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The Diplomat
8 hours ago
- Politics
- The Diplomat
Why the 2025 UN Conference Must Deliver on the Rohingya Crisis
Seven years on, the refugee camps are still full. Rohingya futures are still frozen. And the promises from the international community remain, for the most part, unfulfilled. This September, the United Nations will host a long-awaited High-Level Conference on the Situation of Rohingya Muslims and Other Minorities in Myanmar. Set to take place in New York, it's a moment that has been years in the making — proposed by Bangladesh's chief adviser, Professor Muhammad Yunus, during the 79th U.N. General Assembly and now backed by 106 countries across continents. But behind the diplomacy and formality lies something far more urgent: the fate of over a million people who have been living in limbo for far too long. For Bangladesh, this is not just another multilateral gathering. It's a desperate call for help, a plea for the world to finally share the burden of a crisis it has watched unfold with painful inertia. Since the Myanmar military's violent campaign in 2017 forced more than 700,000 Rohingya across the border into Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh has shown extraordinary compassion. But seven years on, that compassion is being stretched to its limits. The camps are still full. The futures are still frozen. And the promises from the international community remain, for the most part, unfulfilled. What started as a humanitarian emergency has now morphed into something far more complicated. Cox's Bazar has become the site of the world's largest refugee camp — a place where lives are paused indefinitely. Public services in the region have buckled under the pressure. Forests have been stripped bare for firewood. Local job markets are tighter. Tensions between host communities and the refugees are rising. And with global attention diverted by crises in Ukraine, Palestine, and elsewhere, the financial support that once flowed into the camps is now dwindling. In 2024, only a third of the humanitarian response plan was funded. This year, it's even worse. But beyond the visible hardships, the Rohingya remain trapped in a legal limbo. Bangladesh has never formally recognized them as refugees under the 1951 Refugee Convention, instead labeling them as 'Forcibly Displaced Myanmar Nationals.' This absence of legal status denies them access to formal education, employment, and legal protection, complicating the delivery of humanitarian aid and long-term planning. While this has drawn criticism from rights groups, the rationale is politically sensitive: granting formal refugee recognition could signal permanence — potentially undermining future efforts to negotiate repatriation. Other host countries like Malaysia and Indonesia face the same dilemma. In trying to avoid entrenching a protracted refugee crisis, governments are reluctant to offer rights that might disincentivize return or provoke nationalist backlash at home. There have been previous international attempts to resolve the crisis. In 2018, a repatriation agreement brokered between the U.N., Myanmar, and Bangladesh failed to yield any meaningful returns. Rohingya refugees refused to go back without guarantees of safety, citizenship, and justice — none of which were credibly offered. That failure should be a sobering reminder that any future deal must be enforceable, transparent, and inclusive of Rohingya voices. Empty frameworks only buy time for the status quo, and the status quo is untenable. In April, the World Food Program slashed monthly food allocations for each refugee from $12.50 to just $6. To someone reading this from afar, that may not sound like much. But for those living in the camps, it means the difference between a full plate and going hungry. A Rohingya elder put it plainly: 'Before, we could buy rice, lentils, oil, onions, even chicken once a week. Now? Just rice and salt.' Malnutrition is on the rise. Mental health is deteriorating. Desperation is growing. And with desperation comes danger. As hope fades, armed groups and human traffickers are finding easy recruits among the youth. Children are dropping out of school to work or being married off early. Violence, both inside homes and within the camps, is increasing. People are boarding unsafe boats headed for Malaysia or Indonesia, risking their lives for a chance at something better — or, at the very least, different. This is no longer a crisis confined to Bangladesh. Southeast Asia is already feeling the ripple effects. Malaysia has intercepted hundreds of Rohingya refugees at sea this year alone. Indonesia, particularly Aceh, is struggling to cope with sudden surges of new arrivals. Thailand, too, remains a transit point for trafficking networks that prey on Rohingya despair. The absence of a coordinated regional response has allowed these problems to fester, turning a humanitarian crisis into a regional security threat. And the clock is ticking. Every year that passes without a solution pushes the Rohingya further from the land they once called home. If the current trajectory continues, Myanmar may effectively become Rohingya-free — not through resettlement or peace, but through erasure. Once that happens, the right of return will not just be delayed. It could be lost forever. That's why this U.N. conference matters. It can't be another photo op. It can't be more statements of concern. What's needed is a clear, enforceable, and time-bound plan for repatriation — one that guarantees the Rohingya safety, citizenship, and dignity. These rights must be restored before any return can happen. And Myanmar's military authorities cannot be trusted to deliver them alone. International monitors, regional guarantors, and Rohingya civil society must all be part of the process. But even as we look toward return, we can't forget the present. The camps need more than empathy — they need money, infrastructure, and services. Without renewed funding, the humanitarian situation will collapse. And when that happens, the consequences won't be contained by national borders. Regional leadership is now critical. ASEAN must step up. Its five-point consensus on Myanmar, adopted after the 2021 coup, remains little more than ink on paper. As ASEAN chair this year, Malaysia has a chance to change that by leading on refugee protection and pushing for a burden-sharing agreement. Indonesia and Thailand, too, can use their leverage to drive coordinated action. And then there's Japan — a country that has long maintained open lines with both Myanmar and Bangladesh. Tokyo's approach to diplomacy is often quiet, but its track record in post-conflict rebuilding is strong. From Cambodia to South Sudan, Japan has helped rebuild shattered societies. It can do the same in Rakhine, providing the infrastructure and development support needed to make returns viable. Ultimately, the Rohingya crisis is a test — not just of Bangladesh's endurance or Myanmar's accountability, but of our collective humanity. It is a test of Asia's willingness to solve its own problems and to act with urgency when lives are on the line. Bangladesh has done its part. For seven years, it has sheltered, fed, and protected more than a million people with limited resources and shrinking support. It cannot carry this burden alone any longer. The upcoming conference must recognize that sacrifice — and match it with a serious commitment to solutions. The Rohingya do not need our sympathy. They need their rights. They need their homes. They need our resolve.


The Mainichi
21 hours ago
- Politics
- The Mainichi
UN expert on N. Korea expresses empathy for Japanese abductees' kin
TOKYO (Kyodo) -- Families of Japanese nationals abducted by North Korea decades ago shared their pain on Tuesday with a U.N. special rapporteur on North Korean human rights, who expressed empathy as they sought support to help resolve the issue, according to one of the relatives. Takuya Yokota, the younger brother of iconic abductee Megumi Yokota, was among the group of victims' families who met with U.N. human rights expert Elizabeth Salmon in Tokyo. Following her trip to Japan, Salmon plans to present her findings and recommendations in a report to the U.N. General Assembly in October. "She told us that she shares our anger and suffering over our situation. We believe she has gained a very deep understanding," Yokota, 56, told reporters after the closed meeting. Megumi Yokota was kidnapped at age 13 on her way home from school in Niigata Prefecture on the Sea of Japan coast and is among the 17 people officially listed by Japan as abducted in the 1970s and 1980s by North Korea. Pyongyang maintains that the abduction issue has been resolved. Only five of the 17 abductees were repatriated in 2002, a group that did not include Megumi. No tangible progress has been made on the issue since, while the families have continued to age. The group of victims' families informed Salmon of the death of Akihiro Arimoto, the father of Keiko Arimoto, who was 23 when she was abducted. He died in February at the age of 96. "We will continue to fight in the belief that having these kinds of meetings will work against North Korea, which dislikes having the human rights issue being brought up," Yokota said. "We would like to ask for ongoing support from the international community and the domestic public." Among those in attendance were Megumi's mother, Sakie Yokota, 89, and Koichiro Iizuka, 48, the son of Yaeko Taguchi, who went missing at age 22. Salmon previously met with the families during her visit to Japan in December 2022.


Kyodo News
3 days ago
- Politics
- Kyodo News
China to invite Trump to Sept. military parade marking WWII victory
KYODO NEWS - 20 hours ago - 21:00 | World, All China is planning to invite U.S. President Donald Trump to a military parade scheduled for Sept. 3 in Beijing's Tiananmen Square to mark the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II, sources familiar with the matter said Sunday. The United States, meanwhile, has proposed that Chinese President Xi Jinping visit the country during the same month, coinciding with a U.N. General Assembly meeting in New York, the sources said. If either plan is realized, it would be the first in-person meeting between the leaders of the world's two largest economies since Trump's return to the White House in January for a nonconsecutive second four-year term. Russian President Vladimir Putin is expected to attend the parade in Beijing, held to commemorate what China calls its victory in the 1937-1945 War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression. A joint celebration of war victory by the leaders of China, Russia and the United States would likely pose a diplomatic challenge for Japan. During their phone talks on June 5, Xi invited Trump to visit China again, for which the U.S. president expressed heartfelt appreciation, according to the Chinese Foreign Ministry. Trump, who last visited in 2017, said he reciprocated the invitation. Even if Trump himself is eager to travel to China, Beijing believes U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, known as a longtime China hawk, and many other senior U.S. officials may oppose the president's attendance at the military parade, the sources said. Meanwhile, the Chinese government is reluctant to have Xi visit the United States, concerned about a Xi-Trump version of the Oval Office meeting in February where Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, the sources said. It is considering having Premier Li Qiang attend the U.N. meeting instead. The United Nations marks the 80th anniversary of its founding this year. A Chinese source suggested Beijing aims to set up the first Sino-U.S. summit talks since the start of the second Trump administration on Chinese soil so it can limit press coverage and engineer a "successful" summit. China and the United States, which have been engaged in a tit-for-tat tariff war, agreed to lower trade tensions by establishing a 90-day truce in May, with the two countries committed to backing away from their respective triple-digit tariffs. But tensions remain over such issues as Beijing's slow removal of export controls on critical rare-earth minerals used in high-tech products and Washington's policy to "aggressively" revoke the visas of Chinese students, specifically those with ties to the Chinese Communist Party or those studying in sensitive fields. China has staged large-scale military parades in the Tiananmen Square. In 2019, a parade to mark the 70th anniversary of Communist rule showcased the country's state-of-the-art weapons including a nuclear-capable intercontinental ballistic missile believed capable of hitting almost anywhere in the United States. In 2015, Putin and then South Korean President Park Geun Hye were among the foreign leaders who observed a military parade in Tiananmen to mark the 70th anniversary of Japan's surrender in World War II. Related coverage: China to hold military parade Sept. 3 for 80th anniv. of end of WWII


Kyodo News
3 days ago
- Politics
- Kyodo News
China to invite Trump to Sept. military parade marking WWII victory
KYODO NEWS - 15 minutes ago - 21:00 | World, All China is planning to invite U.S. President Donald Trump to a military parade scheduled for Sept. 3 in Beijing's Tiananmen Square to mark the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II, sources familiar with the matter said Sunday. The United States, meanwhile, has proposed that Chinese President Xi Jinping visit the country during the same month, coinciding with a U.N. General Assembly meeting in New York, the sources said. If either plan is realized, it would be the first in-person meeting between the leaders of the world's two largest economies since Trump's return to the White House in January for a nonconsecutive second four-year term. Russian President Vladimir Putin is expected to attend the parade in Beijing, held to commemorate what China calls its victory in the 1937-1945 War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression. A joint celebration of war victory by the leaders of China, Russia and the United States would likely pose a diplomatic challenge for Japan. During their phone talks on June 5, Xi invited Trump to visit China again, for which the U.S. president expressed heartfelt appreciation, according to the Chinese Foreign Ministry. Trump, who last visited in 2017, said he reciprocated the invitation. Even if Trump himself is eager to travel to China, Beijing believes U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, known as a longtime China hawk, and many other senior U.S. officials may oppose the president's attendance at the military parade, the sources said. Meanwhile, the Chinese government is reluctant to have Xi visit the United States, concerned about a Xi-Trump version of the Oval Office meeting in February where Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, the sources said. It is considering having Premier Li Qiang attend the U.N. meeting instead. The United Nations marks the 80th anniversary of its founding this year. A Chinese source suggested Beijing aims to set up the first Sino-U.S. summit talks since the start of the second Trump administration on Chinese soil so it can limit press coverage and engineer a "successful" summit. China and the United States, which have been engaged in a tit-for-tat tariff war, agreed to lower trade tensions by establishing a 90-day truce in May, with the two countries committed to backing away from their respective triple-digit tariffs. But tensions remain over such issues as Beijing's slow removal of export controls on critical rare-earth minerals used in high-tech products and Washington's policy to "aggressively" revoke the visas of Chinese students, specifically those with ties to the Chinese Communist Party or those studying in sensitive fields. China has staged large-scale military parades in the Tiananmen Square. In 2019, a parade to mark the 70th anniversary of Communist rule showcased the country's state-of-the-art weapons including a nuclear-capable intercontinental ballistic missile believed capable of hitting almost anywhere in the United States. In 2015, Putin and then South Korean President Park Geun Hye were among the foreign leaders who observed a military parade in Tiananmen to mark the 70th anniversary of Japan's surrender in World War II. Related coverage: China to hold military parade Sept. 3 for 80th anniv. of end of WWII


The Mainichi
6 days ago
- Politics
- The Mainichi
As the United Nations turns 80, some key moments in its history
UNITED NATIONS (AP) -- There have been many memorable moments in the 80-year history of the United Nations, both at its headquarters in New York and at its far-flung global operations. Here are photos of some of the U.N.'s history-making events as the world body marks the anniversary of its founding on June 26, 1945, when the U.N. Charter was signed by 50 countries in San Francisco. Most of these moments made headlines -- but for very different reasons. June 1945: Signing of the U.N. Charter Delegates from 50 countries met in San Francisco in the ashes of World War II to establish an international organization to prevent a repetition of such a conflict and promote global peace. The U.N. Charter remains the bedrock of the United Nations, which now has 193 member countries. The charter's opening words express determination "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war." July 1950: First U.N. attempt at collective security North Korean forces invaded South Korea on June 25, 1950. Twelve days later, the U.N. Security Council adopted a resolution authorizing the United States to establish and lead military forces to repel the attack and restore peace on the Korean Peninsula. The U.N. Command was the world's first attempt at collective security under the new United Nations. It still operates because there is an armistice -- but still no peace treaty -- between North Korea and South Korea. October 1960: Soviet leader pounds his fists It was the height of the Cold War and the leader of the Soviet Union, Nikita Khrushchev, went to the annual gathering of world leaders at the U.N. General Assembly and listened in growing annoyance to criticism of the Communist bloc. In one intervention, in which he repeatedly banged his fist on the podium in the assembly hall, he declared: "You will not be able to smother the voice of the peoples." November 1974: Arafat comes armed to the U.N. Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat was invited to speak at the United Nations even though the territories were not a U.N. member nation. Arafat told diplomats in the General Assembly chamber, "Today, I have come bearing an olive branch and a freedom fighter's gun. Do not let the olive branch fall from my hand." August 2003: The U.N. mission in Iraq is bombed The bombing of U.N. headquarters in the Canal Hotel in Baghdad was the deadliest terrorist attack against U.N. staff in its history and killed many team members as well as Sergio Vieira de Mello, a rising star who was U.N. human rights chief and temporarily headed its Iraq operations. U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres said on the 20th anniversary of the tragedy that it "marked a change in the way humanitarians operate." September 2009: Gadhafi rips up the U.N. Charter Moammar Gadhafi, the autocratic ruler of oil rich Libya, ripped up the document in his only address to the U.N. General Assembly's annual gathering of world leaders -- a rambling 90-minute speech that went way beyond his allotted 15 minutes. He said he did not recognize the authority of the U.N. Charter. Then-British Prime Minister Gordon Brown retorted in his speech later: "I stand here to reaffirm the United Nations Charter, not to tear it up." January 2010: The U.N. heads to scene of the devastating Haiti earthquake A magnitude 7.0 earthquake that hit Haiti on Jan. 12, 2010, killed 102 U.N. staff members, including the head of the U.N. peacekeeping mission in Haiti and his deputy when the building housing their offices was destroyed. Then-U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon visited the scene in Port-au-Prince days afterward. The U.N. called it "one of the darkest days" in its history. Haiti's government put the death toll at 316,000, while some estimates were lower. September 2010: Iranian leader holds up the Quran and the Bible Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad criticized Americans who threatened to burn the Muslim holy book, saying, "The truth cannot be burned." He then held up the Quran and the Bible and said he respected both of them. The United States and about 30 other countries walked out during Ahmadinejad's speech after he falsely claimed the U.S. masterminded the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, which killed nearly 3,000 people. September 2012: Netanyahu expresses concern about Iran nuclear ambitions Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu held up a large, cartoonish diagram of a bomb divided into sections, saying the section marked 70% was where Iran was on its way to enriching uranium for a nuclear weapon. He urged the world to draw a clear "red line" under the other section marked 90% and to stop Iran's nuclear program, asserting that the country would be that far along by the following year.