Latest news with #US-MiddleEast


Indian Express
29-06-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
Decoding the US and the Middle East — a tangle of alliances, history, and conflict
'I have spent almost five hours going back and forth, back and forth on the phone with two of the most difficult people in the world — Bibi Netanyahu and Mahmoud Abbas…' President Joe Biden's blunt outburst in 2024, as quoted in Bob Woodward's War, offers a raw glimpse into the immense challenges the United States faces in its dealings with the Middle East. To much of the world, the US and Israel are long-standing allies many credit the US with helping push through the UN resolution that led to Israel's creation and are considered inseparable. Yet the US also maintains close ties with several Arab nations in the region, most notably Saudi Arabia and Qatar, countries that are hostile to Israel and refuse to recognize its existence. The US has been involved in regime changes (notably Iraq and Libya), has supported and toppled dictators, vetoed UN resolutions critical of Israel, and yet at times provided defense assistance to Israel's opponents. In today's terms, the US-Middle East relationship can best be described as: 'It's complicated.' Bob Woodward's War offers perhaps the most dramatic insight into the modern US-Middle East dynamic. Known for his intimate coverage of US presidents, Woodward focuses on America's involvement in both the Russia-Ukraine war and the Israel-Hamas conflict with particular emphasis on the strained relationship between Biden and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. While Biden has consistently shown public support for Israel — including repeating now-disputed claims about Hamas atrocities — War reveals his deep private frustrations. For instance, Netanyahu reportedly assured Biden that Israel would halt airstrikes on Gaza and pursue targeted operations in response to the October 7 attacks. Despite the promise, bombings continued. Woodward's detailed reporting paints Biden as a leader caught between unwavering support for Israel and growing tensions with Arab allies. His efforts to walk the diplomatic tightrope reflect the larger contradictions in US foreign policy toward the region. According to sources, Woodward is already working on a follow-up covering the brief US-Israel conflict with Iran and Donald Trump's rumored involvement. To truly understand how this complex relationship came to be, Michael B. Oren's Power, Faith, and Fantasy: America in the Middle East from 1776 to the Present is a must-read. At over 850 pages, it's a hefty yet engaging exploration of the US-Middle East relationship from the nation's earliest days. The book begins with a lesser-known but telling episode: the late-18th-century capture of US ships by Algerian pirates. With no navy of its own, the US had to negotiate, offering goods like tea, refined sugar, shawls, and even a frigate, along with cash. In a twist of fate, it was a Jewish businessman in Algiers who loaned the funds needed to secure the hostages' release. Oren also details how early American views of the Middle East were shaped by myth and religion — from romantic notions of Arabian Nights to evangelical goals of returning Jews to the 'Promised Land.' As the 20th century progressed, US policy grew increasingly contradictory from Wilson's refusal to intervene in Turkey post-WWI, to Truman's support for Israel's creation, to Eisenhower siding with Egypt during the Suez Crisis. Though the book concludes in 2006, it effectively captures the blend of idealism, strategic interest, and occasional naïveté that has long shaped American engagement with the region. By the 1980s, the US presence in the Middle East became significantly more militarised. Andrew J Bacevich's America's War for the Greater Middle East: A Military History critically examines this transformation. Bacevich, a Vietnam veteran, points out that between 1945 and 1980, American military casualties in the region were virtually nonexistent. Since 1990, however, the Middle East has been the primary site of American military losses. The book begins with Operation Eagle Claw, the failed 1980 mission to rescue hostages in Iran, and moves through the 1983 Beirut barracks bombing, the Gulf Wars, and even the 1993 Black Hawk Down incident in Somalia. Unapologetically critical, Bacevich argues that US military interventions were often poorly planned and driven by political motives rather than strategic necessity. America's War for the Greater Middle East is sharp, unsparing, and at just over 450 pages, surprisingly accessible given its depth. Perhaps the most sweeping account of the modern Middle East and the West's role in it is Robert Fisk's The Great War for Civilisation: The Conquest of the Middle East. Clocking in at over 1,000 pages, this epic may seem overwhelming, but Fisk's vivid narrative style keeps the pages turning. He opens with an interview with a 'shy,' soft-spoken man described as a construction engineer and agriculturist Osama bin Laden. From the fall of Iran's Shah to the rise and fall of Saddam Hussein, from fleeting peace deals to devastating wars, Fisk presents a detailed, often chilling account of the region's transformation. One particularly grim scene involves a cleric eating ice cream while watching prisoners being executed. What sets this book apart is its focus on the people shaping events — clerics, generals, kings, presidents. Despite ending in 2004, when both Saddam and bin Laden were still alive, The Great War for Civilisation remains perhaps the most definitive, human, and tragic account of the Middle East's modern history. Each of these books, in its own way, pulls back the curtain on America's tangled, turbulent, and often contradictory involvement in the Middle East. From diplomatic missteps and military misadventures to deeply personal rivalries and historic turning points, the region continues to test and redefine US foreign policy. If you're looking to better understand the headlines and the centuries of context behind them these books are an excellent place to start.


New York Post
14-05-2025
- Politics
- New York Post
Trump's Middle East tour: Letters to the Editor — May 15, 2025
The Issue: President Trump's diplomatic trip to Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. President Trump's meetings in Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates are being closely watched by allies and adversaries. ('Trump's Mideast Vision,' Editorial, May 14). Advertisement After working on foreign policy for decades, President Joe Biden was a total failure in the Middle East. Those failures make Trump's diplomatic work to restore stable relations tricky, but not impossible. Trump and Secretary of State Marco Rubio can initiate a desperately needed reset of US-Middle East relationships to deter aggression, safeguard American interests in the region and counter further threats from Iran. James Patterson Advertisement Washington, DC Reading about Trump's visit to the Middle East, I think he is doing what former President George W. Bush started but never completed — creating a Middle East Free Trade Area. Now I understand the meaning of the quote: 'George Washington created the presidency and John Adams defined it.' Advertisement Trump is defining his style, knowing the complex dynamics of the global community, and in the process, he is defining his presidency. Just like the song: 'My Way' by Frank Sinatra. Anant Nagpur Ottawa, Canada As an American, I'm so proud of Trump's visit to the Middle East. Advertisement I was proud to see him carry himself so professionally and presidentially in Saudi Arabia, representing America while showing respect toward Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and his country. Mo Colarusso Manhattan Sen. Chris Murphy is calling the Trump trip to the Middle East a 'public corruption tour.' These do-nothing Democrats find absolutely nothing this president does well, in any sense of the word. Where were these morons during the last four years, when we had open borders, high inflation, crime on the rise and no trade deals at all? I truly believe if Trump cured cancer, they would say 'cancer is a good thing.' President John Kennedy must be rolling over in his grave looking at the Democratic Party of today. Advertisement He'd now be a Republican. Philip Vallone Ossining Advertisement The Issue: Not enough air-traffic controllers at Newark Airport amid 45-day 'trauma leaves.' I hesitantly write this letter condemning the air-traffic controllers who opted for 45-day extended leaves from their critically important duties guiding commercial airliners at Newark Liberty International Airport due to stress ('Newark fly by fright,' May 13). I'm not sure how much they regard the safety of innocent passengers, who rely on them being in their positions in the tower. This is especially hurtful when we all remember the recent preventable catastrophe in Washington, DC, where a commercial jetliner crashed with a US Army helicopter. Advertisement Joe Torrillo Manalapan, NJ The air-traffic-control-system debacle is another mess left behind by former President Joe Biden and his fumbling, stumbling crew. Be it air, rail or sea, whenever there was a crisis, it seems Biden Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg was away on paternity leave or globe-trotting with his husband. Advertisement Nicholas Maffei Yonkers This airport is an accident waiting in the wings. At one point, there was only one air-traffic controller in charge. Sean Duffy did indeed blame the Biden administration for the existing chaos, but it's time to put that aside and get a safe airport in order. Ron Zajicek Cortlandt Want to weigh in on today's stories? Send your thoughts (along with your full name and city of residence) to letters@ Letters are subject to editing for clarity, length, accuracy, and style.


Sky News
19-02-2025
- Business
- Sky News
Why all roads lead through Riyadh - as Saudi Arabia emerges as key global power broker
At the Faena Hotel on Miami Beach, at breakfast, I overheard the conversation on the next table. " Trump is creating instability", one man said to the other, who disagreed. It was a good natured but forthright debate that cut to the heart of a global divide right now about the language and actions of the world's most powerful man. The two men were guests at a Saudi-run investment forum taking place over the next three days here in Miami. The Future Investment Initiative (FII) is sometimes described as 'Davos in the desert'. The principal conference takes place every year in Saudi Arabia. It's run by the Saudi Sovereign Wealth Fund and describes itself as "an annual event bringing people together to invest in the most promising solutions". This Miami event is an offshoot of the Riyadh conference and it draws the very wealthiest from the world of finance, tech, innovation, politics, philanthropy and beyond. I recognised one of the men at breakfast as a billionaire philanthropist. I'll protect his identity given his conversation was private. But, safe to say, Mr Trump is the talk of the conference. The seminars over the next three days - or 'invite-only conclaves' as they are described - hit all the notes of the moment. "Do states own the oceans?", "The end of multilateralism and what it means for the world", "How to create resilient economies for uncertain times", and "Is a new era of US-Middle East economic cooperation dawning?" were among the topics being discussed. That last event bills Trump's point man/dealmaker for the Middle East (and Russia- Ukraine), Steve Witkoff as the main speaker. The moderator is Jared Kushner, Trump's son-in-law and the man who first raised the prospect of a 'Gaza Riviera'. 👉 Listen to The World with Richard Engel and Yalda Hakim on your podcast app 👈 The first speaker at the event was the American president himself. Donald Trump is determined to see massive Saudi investment in America to the tune of $1tn (£794bn). In return, he is investing in Riyadh too. Saudi Arabia, hosts of this glitzy event, has emerged as a key global power broker. The Tuesday Russia -US talks were in Riyadh. The expected Trump-Putin meeting will be there too. Since Donald Trump was last president, the kingdom has matured and emboldened its geopolitical clout. Back in his first term, Mr Trump recognised the value (literally) in Saudi Arabia. This time, Saudi Arabia is harnessing Mr Trump's power. They know money talks and that he likes to be kept close. Saudi Arabia is playing a strategic geopolitical game and it's plainly transactional. Essentially, it is saying "we want to invest, we want you to, but we also have our own agenda in regional diplomacy". On the Middle East, Saudi red lines over Gaza and the prospects of Arab diplomatic normalisation with Israel are a backstop to a total Trump-Netanyahu wipeout of the Palestinians. On Ukraine-Russia, the Saudis are more than happy to host as mediators. It puts them centre stage. On Iran, they have buried the hatchet with the supreme leader and could play a key role in any new nuclear deal. There was a time when the diplomatic roads ran through the obvious places; Washington, London, Brussels, Berlin, Paris. Now, it's Florida and Saudi Arabia. Brussels, London, Berlin, Paris and even the opposition in Washington are wholly left out.


The National
13-02-2025
- Politics
- The National
Who is Joel Rayburn, Trump's pick for head of Middle East affairs at State Department?
US President Donald Trump has nominated Joel Rayburn to serve as assistant secretary of state for Near Eastern affairs, the top Middle East position at the State Department. Mr Rayburn is a veteran diplomat with years of experience in the region. He served in several roles during Mr Trump's first term, including from 2018 to 2021, when he was US special envoy for Syria. In this role, he helped steer US policy with regard to the regime of former president Bashar Al Assad, who was ousted late last year. He also served as senior director for Iran, Iraq, Syria and Lebanon at the National Security Council at the beginning of Mr Trump's first term. Before entering government, Mr Rayburn served in the US Army for 26 years. From 2013 to 2016, he headed the army's Iraqi Freedom Study Group, where he helped to write a history of the Iraq War and the lessons learnt from it. Outside of government, Mr Rayburn established the American Centre for Levant Studies, a think tank dedicated to promoting a better understanding of the US-Middle East relationship. He also served as a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute, a conservative think tank. Mr Rayburn is known for his hawkish views towards Iran and was critical of how former president Joe Biden handled the Israel-Gaza War. If confirmed by the Senate, he will take over a post previously held by Barbara Leaf.