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ABC News
6 days ago
- Politics
- ABC News
Donald Trump made MAGA a promise on the Epstein files. They are holding him to it
We may have just arrived at a line MAGA seems unwilling to follow Donald Trump over. It used to be that when politicians went back on their word, the people who elected them noticed, cared, reacted and pulled support and so the decision is sometimes reversed. For the President of the United States it is unchartered territory. Routinely, when he breaks a promise, his devout MAGA base has been inclined to forgive and selectively forget. Trump was the law and order presidential candidate who was also a felon. He said the United States wouldn't get involved in foreign wars and then bombed Iran. He said he would end the war in Ukraine in one day and then he announced he'll send Kyiv more Patriot missiles, albeit this time with an invoice. But he also taught his supporters to love conspiracy theories and hate the politicians who star in them. Perhaps without the humility to wonder if he'd one day be centre stage. The Epstein files are American conspiracy theory lore and the loudest voices in the most right-wing factions of the MAGA movement want them released to the public. Donald Trump used that momentum during his campaign, promising to release all documents compiled during the investigation into Epstein. It would be easy to say MAGA heavyweights would never accept anything less, but so many of them have tied themselves in knots to justify Trump's broken promises in the past. But the past few days have suggested the Epstein files might be different. After attempting to downplay the documents, Donald Trump tried convince his base to forget about them, only to then insult those who wouldn't and eventually perform somewhat of a backflip — ordering his Attorney General Pam Bondi to release all "pertinent" grand jury testimony related to the case. It remains to be seen whether that will be enough, but the move itself suggests the president may know the answer to a question that's been playing on repeat in the minds of Washington watchers since day one: Is there anything Donald Trump could do that would shake MAGA's love for him? Perhaps the president now believes crossing the line and becoming one of the powerful figures who keep the secret of the Epstein files could well have been it. That's the thing about dabbling in conspiracies — many are indeed theories, but some are true. Or more potent still, they start with something that is true. In 2008, high-flying financier Jeffrey Epstein pleaded guilty to state charges in Florida of soliciting and procuring a minor for prostitution. He was listed as a sex offender, but avoided a possible life sentence, instead serving 13 months in a work-release program. Epstein was later charged by federal prosecutors in Manhattan for nearly identical allegations in 2019, but he took his own life while in federal custody as he awaited trial. Years later, British socialite Ghislaine Maxwell was convicted of luring teenage girls to be sexually abused by Epstein. During her trial, some names came up. For example, pilots took the witness stand and dropped very well-known names — Prince Andrew, Bill Clinton, Donald Trump — who flew on Epstein's private jets. From the available evidence, theories have grown. And there has long been a theory that Epstein's "client list" not only existed but was being buried by the state. From opposition, that was a convenient theory to jump on for Trump. It played into the character he'd created for himself because it allowed him to style himself as the president that would get to the bottom of it . But earlier this month, Donald Trump's Department of Justice, as well as the FBI, released a memo saying their review found there was no "incriminating client list" and "no credible evidence found that Epstein blackmailed prominent individuals as part of his actions". This is not what MAGA expected to hear from their president and try as he might to distract them, they were not showing any signs of forgiving or forgetting. At a conservative conference held just days ago, commentators Megyn Kelly and Charlie Kirk discussed the memo and the actions of the Trump administration. "One of the main reasons that we voted Trump in was because we wanted real answers on real stories and we didn't want to be BS'ed anymore with a bunch of nonsense from our government that treated us like a bunch of stooges," Kelly said. "I believe Trump is still loyal to that mission and maybe the people who are behind that memo are loyal to that mission, too, but this ain't it." She said those in charge knew "the base has been led ... with a trail of breadcrumbs to believe something else for years". The pair called for all files, excluding those containing child sexual assault material, to be unsealed and released. "I think every file should be released to the public the same way as the JFK files. Let the American people decide," Kirk said. Donald Trump tried to tell his base the Epstein list didn't exist — just as he's tried to tell them what to believe in the past. But this story is well and truly in show, not tell, territory. It's not so much about what, or who, is on the list, as it about the transparency Trump promised and the base demands. Let us remember, that just one month after Donald Trump was elected for the first time, and still weeks before he would be sworn in as president, a man drove himself from North Carolina to Washington DC and stormed a pizza shop with an assault rifle. That man believed the Comet Ping Pong pizzeria on the capital's leafy Connecticut Avenue was actually a front for a child sex ring led by Hilary Clinton. This man was so adamant the former secretary of state was involved in crimes against children, he drove hours to "self-investigate" the conspiracy theory. What he found was a line up of wood-fired thin crusts and a terrified employee caught up in what is now known as "pizzagate". The idea that children are preyed upon by a ring of powerful people and that the government is involved in its cover-up has proven to be incredibly powerful in the past. It has compelled people to bear arms. It is not the sort of thing those with conspiratorial minds easily forget or can be talked out of with a few lines in a Truth Social post. When Donald Trump said the Epstein client list didn't exist, he really just added fuel to a conspiracy theory's fire. It might have been a surprise for the president who largely enjoys being believed by his base. But the political capital you can derive from conspiracy theories about the deep state becomes more of a liability when you are the person in charge and promised you'd be different. Trump has bigger fish to fry as the Murdoch-owned Wall Street Journal alleges further ties between him and Epstein, but his base has not been moved by his association with the sex offender in the past. Nor has it been swayed by criminal convictions or a civil jury that found Trump did sexually abuse E Jean Caroll in the 1990s. Donald Trump can be a criminal, but the reaction from MAGA over the past week tells us he cannot be seen to be protecting them, theoretical or not.
CNN
13-07-2025
- Politics
- CNN
Analysis: One year from the Butler assassination attempt: How it changed the 2024 race, the MAGA movement and Trump himself
A year ago today, I watched as an attempted assassin opened fire on then-candidate Donald Trump. During the chaos and fear that unfolded — unlike anything I had previously experienced — I questioned not only if he was safe, but also if his ambitions of becoming president yet again would be forever impacted by the events of that day. The answer to both of those questions was yes. July 13, 2024, ultimately became the one of the most pivotal moments of Trump's entire campaign. And the days that followed changed the entirety of the general election and MAGA movement. Less than 48 hours after the assassination attempt in Butler, Pennsylvania, Trump named then-Sen. JD Vance as his vice presidential running mate. Three days after that, Trump took the stage triumphantly at the Republican National Convention in Milwaukee, wearing a bandage over an ear that had been hit by a bullet. That Sunday, then-President Joe Biden announced he was withdrawing from the race after his disastrous debate performance in June. Butler made the final stretch of the race far more personal for the president and his team, a White House official who also worked on the Trump 2024 campaign told CNN. The Trump team deliberately chose to ramp up the former president's schedule after that, ensuring he 'never missed a beat' on the trail, the official added. The goal was to show Trump was more committed than ever to winning the race. 'If people were going to try to do this, we were going to go even harder,' the official said. 'It became bigger than the election.' After a bullet grazed Trump's ear, I watched as he dropped to the ground behind his podium and Secret Service rushed the stage to form a circle around him. After the spray of gunshots finally ceased, and the officers began escorting the former president off the stage, Trump slowly rose up as blood dripped down his face and lifted his fist in the air. 'Fight, fight, fight!' an angry Trump shouted to the crowd. In conversations with multiple Trump campaign officials and advisers in the following weeks, I learned that the president later remarked to his close allies that he knew in that moment he needed to leave his supporters with a potent image. Trump, who has long fixated on projecting a portrait of strength, did not want the assassination attempt to leave him looking weak, they said. 'He has better political instincts than anyone I know,' a then-Trump campaign adviser told me at the time. The photo of a defiant Trump raising his fist high, with blood on his cheek and his clothing rumpled, quickly became a critically defining image of the 2024 race — and 'fight, fight, fight!' became a call to arms for the MAGA movement. Within days, that image and the 'fight!' slogan was printed on t-shirts, mugs, signs and more. At nearly every one of the dozens of rallies I attended following July 13, that picture and phrase were prominently displayed — on the clothing his supporters wore, the merchandise being sold and the screens that served as the backdrop for Trump's speeches. The photo is now proudly hung in both the West and East Wings of the White House. And the 'fight!' slogan continues to be displayed prominently at many of the president's private events. The events that unfolded in Butler had an immediate impact on the president. Trump, who had long feared that he would one day face an assassination attempt, argued in the days that followed that he believed God intervened on July 13 to save him. In public speeches, he frequently remarked that the shooter might have been successful if Trump had not turned his head at the right moment. In conversations with his close allies and advisers, they said Trump admitted he was lucky to be alive. In recent conversations with those close to the president, they say that day made Trump believe that God had a hand in his 2024 victory — adding to his conviction that he has a mandate to rule the country, they told me. Trump has also continued to recount the details of what happened on July 13 in vivid detail, whether it's during speeches or at private events. In the weeks that followed the Butler rally, he repeatedly talked about a chart that detailed US-Mexico border crossings from his first administration that he referenced when the gunfire began, crediting the graphic for saving his life. Trump had his head turned to look at the graphic as one of those bullets made contact. The chart 'probably saved my life,' he later told his supporters at one campaign event, arguing that he would 'sleep with that chart for the rest of my life.' The graphic became a recurring campaign prop, and one Trump continues to reflect back on fondly. And while the president is still affected by the attempt on his life, advisers said he can still strike a lighthearted tone on the subject. During a July 3, 2025, speech in Iowa, while doing a victory lap for the passage of his landmark congressional agenda bill, he paused when a sound in the distance went off. 'Did I hear what I think I heard?' Trump said, after a loud boom caught the attention of the crowd at the Iowa State Fairgrounds. 'Don't worry, it's only fireworks, I hope! Famous last words.' As the president continued his speech, he turned his attention back to the noise, telling his supporters: 'You always have to think positive, I didn't like that sound either.' Trump delivered those remarks behind a full frame of bulletproof glass, something that became standard for any outdoor speech he delivered as a candidate, and later as president, after the Butler rally. On July 13, 2024, I interviewed multiple rally attendees who, like me, had been evacuated from the rally site shortly after the shooting. Emotions were high, chaos was rampant, and everyone I spoke to was scared. Some people were angry. They said the media and Democrats had fanned the flames of animosity toward Trump. Others were saddened, telling me how deeply disappointed they were that the US had become so violent. 'I'm sad that we've come to this in America. Really sad,' rally attendee Joan Rimenschneirder told me. She went on to say she was 'fearful of what's going to happen now,' adding that she was scared Trump supporters could be targeted for wearing MAGA apparel. However, she said if Trump could stand up and shout 'fight' after being hit by a bullet, then she would be 'brave' too. That sentiment was conveyed by many of the people I interviewed that day. Trump's supporters were shaken, but more determined than ever that they must continue to back him. Months later, Trump returned to Butler to deliver the speech he never had the opportunity to give in July, describing his second visit as unfinished business. 'I said that day when I was shot, I said, 'We're coming back. We're going to come back.' And I'm fulfilling a promise,' Trump said in an interview with NewsNation the week of his return. 'I'm fulfilling, really, an obligation.' I also returned to Butler that day, as did many of the people who had stood in that same field a few months prior. I spoke again with many of Trump's supporters, and was surprised to learn that every single one of them told me they weren't afraid to return to the scene. Instead, they were glad to have an opportunity to show their support once more. Teresa Boyd, who had attended the first Butler rally in addition to his second, put it this way: 'If he could come back, I could come back to support him.'
