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Int'l Business Times
17-07-2025
- Politics
- Int'l Business Times
Fake AI Videos Of R. Kelly, Pope Spread Cult Of Burkina Junta Chief
If you believe the viral videos online, R. Kelly and Pope Leo XIV agree on one thing -- that Burkina Faso's junta chief, Captain Ibrahim Traore, is a fantastic leader. The images are AI-generated propaganda, part of what experts have called a vast disinformation campaign spreading the "personality cult" of the west African country's strongman. Beyonce and Justin Bieber are among the other celebrities to have their faces and voices altered through artificial intelligence to shower praise on Traore. In one video, attributed to disgraced R&B star R. Kelly, the lyrics praise Traore, who seized power in a 2022 coup: "for the love of his people, he risked it all... bullets fly but he don't fall... he's fighting for peace in his motherland." Kelly is serving a 30-year-prison sentence in the United States for crimes including the sex trafficking of minors, yet the song generated by artificial intelligence has been viewed more than two million times since it came out in May. The images have been widely shared on west African social media. It follows a wave of coups not only in Burkina Faso but also in Mali, Niger and Guinea, while the region is further destabilised by jihadist attacks. "These are influence and disinformation campaigns aimed at extending the personality cult surrounding Captain Traore to Burkina Faso's English-speaking neighbours," said an American researcher who spoke on condition of anonymity. After seizing power in a coup in September 2022, Traore pledged to quickly restore control in Burkina Faso, which has been plagued by violence from jihadists affiliated with Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State. Three years later, jihadist attacks have continued, causing thousands more deaths, and have even intensified in recent months. Several officers accused of attempting to stage a coup have been arrested and comments attributed to then head of US Africa Command General Michael Langley, accusing Traore of using the country's gold reserves for personal protection, sparked anger and protests. Around that time, a series of videos exalting Traore started mushrooming on social media. "Information manipulation has become a lever for retaining power and legitimising the junta's presence," said a Burkinabe specialist in strategic communication, who asked to remain anonymous for safety reasons. Viral campaigns mixing propaganda and AI-generated content have been shared by activists and English-speaking influencers, notably to denounce Langley and glorify Traore. While some are riding the wave for their own financial gain, others are working for the junta's cyber propaganda entity called Rapid Communication Intervention Battalions (BIR-C), the Burkinabe source said. "They truly operate like a digital army," the source said, adding it was led by US-based activist Ibrahima Maiga, ruling out any "direct links with foreign Russian influence." But the group's anti-imperialist narrative, "presenting Captain Traore as the one who will save Burkina and Africa from Western neocolonialism... suits Russia, which amplifies it in turn," the source said. But the American researcher noted "some reports have established Russian connections in the recent surge of these disinformation operations", particularly in campaigns targeting Ghana and Nigeria. "Destabilising the Nigerian government would have significant regional effects," he warned. Nigerian journalist Philip Obaji, who specialises in Russian influence operations, agreed, adding that "media in Burkina and Togo have accepted money from agents linked to Russia to relay these campaigns". Meanwhile, Burkina's junta has expelled international press that had been working in the country, while local outlets self-censor in fear of arrest and deployment to the front lines against jihadists -- already a fate for some journalists. While the Burkinabe diaspora has attempted to fight back against the pro-junta narrative, including promoting jihadists' attack claims, commenting on or sharing posts is considered glorifying terrorism, punishable by one to five years imprisonment. Analysts say the campaign glorifying Burkina Faso's junta leader Captain Ibrahim Traore (R) helps Russia's interests AFP Pope Leo XIV is another celebrity used in the AI disinformation campaign AFP Beyonce, seen here with her rapper husband Jay-Z, also had her likeness used AFP Captain Ibrahim Traore took power in a 2022 coup AFP
Yahoo
14-06-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
How Trump's Africa strategy may become a double-edged sword
With US President Donald Trump on a cost-cutting warpath since starting his second term, aid to Africa has been slashed and now defence spending is in his sights - but could these approaches cost more in the long run? The phrase his administration presses on Europe to assume more of the costs of its own defence is "burden sharing". This is the challenge that Washington is now throwing down to African armies too - and they are far less comfortably resourced to take it on. Moreover, having paid dearly in lives and money, in the struggle to hold back the spreading reach of jihadist armed groups across the Sahel, the Lake Chad basin and Somalia over recent years, they could be forgiven for feeling that they already carry much of the burden - and for the sake not just of their own continent but the wider international community too. Benin, which has lost more than 80 soldiers in jihadist attacks since the start of the year, is just one example. "The epicentre of terrorism on the globe" is how the Sahel was described a few days ago by Gen Michael Langley, who as head of US Africa Command (Africom) oversees the American military presence south of the Sahara. In briefings and interviews over the past few weeks, he has graphically outlined the threat that jihadist groups will present if their push southward towards the Gulf of Guinea succeeds. "One of the terrorists' new objectives is gaining access to West African coasts. If they secure access to the coastline, they can finance their operations through smuggling, human trafficking and arms trading. This not only puts African nations at risk but also raises the chance of threats reaching US shores." Gen Langley has admitted that the current upsurge in militant attacks is "deeply concerning". Yet he has also repeatedly hammered home a core message: the US is minded to rein back its own sub-Saharan military operations, leaving local armies to take on more of the defence burden. Some 6,500 personnel are currently deployed in Africa by the US military and a 2019 list published by Africom mentioned 13 "enduring" American bases across the continent and a further 17 more temporary facilities. But some of these installations, including the purpose-built drone base at Agadez in Niger, have already been shut down, in particular after military juntas seized power in Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso since 2020. And it now looks as if the once-ambitious American operational footprint will be pruned back quite a lot more. Perhaps we will see more air power deployed from offshore to hit militant targets - Gen Langley says there have been 25 strikes in Somalia this year, double the 2024 total - but a much thinner permanent on-the-ground military presence. "Some things that we used to do, we may not do anymore," he recently told a conference in Kenya's capital, Nairobi, that brought together chiefs of defence staff and other senior officers from 37 countries. "Our aim is not to serve as a permanent crutch, but to achieve US security objectives that overlap with our partners. We should be able to help African nations build the self-reliance they need to independently confront terrorism and insurgencies." In the bluntness of his language Gen Langley reflects the stark change of outlook and policy that has come from January's change of power at the White House. "We have set our priorities now - protecting the homeland." What matters to the no-longer-so-new Trump II administration, the general made clear in a Pentagon publication last week, is fighting terrorists - particularly those who might attack the US. Other priorities are countering the spread of Chinese military influence across Africa and protecting freedom of maritime navigation through key trade choke points such as the Strait of Gibraltar and the Mediterranean, the Suez Canal and the Bab el-Mandab Strait at the southern end of the Red Sea. In some respects, the focus on training and capacity building that Gen Langley now expounds is not so very different from the approach of previous American administrations, Republican as well as Democrat. He lauds the National Guard State Partnership Program, through which individual US states have been helping to build the capacity of government security forces across Africa and other parts of the world - for the past three decades. France too is pursuing this approach, with the closure of bases in Chad and Senegal, while those in Ivory Coast and Gabon have been handed over to their governments, with only small French training teams left behind to work alongside African colleagues. However, in other respects, the Trump administration's Africa strategy represents a drastic shrinkage in outlook and - critics might argue - a conscious retreat from addressing the factors that drive instability, conflict and terrorism, particularly in the Sahel, which is among the poorest regions on the planet. For under President Joe Biden the US looked far beyond the military realm alone in its efforts to counter the both the growing reach of jihadist groups and other sources of violence. And Gen Langley, as Africom chief, was an articulate exponent of this much broader thinking. Only last year, in an interview with the Associated Press news agency, he outlined what he described as a "whole of government" response to the proliferation of conflict, stressing the importance of good governance and action to tackle the fragilities of African states and the impacts of desertification, crop failure and environmental change. This approach openly recognised that recruitment by armed groups and the spread of violence is fuelled not only by jihadist ideology, but also by a host of social and economic factors, including the stresses now afflicting farming and pastoralist livelihoods. Gen Langley himself does not seem to have abandoned this analysis, recently noting how Ivory Coast had countered the jihadist threat to its northern border areas by complementing security force deployments with development projects. He could equally have pointed to the success of a similar approach pursued by the president of Niger, Mohamed Bazoum, before he was deposed in the July 2023 coup. But of course, these days Africom must operate within the context of a US foreign policy radically reshaped under Trump. There are even rumours that it could be downgraded to become a subsidiary of the US command in Europe and Gen Langley suggests African governments should tell Washington what they thought of this idea. Already the separate Africa unit at the radically slimmed down National Security Council at the White House is reportedly being wound up and integrated into the Middle East-North Africa section. Its director, Gen Jami Shawley, an Africa specialist appointed to the role only in March, has now been assigned to more general strategic functions. Addressing Congress this week, Gen Langley warned about China's and Russia's African ambitions: Beijing's agility at capitalising on the US's absence and Moscow's ability to seize military opportunities created by chaos and instability. Given these concerns, some might wonder if the general is discreetly signally his doubts about a slimmed down Africa strategy. Meanwhile, under the "efficiency drive" led, until recently, by tech billionaire Elon Musk, the American government's main international development agencies, USAID and the Millennium Challenge Corporation, have been effectively shut down. The spine of the new US economic engagement with Africa is now private sector trade and investment. But business generally needs to operate in a stable and secure context - which Africa's most fragile and violence-prone regions cannot offer. And in winding up the American development agencies, the Trump administration has stepped aside from funding the rural projects and social programmes that sought to address land and water pressures and lack of economic opportunity, the key drivers of conflict - and the jihadist groups' recruitment of frustrated rural young people. For the fragile regions that are the main sources of jihadist violence the US response is reduced to the purely military, and now it is seeking to shift even most of that on to the shoulders of African states that already struggle to respond adequately to a plethora of challenges and responsibilities. Paul Melly is a consulting fellow with the Africa Programme at Chatham House in London. The region with more 'terror deaths' than rest of world combined Freed captive tells BBC of life in West African jihadist base Why Trump is on the warpath in Somalia 'My wife fears sex, I fear death' - impacts of the USAID freeze Trump's tariffs could be death knell for US-Africa trade pact Go to for more news from the African continent. Follow us on Twitter @BBCAfrica, on Facebook at BBC Africa or on Instagram at bbcafrica Focus on Africa This Is Africa
BBC News
14-06-2025
- Politics
- BBC News
How Trump's Africa strategy may become a double-edged sword
With US President Donald Trump on a cost-cutting warpath since starting his second term, aid to Africa has been slashed and now defence spending is in his sights - but could these approaches cost more in the long run?The phrase his administration presses on Europe to assume more of the costs of its own defence is "burden sharing". This is the challenge that Washington is now throwing down to African armies too - and they are far less comfortably resourced to take it having paid dearly in lives and money, in the struggle to hold back the spreading reach of jihadist armed groups across the Sahel, the Lake Chad basin and Somalia over recent years, they could be forgiven for feeling that they already carry much of the burden - and for the sake not just of their own continent but the wider international community which has lost more than 80 soldiers in jihadist attacks since the start of the year, is just one example. "The epicentre of terrorism on the globe" is how the Sahel was described a few days ago by Gen Michael Langley, who as head of US Africa Command (Africom) oversees the American military presence south of the briefings and interviews over the past few weeks, he has graphically outlined the threat that jihadist groups will present if their push southward towards the Gulf of Guinea succeeds."One of the terrorists' new objectives is gaining access to West African coasts. If they secure access to the coastline, they can finance their operations through smuggling, human trafficking and arms trading. This not only puts African nations at risk but also raises the chance of threats reaching US shores."Gen Langley has admitted that the current upsurge in militant attacks is "deeply concerning".Yet he has also repeatedly hammered home a core message: the US is minded to rein back its own sub-Saharan military operations, leaving local armies to take on more of the defence 6,500 personnel are currently deployed in Africa by the US military and a 2019 list published by Africom mentioned 13 "enduring" American bases across the continent and a further 17 more temporary some of these installations, including the purpose-built drone base at Agadez in Niger, have already been shut down, in particular after military juntas seized power in Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso since it now looks as if the once-ambitious American operational footprint will be pruned back quite a lot we will see more air power deployed from offshore to hit militant targets - Gen Langley says there have been 25 strikes in Somalia this year, double the 2024 total - but a much thinner permanent on-the-ground military presence."Some things that we used to do, we may not do anymore," he recently told a conference in Kenya's capital, Nairobi, that brought together chiefs of defence staff and other senior officers from 37 countries."Our aim is not to serve as a permanent crutch, but to achieve US security objectives that overlap with our partners. We should be able to help African nations build the self-reliance they need to independently confront terrorism and insurgencies."In the bluntness of his language Gen Langley reflects the stark change of outlook and policy that has come from January's change of power at the White House."We have set our priorities now - protecting the homeland."What matters to the no-longer-so-new Trump II administration, the general made clear in a Pentagon publication last week, is fighting terrorists - particularly those who might attack the priorities are countering the spread of Chinese military influence across Africa and protecting freedom of maritime navigation through key trade choke points such as the Strait of Gibraltar and the Mediterranean, the Suez Canal and the Bab el-Mandab Strait at the southern end of the Red Sea. In some respects, the focus on training and capacity building that Gen Langley now expounds is not so very different from the approach of previous American administrations, Republican as well as lauds the National Guard State Partnership Program, through which individual US states have been helping to build the capacity of government security forces across Africa and other parts of the world - for the past three too is pursuing this approach, with the closure of bases in Chad and Senegal, while those in Ivory Coast and Gabon have been handed over to their governments, with only small French training teams left behind to work alongside African in other respects, the Trump administration's Africa strategy represents a drastic shrinkage in outlook and - critics might argue - a conscious retreat from addressing the factors that drive instability, conflict and terrorism, particularly in the Sahel, which is among the poorest regions on the under President Joe Biden the US looked far beyond the military realm alone in its efforts to counter the both the growing reach of jihadist groups and other sources of violence. And Gen Langley, as Africom chief, was an articulate exponent of this much broader last year, in an interview with the Associated Press news agency, he outlined what he described as a "whole of government" response to the proliferation of conflict, stressing the importance of good governance and action to tackle the fragilities of African states and the impacts of desertification, crop failure and environmental approach openly recognised that recruitment by armed groups and the spread of violence is fuelled not only by jihadist ideology, but also by a host of social and economic factors, including the stresses now afflicting farming and pastoralist Langley himself does not seem to have abandoned this analysis, recently noting how Ivory Coast had countered the jihadist threat to its northern border areas by complementing security force deployments with development could equally have pointed to the success of a similar approach pursued by the president of Niger, Mohamed Bazoum, before he was deposed in the July 2023 coup. But of course, these days Africom must operate within the context of a US foreign policy radically reshaped under are even rumours that it could be downgraded to become a subsidiary of the US command in Europe and Gen Langley suggests African governments should tell Washington what they thought of this the separate Africa unit at the radically slimmed down National Security Council at the White House is reportedly being wound up and integrated into the Middle East-North Africa director, Gen Jami Shawley, an Africa specialist appointed to the role only in March, has now been assigned to more general strategic Congress this week, Gen Langley warned about China's and Russia's African ambitions: Beijing's agility at capitalising on the US's absence and Moscow's ability to seize military opportunities created by chaos and these concerns, some might wonder if the general is discreetly signally his doubts about a slimmed down Africa under the "efficiency drive" led, until recently, by tech billionaire Elon Musk, the American government's main international development agencies, USAID and the Millennium Challenge Corporation, have been effectively shut spine of the new US economic engagement with Africa is now private sector trade and business generally needs to operate in a stable and secure context - which Africa's most fragile and violence-prone regions cannot in winding up the American development agencies, the Trump administration has stepped aside from funding the rural projects and social programmes that sought to address land and water pressures and lack of economic opportunity, the key drivers of conflict - and the jihadist groups' recruitment of frustrated rural young the fragile regions that are the main sources of jihadist violence the US response is reduced to the purely military, and now it is seeking to shift even most of that on to the shoulders of African states that already struggle to respond adequately to a plethora of challenges and Melly is a consulting fellow with the Africa Programme at Chatham House in London. You may also be interested in: The region with more 'terror deaths' than rest of world combinedFreed captive tells BBC of life in West African jihadist baseWhy Trump is on the warpath in Somalia'My wife fears sex, I fear death' - impacts of the USAID freezeTrump's tariffs could be death knell for US-Africa trade pact Go to for more news from the African us on Twitter @BBCAfrica, on Facebook at BBC Africa or on Instagram at bbcafrica
Morocco World
12-06-2025
- Business
- Morocco World
AFRICOM Chief Rules Out Move to Morocco, Citing Budgetary Reasons
Rabat – General Michael Langley, the head of the US Africa Command (AFRICOM), said this week that the idea of relocating the command's headquarters from Germany to Morocco is not under consideration, primarily due to budgetary reasons. Langley made the remarks in response to a question from Congressman Abe Hamadeh before the US House Military Affairs Committee. 'I know you have a lot of positive things to say about Morocco, and I do as well, as they were the first country to recognize the United States' independence, and it seems like their alliance is increasing with us,' the congressman said. He then asked whether the US command seeks to relocate its headquarters from Germany to Morocco. In response, Langley stressed that the operational benefit of moving to Morocco would not outweigh the financial cost. 'The benefit operationally of us being able to operate from Stuttgard headquarters onto it does not benefit in an amount the cost of moving to headquarters would be a big dent for our budget,' the AFRICOM chief said. He added that it is more advantageous for AFRICOM to consider the overall cost. 'We would not benefit from moving our headquarters onto the African continent,' Langley stated. He concluded his remarks by stressing the importance of Morocco as a 'great partner,' noting that what the North African country does in exporting security is tremendous. In May, Morocco hosted the 21st edition of the African Lion military exercise, the largest in Africa. The event brought together military representatives from the US and several other countries, taking part in military exercises against security threats, including terrorism. US officials have consistently described Morocco as a strategic ally in countering security threats across the region and beyond. In March, Langley emphasized the importance of Morocco as a strategic partner, noting that African armies are viewing Rabat as a model. 'Morocco is a reference in defense and stability,' he said, expressing confidence that the partnership between the two countries will continue to grow and contribute to the continent's stability and security. Throughout the years, the US remained the largest exporter of arms to Morocco with 69% of the global imports, followed by France and Israel. In light of these close military ties, several lobbyists have been campaigning against Morocco, which has been hosting the maneuver for 21 years now. Former republican senator James Inhofe was among the most staunch supporters of Polisario in Washington, continuously maneuvering against Morocco. 'I have pushed [the Pentagon] to look at alternative locations for the annual African Lion military exercise that's been hosted in Morocco previously,' news website Defense News recently quoted Inhofe as saying at a hearing in 2022. 'I'm pleased that [Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin] is in agreement with me on this issue.' Nonetheless, AFRICOM officials have long defended Morocco's hosting of the exercise, acknowledging that it will be difficult to find an African country able to replicate what Morocco has been able to do over the years as the host of the African Lion. Tags: AFRICOMrelations between the US and Morocco
Time of India
11-06-2025
- Business
- Time of India
US shifts Africa security strategy amid global pivot
AP image Africa should take greater ownership of its own security challenges. That was the message recently communicated by General Michael Langley, head of US Africa Command (USAFRICOM). The unit is part of the US Department of Defense and is responsible for all defence operations and security cooperation on the African continent. The announcement comes as the United States rethinks its military strategy in Africa, signalling a significant shift in its approach to security on the continent. This adjustment aligns with a broader strategic pivot under the Trump administration, which is prioritising homeland security and a leaner, more lethal military force, while reducing the US military footprint overseas, including in Africa. But what could it mean for the continent? Africa's global relevance With its growing population and vast natural resources, Africa is strategically important to Europe and the United States. "Africa is a strategic partner with a large and growing youth population — projected to double by 2045 according to the African Economic Outlook," Adib Saani, a foreign policy and security analyst, told DW. "The continent is rich, holding vast mineral resources and strategic reserves like uranium that both Western and Eastern countries heavily rely on." The continent was also home to 11 of the world's 20 fastest-growing economies in 2024. "The US and others engage with Africa not just out of goodwill but because these resources are vital for running industries worldwide," Saani said. "This makes the relationship mutually beneficial — a win-win for Africa and the rest of the world." However, the Trump administration's defence strategy has shifted focus away from protecting the US from threats emanating from abroad, including countering terrorist organisations such as the so-called "Islamic State" (IS) militant group and al-Qaeda, which have expanded their presence and capabilities in Africa. 'Sharing the burden' of US-Africa security operations Previously, US military efforts in Africa combined defence, diplomacy and development. "America has been a close partner in countering violent extremism, especially in Eastern and West Africa," Saani explained. "We have relied heavily on US logistics, training and intelligence sharing to address these threats. In terms of human security, the US has also contributed through USAID and other programs that have helped lift many out of poverty." USAFRICOM head Langley said the military's priorities now focus on homeland protection, encouraging instead "burden sharing" with African partners. He said the goal is to build local military capacity to enable independent operations and reduce reliance on US forces. This shift was evident during the latest African Lion joint military exercise. The annual event is the largest military exercise on the continent and emphasises combined air, land and sea operations with more than 40 participating nations. The latest edition, in May, lacked the US-led efforts usually apparent and instead focused on collaboration and cooperation. What could reduced US involvement mean? Yet foreign policy analyst Adib Saani warned that a diminished US presence could create a power vacuum, emboldening militant networks and undermining years of counterterrorism efforts. "If the US withdraws its support, it would hit us hard. It could embolden terrorists to carry out more lethal and audacious attacks, knowing there is no major power backing our fight. This would also dampen the morale of our soldiers who face these threats daily, and place significant economic pressure on affected countries," he said. USAFRICOM currently deploys roughly 6,500 personnel across Africa and has invested hundreds of millions of dollars in security assistance. Without that, Saani worries that Africa will not be able to be fully independent in terms of security. "It will be difficult in terms of logistics and technology — we are simply not there yet. Security is a shared responsibility and works best when it involves multiple actors. In my opinion, Africa cannot do it alone." Russia, China step in to fill security vacuum African countries will need to look for other allies — both new and old, say experts. China has already launched extensive military training programs for African forces, replicating aspects of the US military model, while Russian mercenaries have established themselves as key security partners in North, West and Central Africa. "China's approach in the past has mainly been economic," Saani explained. The US, he pointed out, has primarily focused on military support, in addition to providing economic help. "The Russians have strong presence with both economic and military involvement. It feels like everyone is competing for attention. The clear message is that there's a need to diversify partnerships. We can't rely solely on the US; we may also need to engage more with the Russians and others. " Can Africa succeed alone? Some voices say the lack of US support could be a wake-up call for African countries, forcing them to consider their own resources and rise to the challenge. African nations must now take the opportunity to review their security resources, Saani said, and collaborate more closely. "Building up our defense industry is also critical. This means developing industrial capacity and enhancing the capabilities of our armed forces," he added. "We also need to tackle corruption to ensure that funds are not getting lost in people's pockets but are instead used to improve people's lives."
