China to dominate this region, which is why India is a key member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). New Delhi has invested in connectivity projects like the Chabahar Port and the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC), and participates in SCO's Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS), asserting its influence in the region. This alignment benefits Western interests too, as unchecked Chinese expansion across Eurasia contradicts the very grand national security strategies developed by the US and its allies. Moreover, isolating a country like Russia completely is historically dangerous. Isolation breeds aggression and irrationality. Engagement, even limited, can keep a state tied to international norms. In that sense, India's continued engagement with Russia contributes to strategic stability—something the West fails to appreciate. India's Developmental role in Its Neighbourhood In his critique, Sharpe even implies that India adopts a self-serving, interventionist posture in its neighbourhood—suggesting that its regional policy operates on the principle of 'India first and the rest of you be damned.' This is factually incorrect and deeply unfair. India has pursued a non-reciprocal development policy with its neighbours—building hospitals, schools, bridges, dams, and offering scholarships and humanitarian assistance. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD From Afghanistan to Sri Lanka , India's people-centric interventions have improved lives without seeking political returns. For instance, India has invested nearly $3 billion in reconstruction and development projects in Afghanistan , including the Afghan Parliament building, the Salma Dam, Zaranj-Delaram Highway, and more than 400 community development projects. One of the most notable Indian contributions is the Indira Gandhi Institute of Child Health in Kabul—the only pediatric hospital in Afghanistan—entirely funded and supported by India. Many Afghans continue to express deep gratitude toward India, acknowledging its consistent support in infrastructure building, education, and healthcare, even after the US withdrawal in 2021. In Sri Lanka, during its unprecedented economic crisis in 2022, India was the first and only country to extend substantial emergency assistance, amounting to over $4 billion, through credit lines, currency swaps, and humanitarian aid. Sri Lankan President Ranil Wickremesinghe, in a speech in Parliament and later interviews, publicly acknowledged this, saying: 'India was the first country to help us and continues to assist us in our recovery. We are grateful for their timely and crucial support.' STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Similar sentiments have been echoed by former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and current President Anura Kumara Dissanayake. Sri Lanka's Parliament Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena went even further, stating: 'India saved us; otherwise, there would have been another bloodbath for all of us,' highlighting the critical role India played in averting a national catastrophe. Yes, there are tensions with some neighbours, but these often stem from internal political dynamics, Chinese influence, and sometimes even Western interference—as seen recently in Bangladesh. Lectures from the West Ring Hollow The West should be the last to lecture others on flouting global rules. From Afghanistan to Iraq to Libya, Western interventions have left behind wreckage and instability. Consider the Kohinoor diamond, now set in the British Crown—a potent emblem of colonial plunder rather than a sign of Indian duplicity. Originally mined in what is now Andhra Pradesh, the 105-carat Kohinoor was seized by the British East India Company from the young Sikh Maharaja Duleep Singh in 1849 under the Treaty of Lahore, making it a 'symbol of conquest.' London's Tower of London Crown Jewels exhibit now explicitly labels it as 'taken by the East India Company,' and Indian scholars call it 'a small but festering bruise' in postcolonial relations. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The Kohinoor's presence in Britain is a daily reminder of imperial exploitation. Meanwhile, India's rise today is not a product of colonial extraction but of perseverance, democracy, and self-reliance. So before lecturing others on global norms, Western powers should reflect on their own legacy of conquest and moral compromise. India Is Not Sitting on the Fence Tom Sharpe said India must 'choose a side.' What he fails to realise is that strategic autonomy is a side. Choosing not to be part of binary Cold War-style alignments is a legitimate policy choice. India does not take dictation. It is a confident, civilisational power that protects its sovereignty and interests. India is not sitting on the fence—it is navigating a uniquely complex environment with two hostile neighbours: China and Pakistan. Recent Indian military assessments have confirmed that Beijing and Islamabad are increasingly coordinating their strategies against India. As the Indian Army's Deputy Chief recently stated, China is using Pakistan as a 'live lab'—a 'strategy of killing with a borrowed knife.' Conclusion The West must learn to understand India on its own terms, not through Eurocentric or Cold War binaries. India has strategic compulsions, historical contexts, and regional realities that the West—especially its media and commentators—routinely ignore. Strategic autonomy is not a betrayal. It's a responsible global behaviour by a sovereign power with its own interests. If the West continues to judge India through a narrow, self-serving lens, it risks alienating a vital democratic partner in the most consequential region of the 21st century. Imran Khurshid is a visiting research fellow at the International Centre for Peace Studies, New Delhi. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.

Not an ‘enemy': How India's ties with Russia reflect the West's past choices
Not an ‘enemy': How India's ties with Russia reflect the West's past choices

First Post

time04-07-2025

  • Business
  • First Post

Not an ‘enemy': How India's ties with Russia reflect the West's past choices

Rather than cast New Delhi as a liability, the West should view it as a potential bridge between democratic alliances and Eurasian realities read more A recent Telegraph article by Tom Sharpe has stirred controversy by branding India an 'enemy' over its continued partnership with Russia—a nation blamed for fuelling the Ukraine war through oil exports and defence cooperation. As a long-time observer of India's strategic calculus, I believe this framing is dangerously simplistic. Rather than vilify India, the West must reckon with how its own historical choices—and geography—shaped India's ties with Moscow. A Relationship Forged by Strategy, Not Defiance STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD India's ties with Russia are not born of hostility toward the West, but of historical necessity and geographic logic. During the Cold War, India's non-alignment masked a tilt towards the Soviet Union, which proved decisive during the 1971 war with Pakistan—a US-backed ally. Soviet support then was not merely symbolic; it was strategic, helping India in a conflict that played out more than 4,000 miles from Moscow's borders. That partnership matured into robust defence cooperation. The 2009 renewal of a Soviet-era agreement, joint projects like the BrahMos cruise missile, and India's $5.43 billion S-400 Triumf deal in 2018—pursued despite US CAATSA sanctions—reflect more than nostalgia. They represent a calculated hedge: Russia as a steady supplier and a counterweight to China, India's northern adversary. Sharpe's article fails to engage with this layered history. India's position was not forged in defiance of the West but shaped by the West's Cold War choices and India's need to manage its precarious neighbourhood. Moscow offered what Washington would not: reliable arms without conditionality. Oil, Ukraine, and West's Reaction Russia's war in Ukraine has sharpened scrutiny of India's neutrality. By May 2025, India was importing 1.96 million barrels of Russian crude daily—roughly 40–44 per cent of its oil supply, a 40 per cent increase since 2022, according to OPEC. This surge reflects economic pragmatism: Russian oil is cheap, plentiful, and accessible. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD But economic logic has met political backlash. US Senator Lindsey Graham recently proposed a 500 per cent tariff on nations trading with Russia, aiming to cut off the lifeblood of what he calls Putin's war machine—estimated to have cost Ukraine $400 billion, per the Kiel Institute. Sharpe leans into this narrative, interpreting India's oil purchases and naval cooperation as alignment with Moscow against the West. Yet this interpretation overlooks a critical point: geography. India is nearly 4,000 miles from the front lines of Europe's war. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has consistently urged peace in Ukraine, but India's interests remain regional—focused on border security, energy access, and economic resilience. Unlike Europe, India does not have a belligerent Russia on its doorstep. To Europe, Russia is a bad neighbour. With 80 per cent of Russians living west of the Ural Mountains, Europe faces a persistent neighbourly threat. India, however, is separated by vast distances, with no territorial disputes or shared battlefields with Russia. This geographical divide shapes a pragmatic alignment, not rivalry, challenging the West's projection of its neighbourly anxieties onto India. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Russia: A Neighbourly Threat to Europe, Not to India To understand the West's frustrations, one must also understand its geography. For Europe, Russia is not a distant actor—it is a revisionist power next door. The 2014 annexation of Crimea and the 2022 invasion of Ukraine displaced over 8 million people, as the UN notes. Hybrid attacks like the 2022 Nord Stream sabotage and simmering conflicts in Georgia and Moldova have intensified European insecurity. A 2023 Chatham House report underscored this tension, pointing to Russia's proximity and history of destabilisation as central to the EU's hardened stance. This is Europe's reality—and it is not India's. New Delhi is separated from Moscow by vast geography and divergent histories. It has no territorial disputes with Russia, no competing security pacts, and no shared battlefield. Its relationship with Moscow is not one of rivalry but of steady, if pragmatic, alignment. To conflate Europe's neighbourly anxieties with India's strategic autonomy is to miss the point entirely. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Not a Pawn, Not an Enemy Branding India an enemy because of its Russia ties ignores the role the West itself played in shaping that very relationship. During the Cold War, it was Western hesitation and alignment with Pakistan that pushed India closer to Moscow. In the decades since, India has maintained a careful, multipolar approach—balancing its partnerships with Russia, the US, and other regional actors through institutions like Brics, SCO, and the Quad. India's decisions are guided not by loyalty or betrayal, but by national interest. Just as Britain acts to safeguard its own security and energy needs, so does India. Its approach to Russia reflects long-term calculations shaped by history, geography, and economic necessity—not ideological sympathy for Moscow's adventurism. The West's Opportunity: Respect India's Perspective The United States has thus far tolerated India's neutrality because it values India's role in balancing China in the Indo-Pacific. But as domestic pressure mounts in Washington, London, and Brussels, proposals like Graham's tariff threaten to upend this fragile balance. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Sharpe's article, though provocative, should be seen as a warning: the West risks alienating India by failing to understand its perspective. Rather than cast New Delhi as a liability, the West should view it as a potential bridge between democratic alliances and Eurasian realities. With its unique vantage point, India could help moderate tensions, not exacerbate them—if only it is treated as a partner, not a problem. The author is a strategist in international relations and economic development. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.

Battle Lines: Trump wants a new armada. Can America still build one?
Battle Lines: Trump wants a new armada. Can America still build one?

Telegraph

time03-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Telegraph

Battle Lines: Trump wants a new armada. Can America still build one?

Last week, the Pentagon unveiled a jaw-dropping $47.3 billion plan to supercharge its fleet with 19 brand-new battleships. That's right—nineteen. Up from a paltry five last year. And let's not kid ourselves: this isn't just about flexing maritime muscle, it's a direct message to China—loud and clear. Enter Commander Tom Sharpe, a man who's not only been there and done it, but practically wrote the manual. A retired Royal Navy heavyweight who's commanded four warships and earned an OBE for saving HMS Endurance from a catastrophic flood, Sharpe joins us to tear into what this seismic shift really means. Are we gearing up for World War Sea? Has the age of battleship brinkmanship returned? Expect sharp analysis, no-nonsense truth bombs, and a few jaw-dropping tales from the frontlines of naval warfare.

EXCLUSIVE Shop crime is now so bad Sainsbury's staff have to work in glass and metal CAGE to protect them and their goods
EXCLUSIVE Shop crime is now so bad Sainsbury's staff have to work in glass and metal CAGE to protect them and their goods

Daily Mail​

time11-06-2025

  • Business
  • Daily Mail​

EXCLUSIVE Shop crime is now so bad Sainsbury's staff have to work in glass and metal CAGE to protect them and their goods

Sainsbury's staff are now serving customers from inside cages with metal grating because shoplifting is so bad. The prison-like security measure - dubbed 'an indictment of British social decay' - is now in place at Nine Elms, London. Cages are believed to have been introduced to protect staff and their goods - which include vape bars, tobacco and alcohol. It comes as figures from April revealed shoplifting in Britain had soared to its highest level in history, with the number passing half a million for the first time ever last year. Shoppers have taken to social media to express their concern at the change, which is thought to have been introduced within the last couple of weeks. Tom Sharpe said: 'I can't understand why this is being accepted. It certainly shouldn't be. Is there anyone arguing for law and order?' Another person claimed the glass encasement was 'not as bad as the Tesco ones'. Tesco introduced its own screens 'to protect shop workers' in September 2023 but Sainsbury's new security measure marks the first time metal caging is thought to have been deployed. Another person commented: 'I see they've gone with a cage roof after that vid of someone climbing over the Tesco ones' In October last year MailOnline reported how a brazen Tesco thief with scant regard for the law climbed through the roof so he could steal cash from behind the till as staff stood and watched. Someone commented on Sainsbury's new choice of protection: 'I think they've gone with a cage roof after that video of someone climbing over the Tesco ones.' The use of screens in supermarkets first became mainstream during the Coronavirus crisis in 2020 as workers began to do their job behind plastic shields. But despite the threat of the virus subsiding, screens between customers and supermarket staff have since become commonplace. Last month, Sainsbury's introduced another major change in its stores in the form of cameras on self-checkout machines that record customers packing items. Shoppers bagging a product they did not scan - or did not scan properly - are now shown footage with the message 'Looks like that last item didn't scan. Please check you scanned it correctly before continuing'. The preventative measure followed in the footsteps over other major chains as well as a rise in shoplifting figures which saw police log 516,971 incidents last year - up from 429,873 in 2023. It was met with mixed reactions from customers, with one claiming they were presented with the warning message because a packet of basil they were trying to purchase was 'too light'. Another said: 'Thanks to Sainsbury's, I can now re-live and learn from my packing mistakes. 'I can almost hear [Sky pundit] Jamie Carragher lamenting my positioning.' No suspects were identified for over half of the shoplifting incidents reported last year and just one in five resulted in a charge. Tom Ironside, Director of Business and Regulation at the British Retail Consortium, said theft is costing supermarket firms £2billion a year. Sainsbury's has been approached for comment on its new cages.

Canoeist wins 125-mile race for third year in row
Canoeist wins 125-mile race for third year in row

Yahoo

time22-04-2025

  • Sport
  • Yahoo

Canoeist wins 125-mile race for third year in row

A man who canoed 125 miles (201km) without stopping says he is "ecstatic" to have won the annual event for a third year in a row. Tom Sharpe and his canoe partner Anoushka Freeman finished the Devizes to Westminster race in 17 hours and 17 minutes. They set off from the Wiltshire town on Saturday at about 18:00 BST and finished in London at about 11:00 BST on Sunday, overcoming "very difficult conditions". "[The] strong winds didn't stop the whole race. It was in your face the whole time. It's quite energy-zapping and obviously it slows you down," Mr Sharpe told BBC Radio Wiltshire. This year's annual Devizes to Westminster Canoe Race saw more than 300 people take part and ended on Monday. More news stories for Wiltshire Listen to the latest news for Wiltshire The event first took place in 1948, with paddlers making their way to London over the Easter weekend. Competitors come from all over the world, including Ireland, the Netherlands, Germany and the United States. Reacting to their win, Mr Sharpe said: "[I'm] a little tired, I've got a slight croaky voice. But pretty ecstatic to win again." The event organiser Paul Fielden told BBC Radio Wiltshire lower water, particularly in the River Thames, made it so hard for paddlers that 50% withdrew as they failed to reach Teddington Lock on time. Mr Sharpe, who is based in Richmond-upon-Thames, said the second half of the race from Reading to Westminster was "harder than usual" as there was "no water to push us down". To train, he says he paddles 62 miles (100km) and runs 31 miles (50km) every week between January and April. Mr Fielden said Mr Sharpe and Ms Freeman - whose win was her second in a row - beat their closest rivals by four minutes in a "fantastic race". "We had a 50% failure rate this year, lots of paddlers pulled out because of the conditions best described as brutal," he said. "It's a tough race in the best of years, this year was exceptionally tough." The event is divided into different races: the senior doubles (non-stop), the stage races which are paddled over four days, and the junior doubles which involves eight hours paddling and an overnight camp. Follow BBC Wiltshire on Facebook, X and Instagram. Send your story ideas to us on email or via WhatsApp on 0800 313 4630. Junior teams set off on three-day canoe race Non-stop canoe race celebrates 75th anniversary Devizes to Westminster Canoe Race

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